You can't stop thinking

“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom". Malcolm X

A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

About US

AS Foundation Founder, Webmaster, Editor-in-chief and Publisher. Search and meet Libre Penseur, the Man who stands firm on his priniciples. I am working for a pro-peace humanitarian organization with no political agenda. Make your voice heard around the globe. You think it, you write it. Dear SurViVors: Nobody’s going to help you. It’s all up to you. Make it happen for yourself. However, there's a common knowledge to remember : "No man is an island". Will be possible for me to realize my dream and say : *.*The war is over, the hunting trip on Hutus comes to an end, the Evil is taken away, the reign of Terror comes to an end in Rwanda, my beloved homeland. As we stand on the precipice of Paul Kagame war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, call on the Regime change in Rwanda. Will you just sit back and watch Paul Kagame destroying the Human kind or will you stand up with African SurViVors and make your voice heard? Nothing is said about Kagame's arrest. Many are asleep, wrapped up their day to day lives. However, if and if you are awake, it is your responsibility to wake others! Spread the word, Ask for Paul Kagame's removal and indictment, take action.*.*

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the unspeakable.Two orphans, together against the world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder by Kagame & RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragment to crime. “I always think I am a peaceful person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that I would seek justice - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

Inzira ndende

Search

Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite.” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
  1. The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Malcolm X Quotes

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Friday, October 31, 2008


Selon Me Ildephonse Murayi-Habimana

Il paraît que le 1er octobre ait été, au Pays des mille collines, proclamé, FÊTE NATIONALE DES HÉROS !!!Pour ma part, je considère que le 1er octobre de chaque année devrait être proclamé JOUR DE DEUIL NATIONAL. Le calvaire actuel du peuple rwandais a pour point de départ cette date-là. Au demeurant, le législateur rwandais ne s'y est pas du tout trompé. La loi organique n° 8/96 sur l'organisation des poursuites des infractions constitutives du crime de génocide ou de crimes contre l'humanité adoptée par l'Assemblée Nationale de Transition le 9 août 1996, sanctionnée et promulguée par le Président de la République le 30 août 1996 et publiée au Journal Officiel de la République Rwandaise n° 17 du 1er septembre 1996 s'applique au génocide et aux crimes contre l'humanité commis au Rwanda À PARTIR DU 1er octobre 1990. C'EST TOUT DIRE. Le début du génocide et des crimes contre l'humanité n'est certainement pas un jour de fête. C'est (ou ce devrait être) un JOUR DE DEUIL NATIONAL. D'aucuns objecteront, à juste titre, que ce qui a poussé une couche de la population rwandaise exilée du pays depuis des décennies à prendre les armes pour retourner chez elle, C'EST UNE SITUATION D'INJUSTICE FLAGRANTE QUI N'AVAIT QUE TROP DURÉ (plus de 30 ans d'exil forcé). Ils n'ont pas complètement tort.
Il va sans dire qu'il s'agissait d'UNE SITUATION SCANDALEUSE, INIQUE ET INACCEPTABLE. Nul Rwandais n'a le droit de dénier à un autre Rwandais le droit de retourner chez lui, sur la terre de ses ancêtres. C'est pourtant ce que les deux premières Républiques successives ont fait pendant plus de 30 ans. Par ailleurs, les négociations, notamment entre les gouvernements rwandais et ougandais, pour régler pacifiquement la question des réfugiés PIÉTINAIENT. En réalité, le gouvernement rwandais traînait les pieds et faisait preuve d'une mauvaise foi manifeste à tel point qu'une solution pacifique à court terme à la question des réfugiés semblait très hypothétique. Certains réfugiés, appuyés par un des pays voisins du Rwanda ont alors décidé de prendre les armes en vue de régler cette question MILITAIREMENT. C'est ce qui eut lieu. DOMMAGE VRAIMENT.
Ce qui a ainsi eu lieu est sans doute très logique pour toute personne qui croit aux vertus de la lutte armée comme mode de règlement de certains problèmes de société.
Je ne fais pas partie de cette catégorie de personnes-là. A mes yeux, les frappes aériennes contre l'IRAK en 1991 étaient tout aussi condamnables que l'invasion du Koweit par les troupes irakiennes en 1990. L'invasion des troupes rwandaises et ougandaises du Congo de Kabila était tout autant condamnables que l'occupation d'une partie du territoire éthiopien par les troupes érythréennes (et vice versa). La violence des troupes russes en Tchétchénie est tout autant condamnable que les exactions commises par les indépendantistes tchétchènes contre les intérêts russes, etc..., etc..., etc...
La lutte armée est la plus mauvaise solution pour régler les problèmes de ce monde. Les Benjamin Franklin, Victor Hugo et les autres avaient certainement raison, quand ils disaient:
1) "UNE BONNE GUERRE, UNE MAUVAISE PAIX: CELA N'EXISTE PAS".(Benjamin Franklin)
2) "QU'EST-CE QUE LA GUERRE? C'EST LE SUICIDE DES MASSES."(Victor Hugo)
3) "LA GUERRE! C'EST UNE CHOSE TROP GRAVE POUR LA CONFIER À DES MILITAIRES."(Georges Clemenceau)
4) "Il semble que le héros est d'un seul métier, qui est celui de la guerre, et que le grand homme est de tous les métiers... L'un et l'autre mis ensemble ne pèsent pas un homme de bien." (La Bruyère)
5) "Le vrai démocrate est celui qui par des moyens purement non violents, défend sa liberté, par conséquent celle de son pays et, finalement, celle de l'humanité toute entière" (Gandhi).
Ceux dont le coeur est à la fête à l'occasion du 1er octobre de chaque année, ont leurs propres convictions que je ne partage pas.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Habyarimana Kagame15 Feb 2008, 23:24


Does Rwandan "development record" prevent criminals from being prosecuted. What is the link between administering justice and being jealous for Rwanda's development. Is there development in this Central African nation that relies entirely on foreign aid, with no steady supply of power, no proper functioning infrastructure, and a big proportion of poor and starving peasants. What is wrong with suspected criminals facing justice? How can we determine the innocence of anyone, unless by examining them by laws? Why should Hutus be prosecuted for their participation in genocide and not Tustis when evidence shows that the latter took part in reprisal killings in Rwanda and beyond its borders? As Rwandans we see not even the slightest objection to an all-round justice. Judge Frenado needs to be commended for his firm belief in equity justice as a way of enhancing democracy. If Kagame and his cronies are rules innocent, then they will be set free and can resume their normal lives. Refraining to administer judicial trials against suspected genocidares in the RPF regime is a crime similarly to the laxity of the rest of the world in intervening in the 1994 catastrophe.But the people of Rwanda too have a role to play in exercising justice. Madame Victoire iNGABIRE of the Rwandan Rally for Democracy quoted in her independence speech that foreign powers might never take the initiative to arrest RPF genocide suspect, in that case, the Rwandan people have to do so.The only way to do so is to fight this ugly blood-thirst regime. Rwandans cannot be ruled by killers and therefore, an armed struggle has approval. The revolutionary war will have the responsibility of bringing Kagame and his cronies under justice. And ending the cycle of impunity in central Africa once for all.
Habyarimana Kagame15 Feb 2008, 23:24


Does Rwandan "development record" prevent criminals from being prosecuted. What is the link between administering justice and being jealous for Rwanda's development. Is there development in this Central African nation that relies entirely on foreign aid, with no steady supply of power, no proper functioning infrastructure, and a big proportion of poor and starving peasants. What is wrong with suspected criminals facing justice? How can we determine the innocence of anyone, unless by examining them by laws? Why should Hutus be prosecuted for their participation in genocide and not Tustis when evidence shows that the latter took part in reprisal killings in Rwanda and beyond its borders? As Rwandans we see not even the slightest objection to an all-round justice. Judge Frenado needs to be commended for his firm belief in equity justice as a way of enhancing democracy. If Kagame and his cronies are rules innocent, then they will be set free and can resume their normal lives. Refraining to administer judicial trials against suspected genocidares in the RPF regime is a crime similarly to the laxity of the rest of the world in intervening in the 1994 catastrophe.But the people of Rwanda too have a role to play in exercising justice. Madame Victoire iNGABIRE of the Rwandan Rally for Democracy quoted in her independence speech that foreign powers might never take the initiative to arrest RPF genocide suspect, in that case, the Rwandan people have to do so.The only way to do so is to fight this ugly blood-thirsty regime. Rwandans cannot be ruled by killers and therefore, an armed struggle has approval. The revolutionary war will have the responsibility of bringing Kagame and his cronies under justice. And ending the cycle of impunity in central Africa once for all.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, October 29, 2008
Kagame Soutenu par le médiocre président que les Etats Unis aient jamais eu. G. Walker Bush en complicité avec Blair, le conseiller du Top Nazi Rwandais. D'où viennent les ordres d'attaquer, de se retirer, de faire la trêve? Qui finance le terrorisme, et le génocide en RDC et au Rwanda? Un crève-la faim Nkunda est-il en mesure d'achter des armes qui coûtent des millions de dollars? Qui est derrière ce plan macabre? Paul Kagameest habillé par la mafia, le fascisme et le nazisme international. Personne n'ignore son passé, un délinquant dont les chiques lui étaient ce que sont les tiques aux vaches. Qui finance ses agressions, ses guerres? Ne faudra-il pas trainer en justice cuex-là mêmes qui financent les criminels Tutsis jouissant de l'impunité même s'il faut violer 50 Congolaises ou Hutues réfugiées en RDC (fillettes et leurs mamans confondus)?
En effet, le nouveau responsable de la Monuc qui venait à peine de prendre ses fonctions trois semaines plus tôt, a été scandalisé par le degré de complicité interne et externe qui alimente et entretient le désastre humanitaire qui sévit en République Démocratique du Congo depuis plus d’une décennie. Le Commandant espagnol a été autant effrayé et qu’indigné, nous a confié notre source, par le degré d’infiltration des institutions de la RDC au plus haut sommet de l’Etat et au sein des FARDC (armée congolaises) par ses voisins et agresseurs de l’Est, rendant ainsi inefficace voir dangereuse la mission de l’ONU dans cette région. Il a été ensuite ahuri par la complexité des intérêts financiers et économiques des différents puissants lobbies qui soutiennent et alimentent la guerre à l’Est du pays, et qui annihilent tout effort de la MONUC à ramener la paix dans cette partie de l’Afrique. Trop de forces centrifuges opérant à partir de Kinshasa et de l’extérieure de la RDC compromettent pour plusieurs années la paix et la sécurité dans la partie Est du pays.

L’acte courageux du commandant espagnol Vicente Diaz de Villegas est un signal fort pour le peuple congolais. Il a secoué le cocotier de la Communauté internationale. Le monde se réveille enfin et commence à se poser des vraies questions sur ce qui se passe réellement dans notre pays, la République Démocratique du Congo. C’est donc le moment où tout le peuple congolais doit se mettre debout pour se prendre en charge.
Bravo aux bataillons des FARDC qui ont jeté leurs armes et refusé de s’embarquer dans l’avion pour aller mourir bêtement dans le piège de Kanambe et de ses frères rwandais dans le front. Les militaires congolais doivent avant toute autre chose se débarrasser traîtres qui foisonnent au sein des Etats-majors des FARDC, en commençant par son «Commandant suprême» («Joseph Kabila») qui est agent des services de renseignement de l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR) et de Paul Kagame qui l’a introduit en RDC dans les bagages de l’AFDL.


Ayant constaté avec certitude que la situation sécuritaire de l’Est de la RDC se dégrade dangereusement et présage pour un avenir très proche d’un nouveau génocide à une échelle très élevée, le nouveau Commandant de la MONUC a constaté en revanche que l’ONU n’avait pris aucune disposition adéquate pour empêcher ces nouveaux massacres à grande échelle. Il estime donc que comme au Rwanda en 1994, la communauté internationale, en l’occurrence l’ONU, avec la complicité des hautes autorités congolaises, ferme déjà les yeux sur une situation hautement dramatique et humainement insupportable qui s’annoncent pour les jours à venir.





Bravo aux officiers congolais au front dans le Kivu, et qui ont alerté leurs compagnons d’armes à Kinshasa et à travers tout le pays, de refuser d’aller au front pour être livré en pâture à l’ennemi comme de la chair à canon. Une manière astucieuse d’éliminer les vaillants fils et filles du pays pour les remplacer progressivement par des infiltrés rwandais au sein du CNDP.


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Les dessous d’un génocide programmé dans l’Est de la RDC


L’Oeil du Patriote l’avait annoncé il y a déjà quelques jours, et le Président de l’APARECO l’a stigmatisé avec force dans le mémorandum qu’il vient d’adresser aux Chefs d’Etats et de Gouvernements africains: le processus d’occupation de l’Est de la République Démocratique du Congo par le Rwanda et l’Ouganda, avec la complicité de «Joseph Kabila» et de Laurent Nkunda interposé, est désormais dans sa phase finale. Alors que nos troupes espèrent en vain, un renforcement de leurs positions, l’imposteur national cherche plutôt à distraire le peuple congolais en tournant ses regards vers des mises en scènes des découvertes des caches d’armes à Kinshasa. Ce qui lui fournit en même temps le prétexte de mobiliser le gros de l’effectif de l’armée à des opérations nocturnes de bouclage pour dénicher d’autres caches d’armes. Déjà plusieurs cris se font entendre parmi la population pour dénoncer des exactions, des abus et des nombreux cas de viols auxquels se livrent les militaires commis à ces opérations.


Et pendant que le tout nouveau Premier Ministre congolais s’offre en spectacle dans un show politique minable avec ses nouveaux ministres du gouvernement dit «de combat», posant (pour les fans?) comme des joueurs d’une équipe au pied de l’avion devant les amener à Goma pour … «encourager les troupes » (sic), sur le terrain des opérations à l’est du pays où se joue le sort de millions d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants, la situation tourne à la catastrophe. Pour une fois, l’opinion internationale, les médias européens en particulier, semble se réveiller devant l’ampleur du cataclysme en perspective. Mais ce n’est pas la
compassion qui est à la base de ce réveil de la conscience collective d’une opinion européenne longtemps indifférente aux crimes les plus abjects qui se commettent chaque jour dans cette partie de la RDC depuis plus d’une décennie. Loin s’en faut ! L’homme qui a créé l’événement et bousculé les consciences en jetant le pavé dans la marre s’appelle Vicente Diaz de Villegas, Commandant espagnol de la MONUC qui vient de prendre le service il y a à peine trois semaines. Officiellement, il a démissionné pour des raisons de convenance personnelle. C’est la version diplomatique consacrée pour ne pas donner la vraie raison .Ainsi, L’oeil du Patriote a obtenu pour vous, de la part d’un diplomate européen à Kinshasa et qui a requis l’anonymat, les véritables raisons cachées qui ont poussé le Général espagnol à jeter l’éponge dès le début de son mandat. Curieux non ? Ces raisons illustrent d’elles-mêmes l’ampleur du complot dont notre pays est victime.







The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
PAUL KAGAME OU L' INCARNATION D'ADOLPHE HITLER

Il est notoire que cette attaque généralisée ou systématique contre la population civile congolaise est facilitée par certains dirigeants occidentaux sans scrupules qui donnent des ordres à Kagame de masscrer tout sur son passage pourvu que le pillage des ressources minières en République Décratique du Congo soit possible.

http://untreaty.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/francais/projet_d'articles/7_3_1954_francais.pdf

PROJET DE CODE DES CRIMES CONTRE LA PAIX
ET LA SECURITE DE L’HUMANITE
1954
Texte adopté par la Commission à sa sixième session, en 1954, et soumis à l’Assemblée générale dans le cadre de son rapport sur les travaux de ladite session. Le rapport, qui contient également des commentaires sur les projets d’articles, est reproduit dans l’Annuaire de la Commission du droit international, 1954, vol. II.

Copyright © Nations Unies

Principe VII
La complicité d’un crime contre la paix, d’un crime de guerre ou d’un crime contre l’humanité, tels qu’ils sont défi nis dans le principe VI, est un crime de droit international.

3. PROJET DE CODE DES CRIMES (1954 ET 1996)
a) Projet de code des crimes contre la paix
et la sécurité de l’humanité (1954)*
Article premier
Les crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l’humanité défi nis dans le présent code sont des crimes de droit international, et les individus qui en sont responsables seront punis.
Article 2
Les actes suivants sont des crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l’humanité :

1) Tout acte d’agression, y compris l’emploi par les autorités d’un Etat de la force armée contre un autre Etat à des fins autres que la légitime défense nationale ou collective ou soit l’exécution d’une décision, soit l’application d’une recommandation d’un organe compétent des Nations
Unies.
2) Toute menace, par les autorités d’un Etat, de recourir à un acte d’agression contre un autre Etat.
3) Le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, de préparer l’emploi de la force armée contre un autre Etat à des fi ns autres que la légitime défense nationale ou collective ou soit l’exécution d’une décision, soit l’application d’une recommandation d’un organe compétent des Nations Unies.

4) Le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, d’organiser ou d’encourager sur son territoire ou sur tout autre territoire l’organisation des bandes armées en vue d’incursions sur le territoire d’un autre Etat, ou d’en tolérer l’organisation sur son propre territoire, ou le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, de tolérer que des bandes armées se servent de son territoire comme base d’opérations ou comme point de départ pour des incursions sur le territoire d’un autre Etat, ainsi que la participation directe ou l’appui donné à l’incursion.

* Texte adopté par la Commission à sa sixième session, en 1954, et soumis à l’Assemblée générale dans le cadre de son rapport sur les travaux de ladite session. Le rapport, qui contient également des commentaires sur les projets d’articles, est reproduit dans l’Annuaire
de la Commission du droit international, 1954, vol. II.

5) Le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, d’entreprendre ou d’encourager des activités visant à fomenter la guerre civile dans un autre Etat,
ou le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, de tolérer des activités organisées visant à fomenter la guerre civile dans un autre Etat.

6) Le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, d’entreprendre ou d’encourager des activités terroristes dans un autre Etat, ou le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, de tolérer des activités organisées calculées en vue de perpétrer des actes terroristes dans un autre Etat.

7) Les actes commis par les autorités d’un Etat en violation des obligations qui incombent à cet Etat en vertu d’un traité destiné à assurer la paix et la sécurité internationales au moyen de restrictions ou de limitations aux armements, à la préparation militaire ou aux fortifi cations, ou d’autres restrictions de même nature.

8) Le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, d’annexer, au moyen d’actes contraires au droit international, un territoire appartenant à un autre Etat.

9) Le fait, pour les autorités d’un Etat, d’intervenir dans les affaires intérieures ou extérieures d’un autre Etat par des mesures de coercition, d’ordre économique ou politique, en vue de forcer sa décision et d’obtenir des avantages de quelque nature que ce soit.

10) Les actes commis par les autorités d’un Etat ou par des particuliers dans l’intention de détruire, en tout ou en partie, un groupe national, ethnique, racial ou religieux, comme tel, y compris :
i) Le meurtre de membres du groupe;

ii) L’atteinte grave à l’intégrité physique ou mentale de membres du groupe;

iii) La soumission intentionnelle du groupe à des conditions d’existence susceptibles d’entraîner sa destruction physique totale ou partielle;

iv) Les mesures visant à entraver les naissances au sein du groupe;

v) Le transfert forcé d’enfants du groupe à un autre groupe.

11) Les actes inhumains, tels que l’assassinat, l’extermination, la réduction en esclavage, la déportation ou les persécutions, commis contre des éléments de la population civile pour des motifs sociaux, politiques, raciaux, religieux ou culturels, par les autorités d’un Etat ou par des particuliers agissant à l’instigation de ces autorités ou avec leur consentement.

12) Les actes commis en violation des lois et coutumes de la guerre.

13) Les actes qui constituent :
i) Le complot en vue de commettre l’un quelconque des Crimes défi nis aux paragraphes précédents du présent article;

ii) L’incitation directe à commettre l’un quelconque des crimes défi nis aux paragraphes précédents du présent article;

iii) La complicité dans l’un quelconque des crimes défi nis aux paragraphes précédents du présent article;

iv) La tentative pour commettre l’un quelconque des crimes défi nis aux paragraphes précédents du présent article.

Article 3

Le fait que l’auteur a agi en qualité de chef d’Etat ou de gouvernement ne l’exonère pas de la responsabilité encourue pour avoir commis l’un des crimes défi nis dans le présent code.
Article 4

Le fait qu’une personne accusée d’un des crimes défi nis dans le présent code a agi sur l’ordre de son gouvernement ou d’un supérieur hiérarchique ne dégage pas sa responsabilité en droit international si elle avait la possibilité, dans les circonstances existantes, de ne pas se conformer à cet ordre.

b) Projet de code des crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l’humanité (1996)*
Première partie. Dispositions générales Article premier

PORTÉE ET APPLICATION DU PRÉSENT CODE

1. Le présent Code s’applique aux crimes contre la paix et la sécurité
de l’humanité énoncés dans la deuxième partie.

2. Les crimes contre la paix et la sécurité de l’humanité sont des
crimes au regard du droit international et sont punissables comme tels, qu’ils soient ou non punissables au regard du droit national.

* Texte adopté par la Commission à sa quarante-huitième session, en 1996, et soumis
à l’Assemblée générale dans le cadre de son rapport sur ladite session. Le rapport, qui contient également des commentaires sur les projets d’articles, est reproduit dans l’Annuaire de la Commission du droit international, 1996, vol. II (deuxième partie).

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, October 25, 2008
Tony Blair, The Rwanda Nazism adviser
  1. He actually wear the Rwanda nazism medals granted by his best friend Paul Kagame, the heavyweight criminal the world has ever hosted. He is alleged to have funded neo- Nazi activities in Rwanda by supporting and advising the African Hitler.

  1. 9 years in power
  2. 71,617 deaths

  3. Iraq war (2003-)

  4. 115 UK troop deaths 30,000 Iraqi troop deaths (estimate by Gen Tommy Franks in Oct 2003) 39,460-43,927 civilian deaths (Iraq Body Count)
    Afghanistan (2001-)

  5. 16 UK troop deaths (as of 1 August 2006)

  6. 1,300-8,000 direct civilian deaths (Guardian estimate). Unknown Taliban deaths

  7. Sierra Leone (2000-2002)

  8. 1 UK troop death 25 foreign troop deaths (at least)
    Nato bombing of Serbia (1999)

  9. No UK troop deaths. Unknown Serbian troop deaths 500-1,500 civilian deaths (according to Human Rights Watch/Nato estimates)

  10. Operation Desert Fox (1998)

  11. 200-300 Iraqi deaths (based on UN estimate)

  12. John Major22,316 deaths7 years in power Gulf war (1991)

  13. 16 UK troop deaths 20,000-22,000 Iraqi troop deaths 2,300 civilian deaths (according to the Iraqi government)

  14. The figures do not take into account the estimated 350,000 Iraqis who died as a result of sanctions between 1991 and 2003 - under John Major and Tony Blair.

  15. Blair's body count is probably underestimated here because there are no figures for Taliban and Serbian military deaths.

  16. Estimates for Iraqi deaths range between 30,000 and 300,000. The official Bush estimate is 30,000 deaths. Iraq Body Count estimates between 39,460 and 43,927, although it admits this is far below the real total, as the database counts only reported deaths. A Lancet report in 2004 estimated 100,000 deaths, although one of the authors says the total could be 300,000.

  17. 458,000 Hutus killed in Biumba, Rwanda by RPF rebels backed by the British goverment

  18. 21,000 Hutus mass-slaughtered including children and women in Kibeho camp, the second biggest camp after Auschuitz

  19. 1,750,000 Hutu refugees mass-assasinated in the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 1996-1997 RPF invasion.





The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
General Dallaire helped the mega massacres in Rwanda by covering RPF crimes and for what has happened during the 1993-1994 assassnations and massacres.

General Dallaire has blood on his hands, told him Jean-Christophe in the Hague, Netherlands


UNAMIR military force commander, Canadian General Romeo Dallaire is believed to have much blood on his hands after he covered up RPF crimes in Rwanda

The murder of two African presidents
The idea that the Rwandan government planned the genocide of the minority Tutsi population in 1994 rests primarily on the statements of the enemies of that government who need the idea of a genocide in order to justify the final act of aggression against Rwanda by the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) so-called and its allies. That final act of aggression was the RPF offensive launched the night of April 6, 1994 with the massacre of everyone on board the jet aircraft of President Habyarimana, the Hutu president of Rwanda and President Ntaryamira, the Hutu president of Burundi.
The two presidents were returning from a meeting called by President Museveni of Uganda to discuss the implementation of the Arusha Accords, the peace agreement between the Rwandan government and the RPF-Ugandan forces which had invaded the country in 1990. Also on board the plane was the Rwandan Army Chief of Staff, other dignitaries and a French military crew. The plane was shot down by anti-aircraft missiles as it approached Kigali airport. It is now established that the plane was shot down by the RPF with the cooperation and assistance of western powers including the United States of America, Britain, Belgium and Canada. President Ntaryamira was the second Hutu president murdered by Tutsis. President Ndadaye of Burundi was murdered by Tutsi officers of the Burundi Army in October of 1993.
British and US interests
The attack on the plane was the culmination of a long-planned war by the RPF and its allies. The war began in 1990 when Ugandan soldiers of Tutsi origin invaded Rwanda under the name of the RPF. This act of aggression by Uganda was supported by both Britain and the USA. Those countries provided the encouragement and the financial, material, logistical, advisory and training support necessary, flowing it all through the Ugandan Army to the RPF. The American and British instigated and controlled the war as a means of advancing their grand strategy of invading Zaire to seize control of the vast resources of the Congo basin.
The first attack was repelled and the RPF then adopted terrorism and guerilla operations to undermine Rwanda. Several other major attacks took place in the following three years. At the same time, the western allies of the RPF pressured the Rwandan government to come to terms with the RPF and in 1993 at Arusha, Tanzania, a series of negotiations resulted in the signing of the Arusha Accords. The Rwandan government was forced to make several major concessions to the RPF even though it could only claim, at best, to represent 15% of the Rwandan population. The Accords called for the establishment of a transition government sharing power with the RPF, leading to elections of a final government. However, it was known by everyone that the RPF could never win such elections and could only win power by force of arms and treachery.
Enter Dallaire
The Accords also called for the presence in Rwanda of a neutral UN force to help keep the peace during the process. That force, known as UNAMIR, was headed by Jacques Roger Booh-Booh and, under him, the military force commander, Canadian General Romeo Dallaire.
As UN documents show, Dallaire was aware, at least from December 1993, and probably before, that the RPF, with the support of the Ugandan Army, was daily violating the Accords by sending into Rwanda men, materiel, and light and heavy weapons in preparation for a final offensive. Dallaire kept this information from his boss Booh-Booh and the Secretary General, Boutros-Ghali. The RPF was assisted in these violations of the Accords by the Belgian contingent of UNAMIR and the Canadian officers involved who turned a blind eye to the RPF and Ugandan Army smuggling into Rwanda men and materiel and even assisted them in doing so all the while protesting that the Hutu regime was hiding weapons, a charge which has never been proved.
In conjunction with the military build-up by the RPF and its allies, including the infiltration into Kigali, the capital city, of up to 10,000 RPF soldiers, western journalists and western intelligence services masquerading as “human rights” organizations began a concerted propaganda campaign against the Government and through it the Hutu people, accusing it of various human rights abuses, none of which were substantiated. The RPF engaged in assassinations of officials, politicians and civilians, and attempted to cast the blame on the government. Dallaire assisted in this campaign by suppressing facts concerning these crimes and openly siding with the RPF propaganda statements.
A country pushed to the brink
These actions, combined with the stresses of the war on the economy and the social fabric of the country, mass unemployment, a large internal refugee population fleeing RPF attacks, and the breakdown of the government’s ability to function caused by the collapse of revenue from coffee and tea exports, resulted in a tinderbox. Only a spark was needed for the country to explode. That spark was the murder of the much-loved President and the country-wide offensive launched by the RPF and its allies the night of April 6, 1994.
From the very start of their offensive, the RPF began a propaganda campaign claiming that they were motivated by the need to stop a “genocide”. This entirely false claim was never questioned by the western press, always eager to support their governments, even in the face of the fact that the Rwandan government several times asked the RPF for cease-fires so that civilian attacks on civilians could be stopped, and the fact that Rwanda, then a member of the Security Council, demanded that 5,000 more UN troops be sent to assist in controlling the situation a request refused at the instigation of the US.
They stepped up this campaign as the war progressed. On April 13, 1994 the RPF demanded the trial of the Rwandan government and army for “genocide” before an international tribunal, echoing the threat made to President Habyarimana by Herman Cohen
[2] on behalf of the US in the fall of 1993 that unless Habyarimana ceded all power to the RPF his body would be dragged through the streets of Kigali and his government tried by an international tribunal. This demand at one and the same time:
criminalized the Rwandan government,
justified the RPF and American refusal to negotiate terms with “criminals”,
prevented the government from obtaining support and assistance from its major western ally, France,
destroyed any support it had in the international community and public opinion, and finally,
justified the brutal RPF military dictatorship over the people of Rwanda and the refusal to allow Hutus any power in Rwanda.
The RPF and its allies succeeded in all these objectives and continue their propaganda campaign today with continuous show trials both in Rwanda, through the Gacaca “trial” system and through the show trials of Hutus taking place at the American and British controlled Rwanda War Crimes Tribunal in Arusha, Tanzania.
Two major problems with RPF claims of genocide
However, there are two major problems with the RPF claims. Firstly, there is a surprising lack of evidence of a genocide of Tutsis. In fact, the only independent study of those killed in Rwanda in 1994, being conducted by a team of researchers at the University of Maryland indicates that there were approximately 250,000 people killed, not the 800,000 plus advanced by the RPF and that for every Tutsi killed two Hutus were killed and those mainly by the RPF. This is confirmed in the recently released book, Rwanda, Histoire Secrete (2005, Edition du Panama) written by a former RPF officer named Abdul who states that the RPF shot down the plane [for further sources on this key issue see
APPENDIX below] and that there was a genocide not of Tutsis by Hutus but of Hutus by the RPF.
Secondly, there is a stunning lack of documentary evidence of a government plan to commit genocide. There are no orders, minutes of meetings, notes, cables, faxes, radio intercepts or any other type of documentation that such a plan ever existed. In fact, the documentary evidence establishes just the opposite.
The "genocide" fax
This lack of documentation is the Achilles Heel of the RPF-western claims of genocide. Something was needed to fill this void. That something is the so-called “genocide” fax supposedly sent to New York UN HQ on the night of January 10th-11th 1994 and which first made its appearance in public on November 28th, 1995 when it was placed in the UN files in New York and contemporaneously leaked to a journalist in Belgium and the London Observer.
This fax is the single document upon which the claims of a planned genocide rest. It was supposedly sent by General Dallaire to General Baril, another Canadian general at the Dept of Peace Keeping Operations in New York. It sets out the claims of a UN informant named Jean Pierre Turatsinze that the ruling government party planned to exterminate Tutsis, was training civilians for that purpose and that there was a plan to kill Belgian soldiers to provoke the withdrawal of UN forces. This fax has been trumpeted by the ICTR prosecution as the key to the plan to commit genocide. However, all the evidence presented at the Tribunal and elsewhere establishes that, in fact, the fax is a fabrication.
On November 5th, 1995 the RPF organized a conference in Kigali to amplify support for their claims of genocide and for the trial and punishment of those responsible. This conference failed to provide any documentary evidence of such a claim. At the same time a UNAMIR commission was created by its new head, Mr. S Khan and which included several UN officers who went through all the UNAMIR cables, faxes and reports to determine whether there had been any prior indication of such a plan. Not one document was found, especially the “genocide” fax. That report is dated November 20th , 1995.
Fax on the fast track
Then, mysteriously, a few days after the release of the UN report, on November 28th, 1995 a fax machine at the UN offices in New York received a fax of a copy of a code cable dated January 11th 1994 sent by Dallaire to General Baril. The problem is that the person who sent the fax to New York that day was a Colonel R. M. Connaughton of the British Army, based at Camberly, Surrey, England, the home of the British Military Academy, Sandhurst as well as several other British Army establishments. His name and fax number appear at the top of the document. There was no cover letter explaining who sent it, why it was sent, nor is there anything indicating why this document was accepted by the UN in New York and placed in the DPKO files.
This document has typed on its face, “This cable was not found in DPKO files. The present copy was placed in the files on November 28th, 1995.” It is signed by Lamin J. Sise, a UN official. The document contains other handwritten notes made on it after its receipt that day.
However, the copy of this document presented by the Prosecutor at the ICTR for the last ten years has had the name and fax number of the sender, Sise’s note and other notes removed. It is this doctored version of the cable that the Prosecutor tried to present as an exhibit in the Military II in October, 2005, through a prosecution witness, Lt. Col. Claeys, an officer of the Belgian Army and one of the men who claims to have drafted and sent the original cable. But the prosecution suffered a major setback and embarrassment when defence counsel objected to the attempt to make this doctored version an exhibit and entered into the record the copy of the fax contained in the DPKO files bearing the name of the British Army source.
Conflicting testimony
Both General Dallaire and Lt. Col. Claeys have testified that the contents of the fax as set out in the fax presented by the prosecution are identical to the contents of the fax or cable sent the night of January 10th-11th, though interestingly Dallaire states that Claeys was not involved in drafting the fax, whereas Claeys insists he was. It is clear that Dallaire testified to the contrary when he was faced on cross-examination in the Military I trial with statements made by Claeys in 1995 to Belgian investigators and in 1997 to the Belgian Senate, that the fax sent that night dealt only with weapons caches and seeking protection for the informant and contained nothing about killing Tutsis or killing Belgian soldiers. In order to eliminate this embarrassing fact, Dallaire simply erased Claeys from the picture.
It is clear from the the fax itself and the surrounding circumstances, that there was a fax sent that night but it was not the one now presented to the ICTR and the world as the one sent by Dallaire.
The informant was presented to Dallaire by Faustin Twagiramungu , a Rwandan opposition candidate for Prime Minister and an opponent of the Rwandan government and a sympathizer of the RPF. He has since stated that he told Dallaire and his staff that the informant claimed to have information only about weapons caches and he was surprised to hear years later that the informant had information about the killing of Tutsis and Belgians.
General Dallaire does not mention such a fax before November 1995. There is no mention of plans to kill Tutsis or Belgians contained in notes of meetings between the informant and Claeys which followed the first meeting with the informant described in the fax. Again, the principal subject mentioned in those meetings is weapons caches. Neither Dallaire nor any of the Belgian commanders acted as if they had received any such information. There was no action taken by them to put their men on alert or to take precautions. There was no response from New York to such a fax. There exist only responses to a fax concerning weapons caches, but this original fax is nowhere to be found.
It is clear that Dallaire sent a fax that night and that it concerned only weapons caches and seeking advice from New York regarding the protection of the informant. In fact, the subject heading of the “genocide” fax is not “genocide” or “killing” but an innocuous “Request For Protection of Informant”. The present fax was fabricated using the original fax which dealt with weapons caches only by cutting out some of the paragraphs of that fax and pasting in new paragraphs about killing Tutsis and Belgians. This is supported by the fact that the paragraphs are numbered 1 through 13 but there is no paragraph 12. Further the only reply to a fax sent that night from Kigali refers to a paragraph 7 as the action paragraph. But in the fax as presented by the prosecution the action paragraph is paragraph 9, the paragraph seeking advice on protection of the informant. Also Paragraph 11 states that Dallaire will meet with Faustin Twagiramungu to brief him on events but as we know that man states that he was never told of such information coming from the informant. Lastly, paragraph 2 states that the killing of Belgians would “guarantee Belgian withdrawal from Rwanda” something that could only be known after the fact.
Nobody told Booh-Booh
One last curious fact is that Dallaire states he bypassed protocol by sending the fax without the signature of his boss, Booh-Booh or his seeing it. He states that this is the only occasion when this happened. This only makes sense if, in fact, he did not violate protocol as he never sent this fax in the first place. His version is a way of getting around the fact that Booh-Booh never saw what is now called the “genocide” fax. Booh-Booh testified at the Rwanda War Crimes Tribunal the week of November 21, 2005 that he never saw the fax Dallaire says he sent and that further that General Dallaire never mentioned to him in their meeting of January 12, 1994 that the informant mentioned the killing of Belgians or Tutsis. Booh-Booh also testified that when he and Dallaire met with several western ambassadors, including the Belgian ambassador, Dallaire never mentioned the killing of Belgians or Tutsis to them either nor in their meeting with President Habyarimana. In those meetings Dallaire spoke only about allegations of weapons caches.
New colonialism masquerading as “international justice”
All these circumstances can lead to one conclusion only; that the fax is a fabrication after the fact and that a fraud is being committed on the people of Rwanda and the world and the judges of the Rwanda war crimes tribunal. This fabricated fax is being used to try to condemn the accused on trial before the ICTR and to support the now discredited idea that a genocide was planned by the former Rwandan government against the Tutsi population of that tragic country. However it is becoming increasingly clear that General Dallaire worked with the RPF throughout the period of his mandate in Rwanda in violation of the UN mandate. Booh-Booh states that he provided military intelligence to the RPF as well as covering up their preparation for their final offensive and through his false testimony at the Rwanda War Crimes Tribunal and his book continues to act on behalf of powerful interests in his own government and that of the United States and Britain.
The fabrication of the “genocide” fax is one more nail in the coffin of the Rwanda war crimes tribunal, ready to be buried under the weight of accusations of selective prosecution, political bias, unfair procedures, trial by hearsay, perjured testimony and the cover-up of the murder of two African heads of state and all in the name of a new colonialism masquerading as “international justice”.

Appendix
1) In his book, Abdul Ruzibiza states that he was one of the men involved in the shootdown as part of the shootdown team. He was an officer in the RPF. He is dues to testify at the ICTR in the coming weeks if his security can be assured. He is presently in hiding in Norway.
2) The Hourigan Report This report (a copy of which is in the author's possesion) was written by an Australian lawyer acting as the head of the investigative team at the ICTR assigned by then prosecutor Louise Arbour to determine who shot down the plane. She was acting under the theory that "extremist" Hutus in the Rwandan government shot down the plane. Hourigan and his team were successful in finding three members of the shootdown team who stated they were RPF and that they were assisted by a foreign power (unnamed) and that they had the documents to prove it. They asked for protection. When Arbour was presented with these facts she ordered the investigation closed. The author was informed by a former FBI agent who worked at the ICTR that she did so on the instructions of the US ambassador in Rwanda. (Which would make her guilty of being an accessory to a war crime as the murder of a head of state in a war is a war crime and it is evident that the murder of the president and army chief of staff was the first action of the RPF offensive.) This report was first published in the National Post in Canada by a reporter named Stephen Edwards in 2001.
The UN at first denied this report existed. But several defence counsel demanded its production so it was then "found" and sent under seal to the judges at the ICTR. They then released it to several defence teams.
Hourigan wrote this report to the oversight office for some reason and is a summary of the complete file. Several requests have been made to have the complete investigative file released, without success. Hourigan is now said to be working as a lawyer in Atlanta, Georgia.
3. Jean Piere Mugabe the former head of RPF intelligence who also fled the regime also stated in 2001 that Kagame and the RPF shot down the plane.
4. French investigative judge Brugiere investigating the shootdown on behalf of the families of the French crew leaked (or someone in his office did) a copy of the report to a French journalist with the English name Steven Smith last year who published its findings in Le Monde that it was the RPF who shot it down with the assistance of others.
5. Former Secratery General Boutros-Boutros Ghali stated this year that he had met Brugiere at a conference and was told by the French judge that the CIA was "heavily implicated" in the shootdown.
6. The RPF was the only force in Rwanda which had anti-aircraft missiles to the knowledge of the Force Commander Dallaire. Dallaire arranged for the closure of the western approach to the runway at the request of the RPF. This made it easier for the RPF and others to track the plane as it came in from the east. The Belgian contingent of the UN force was in control of the airport area and the area from which the missiles were fired. A Belgian unit (later killed at Camp Kigali) were the only people caught by the army coming out of the firing area after the shootdown when the army threw up a cordon to try to catch the culprits.
7. Wayne Madsen a former US intel officer who wrote, CIA Covert Operations in the Great Lakes Area, 1990-93, states that (and testified to this before the US Congress in 2001 when hearings were held by Cynthia McKinney into the Rwanda and Congo wars) that the CIA, using a Swiss front company used that company to rent a hangar at the Kigali airport in which they assembled the missiles. He also states that the US hoped to kill at the same time Mobutu of Zaire and Daniel Arap Moi of Kenya all in in one fell swoop (they were supposed to attend the same meeting and be on the same flight) in order to seize control of all central and east Africa. At that time the US 6th fleet was cruising off Mombasa and there were 600 US Rangers on stand-by to assist the RPF in Burundi.
8. Charles Onana a well-know journalist writing on this subject wrote about his investigations and that it was the RPF, as did Canadian author Robin Philpot in his book It Didn't Happen That Way In Kigali (loose translation of the French title).
7. Honore Ngambo, Mobutu's former chief of security published a book earlier this year in France in which he recounts the last meeting between Mobut and the Hutu president two days before he was killed in which the President stated that he was told by Herman Cohen he was basically a dead man and that he heard from his agents in the RPF camp that they were going to shootdown the plane. He confronted Dallaire with this and that he knew Dallaire was involved and Dallaire just replied "No one will believe you".
8. The author possesses a radio intercept of a message sent by Kagame to his forces in the field the night of the shootdown stating that the "Target is hit" and encouraging his forces to take to the field and that they would be in Kigali and were receiving support from their friends in the south, that is from Burundi—US and Burundian forces the latter of which actually invaded Rwanda in May to link up with the RPF coming form the north. Other radio messages were intercepted referring to the fact the RPF had the assistance of the Belgians in the UN forces who were fighting alongside them. The Belgians deny this of course.



The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, October 21, 2008


Yhteiskunta Maaria Ylänkö

Uusi sota kytee Kongossa
Ruandan kansanmurhan haavoja revitään auki Kongon ja Ruandan rajaseuduilla. Ruandaa hallitsevat nyt tutsit, ja hutujen ja tutsien välit kiristyvät Itä-Kongossa. Kongon hallitus syyttää ruandalaisjoukkoja hyökkäyksistä rajan yli, paikallinen tutsikapinallisjohtaja laajentaa valtaansa ja humanitaarinen katastrofi uhkaa.
[ 21.10.2008 ]
Kongon ulkoministeriön tiedottajan Claude Kamangan mukaan kapinallisjohtaja Laurent Nkundan joukot ovat vallanneet lokakuun 8. päivä Kongon hallituksen sotilastukikohdan, joka sijaitsee 45 km Pohjois-Kivun pääkaupungista Gomasta. YK:n Kongon operaation johtaja Alan Doss raportoi lokakuun alussa tilanteen Kongon itäosissa kiristyeen hälyttävästi. Myös Kongon ylimmät katoliset piispat ovat vedonneet kansainväliseen yhteisöön humanitaarisen katastrofin pysäyttämiseksi.

Laurent Nkunda, oikealta nimeltään Nkundabatware, ilmoittaa suojelevansa Itä-Kongon tutsiväestöä ”kansanmurhamieliseltä” paikallisväestöltä. Kansanmurhalla Nkunda viittaa Ruandan vuoden 1994 kansanmurhaan, jossa 800 0000 ihmistä sai surmansa. Kongon hallitus väittää ulkoministeri Mbusa Nyamwisin suulla Ruandan presidentti Paul Kagamen tukevan Nkundan joukkoja. Kagamella puolestaan on hyvät suhteet Washingtoniin.

Ruandalaisiksi väitetyt hyökkäykset viime elokuun lopulta alkaen ovat ajaneet kymmeniä tuhansia ihmisiä kodeistaan. Koko Itä-Kongossa on YK:n arvioiden mukaan tällä hetkellä jo 150 000 koditonta. Alueella on elinarvikerkriisi ja sitä uhkaa nälänhätä.

Viime viikolla Kongon hallitus esitti YK:lle lähes neljäkymmentä valokuvaa, jotka tukevat hallituksen mukaan väitettä, että hyökkääjät koostuvat myös Ruandan hallituksen joukosta. Kongon YK-lähettiläs Atoki Ileka on vaatinut YK:n turvallisuusneuvoston kokousta, jotta Ruandaa painostettaisiin luopumaan hyökkäyksestään. YK:lla on Kongossa 17 000 rauhanturvaajaa.

Ruandan ulkoministeri Rosemary Museminali kiistää Ruandan hyökkäyksen. "Mitä intressiä Ruandalla olisi hyökätä Kongoon", Museminali ihmettelee.

Kongo on muun muassa matkapuhelimissa käytettävän tinan suurin tuottaja maailmassa. Kaksi kolmasosaa tinasta tuotetaan Itä-Kongon provinsseista, ja Goma on viennin pääkeskus.

Syyskuussa brittiläisomisteinen Kivu Resources ilmoitti peruuttavansa päätöksensä investoida 28 miljoonaa dollaria Pohjois-Kivun Mpama Bisiyen tinaesiintymään. Syyksi Kivu Resources ilmoittaa Kongon hallituksen armeijan prikaatin, joka on miehittänyt kaivoaluetta joulukuusta 2004 alkaen. ”Me emme voi enää työskennellä siellä, sillä sotilaat uhkailevat meitä ja tuhoavat omaisuutta. Kongon hallitus on luvannut parannusta, mutta mitään ei tapahdu”, Kivu Resources selittää vetäytymistään.

Kongon hallituksen kaivosministeri Martin Kabwelulu on viime helmikuusta alkaen yrittänyt häätää ainakin 2000 villiä eli rekisteröimätöntä kaivosyrittäjää tinaesiintymäalueelta. Jonah Capital -yhtiön pääosin omistama ja Neitsytsaarilla päämajaansa pitävä Kivu Resources aikoo siirtää tinan tuotannon etelämmäs Kongon Katangaan.

Lokakuun alussa Goman tinakaivoksiin ja tinakauppaan erikoistuneet rekisteröityneet liikeyritykset menivät lakkoon vastalauseena jatkuvalle tappamiselle, joka tekee liiketoiminnasta mahdotonta alueella. Käytännössä vetäytyminen on merkinnyt yleislakkoa. Normaali päivittäistalous on pysähtynyt ja alue on suistumassa täyteen anarkiaan.

Itä-Kongon tulenarkaa tilannetta lisäävät myös ugandalaistaustaisen Lords Resistange Armyn hyökkäykset pohjoisempana Iturissa. Koltaaniesiinymien lisäksi myös kulta- ja timanttivaroiltaan rikasta aluetta on vaikea valvoa huonojen kulkuyhteyksien vuoksi, eikä Kongolla ole käytettävissään tutkia ja muuta modernia teknologiaa, hyökkäysten todentamiseksi.


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine


Local residents in Graz, Austria, watch as a ceremonial hall burns at the Jewish cemetery. November, 1938









Dear Jean-Christophe,

Seventy years ago on November 9–10, the Nazis staged vicious attacks—or pogroms—against Jews in Germany in riots that came to be known as Kristallnacht or "Night of Broken Glass."

Local residents in Graz, Austria, watch as a ceremonial hall burns at the Jewish cemetery. November, 1938 70th Anniversary of KristallnachtEncouraged by the Nazis, rioters burned or destroyed 267 synagogues and vandalized or looted 7,500 Jewish businesses. Kristallnacht marked a violent turn in the Nazis' anti-Jewish policy that culminated in the Holocaust. To commemorate the 70th anniversary of Kristallnacht the Museum has compiled resources for your own commemoration or classroom that include an online exhibition, eyewitness testimony, posters, photographs, videos, documents, maps, and more.
Learn more about Kristallnacht and view available resources»

Did You Know?Since January, the Museum has conducted 7,000 archival searches for Holocaust survivors and their families in the International Tracing Service (ITS) collection, which includes records on 17.5 million victims of the Nazis. The Museum led a multiyear, international effort that finally succeeded in opening the German-based ITS in late 2007.Learn more about making a search request»

The Museum's International Tracing Service initiative is made possible in part by a generous donation from the Braman Family Foundation of Miami.Museum Visitor Comments"More than the cruelty of the Nazi regimes, I am appalled and sickened by the inaction of other sovereign nations…. The Holocaust is a crime of evil-doers as much as it is of the men who let this evil happen." "It is not enough to visit a museum and remember what happened. We must recall why it happened, how it happened, and what we can do to stop it."The Museum Near YouHow can you find information about Museum and related programs near you?

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, October 18, 2008

This is my best and only advice: Get into a situation that eliminates your reliance on luck and minimizes the impact of factors that are completely beyondyour control. Do this immediately.

  1. Cheney When He Was A Reasonable Man
  2. The Plans To Invade Iraq Made Years Before Invasion
  3. Bush Family Nazi Connection
  4. George Bush: History's Worst President
  5. The Crimes Of George W. Bush
  6. TRUMP "Bush worst president ever"
The Hard Core Truth : If you become aware of a lie and you do nothing to expose the lie you then become part of and party to the lie.

Just open the link here below:

http://endtimescenario.blogspot.com/


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, October 12, 2008
Terry Pickard

15-Sep-2008 21:31

A book has just been released in Australia. It is called "Combat Medic" and the author Terry Pickard's personal account of one Australian soldier who found himself at the centre of events that shocked the world, and the personal toll that he paid.Terry Pickard a seasoned medic and soldier, was one of a 32 strong force of Australian UN Peacekeepers in Kibeho on the 22nd of April 1995 when more than 4000 Rwandans were massacred and thousands more injured. the horror and unimaginable tragedy of the Kibeho Massacre still looms large in the lives of the Rwandans and the people sent there to help them. Terry Pickard's army career spaned nearly 20 years and more than 15 years after Rwanda he continues to struggle with Post Traumatic Stress. The book is available online at

www.bigskypublishing.com.au.

Combat Medic

An Australian's eyewitness account of the Kibeho Massacre
Terry Pickard
“I was one of 32 Australian soldiers in the area. We were facing more than 2000 RPA soldiers. We were good, but not that good. The numbers were heavily in their favour. I was worried but I wasn’t scared. All I had were questions. How the hell had a medical mercy mission ended in such a horrific tragedy? How had it been allowed to even get to this? Why were we not allowed to fire our weapons, to defend these poor refugees? God, I thought, I hope we live through this day. And if we do, I tell you what, won’t I have a story to tell”
- Terry Pickard
On the 22nd of April 1995 more than 4,000 Rwandans were massacred and thousands more injured in a place called Kibeho. Terry Pickard, a seasoned soldier and medic, was one of a 32-strong force of Australian UN peacekeepers in Kibeho on that terrible Saturday. While the United Nations’ presence prevented the death toll from being even worse than it was, the massacre continues to haunt him.
The rules of engagement that stopped him from intervening in the senseless slaughter and the life and death decisions he was forced to make when dealing with the injured condemned him to more than a decade of recurring nightmares and debilitating flashbacks.
The horror and unimaginable tragedy of the Kibeho Massacre still looms large in the lives of Rwandans and the people sent to help the African country. No one who walked away from that day was ever the same again.
Combat Medic is a personal account of one Australian soldier who found himself at the centre of events that shocked the world, and the personal toll that he paid.
Terry Pickard’s army career spanned nearly 20 years. More than 15 years after Rwanda he continues to struggle with post traumatic stress triggered by his experiences.
In 2005 those who served in Rwanda and the UN peacekeeping mission were informed that their service had been upgraded to “warlike’’. Very few of them had ever doubted it.
Combat Medic will be available October 2008. Pre-order now.
Review(s)
Evenings with Steve AustinTonight the sobering story of an Australian Army medic who witnessed the massacre of 4,000 people in Rwanda in 1995. 32 Aussie soldiers were in Kibeho and were instructed by the United Nations not to intervene when it was clear that civilians were about to be slaughtered. The story of Terry Pickard is compelling and thought provoking.
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Australian Peacekeeper & Peacemaker Veterans' AssociationReview by: Review by Gordon Traill, Iraq Veteran“COMBAT MEDIC” ‘An Australian’s eyewitness account of the Kibeho Massacre’ by Terry PickardCombat Medic by Terry Pickard is an eyewitness account by an Australian Army Medic who was at the “Kibeho Massacre” in Rwanda.“Combat Medic” is a fascinating story and a journey of one man’s life, pre and post Rwanda. Pickard is vivid in his descriptions of what it was like to serve on a UN mission. He is critical of how people have judged Peacekeeping service and the lack of bravery awards handed out to members of UNAMIR at Kibeho.
The powerful and confronting account of Pickard’s time at Kibeho will shock you. It will go some way for the reader to understand, why Pickard has struggled with severe Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) for so many years since his return to Australia. Pickard definitely wears his heart on his sleeve as he deals with his illness.
The story of Kibeho needs to be told and be passed on to future generations of men and women who join the Australian Defence Force. “At last the old myth of Peacekeeping service with the UN being just a bit of a holiday and a good way of earning extra money was put away for good”. “We could only sit and watch in horror”. The scale of genocide that took place at Kibeho is mind numbing. The immense pressure and strictness of the Rules of Engagement (ROE) placed upon the Australians by the UN would have tested any man’s limits. The Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA) tried everything to intimidate the Australians to open fire. Strict adherence of the ROE and personal discipline saved the Australians from being killed. SAS patrol medic Paul Jordan said years later "we are good, but not that good". “There were around 2,000 RPA soldiers, all focused on killing, and only 32 of us”.
Pickard details what would have happened if they were caught taking photos. “The RPA would not allow anyone to take photos, let alone footage”. “George Gittoes, the war artist attached to us, had been threatened with death if he took pictures”. He was “determined to let the world know what was happening in Kibeho”. George’s photos have been seen all over the world in magazines and television stories about Rwanda.
Infantry provided security to the Australian Medical team who worked tirelessly with the “sea of humanity” that was estimated to be around 150,000 people. Pickard talks about his trust in fellow Australian soldiers. "We were treating about six casualties who were placed along a wall for protection when shooting started. I wasn't sure whether I should continue treating them or take up a defensive position. I had a quick look around and saw our infantry blokes on the wire. As soon as I saw our blokes there I instantly knew I had nothing to worry about and was able to continue treating the casualties."
Pickard sums up his time at Kibeho, “April 18-22 1995, was the most testing time of my life both physically and mentally. I believe I did ok. We saved who we could and did our best in the most atrocious conditions”.
The members who served as part of United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR) were awarded the Australian Service Medal (ASM) for ‘non warlike service’. In February 2006, the Government of the day changed the reclassification of service to the Australian Active Service Medal (AASM) for Warlike service.
Terry Pickard, the ADF members who served as part of UNAMIR and George Gittoes are the real heroes of Kibeho. The Anzac legend lives on.







The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, October 11, 2008
Les Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) ont capturé, à la suite des combats de Rumangabo, le mardi, 07 octobre dernier au Nord-Kivu, plusieurs effets militaires appartenant à l’armée rwandaise. Selon le colonel Delphin KAHIMBI, Commandant adjoint de la 8ème Région militaire chargé des opérations, ces effets sont constitués des documents et pièces d’identité, des armes, des billets en Francs rwandais retrouvés sur des cadavres, du matériel militaire de campagne et des équipements individuels de l’armée rwandaise. Devant le Gouverneur de la province du Nord-Kivu et en présence du Coordonnateur National du programme Amani, le colonel KAHIMBI a indiqué que ces éléments retrouvés sur le théâtre opérationnel constituent la preuve irréfutable de l’implication des troupes rwandaises aux côtés des éléments du CNDP. Reconnus par leurs inscriptions en anglais et en Kinyarwanda, ces effets présentent également leur origine rwandaise, les unités au sein desquelles opèrent les troupes et même les ordres de mission des soldats engagés sur le champ de bataille. Au chapitre des documents de preuves, des cartes d’assurance maladie délivrées par le ministère rwandais de la défense, des ordres de mission des éléments du bataillon des forces spéciales rwandaises avec cachet authentique, des registres de feux de l’armée rwandaise, une table de tir mortier 60 millimètres prévue pour l’opération de Rumangabo, des détonateurs électriques destinés à saboter les infrastructures et des carnets de cours des armes lourdes ont été récupérés, après le retrait des éléments de l’armée rwandaise de Rumangabo. Pour ce qui est de l’armement utilisé par les assaillants à Rumangabo, quelques armes R4 et AK 47, des grenades et munitions jamais utilisées par les FARDC ont également été présentées à la presse, ce vendredi à Goma. Quelques matériels de campagne constitués essentiellement des pelles d’infanterie utilisées au Darfour (Sud-Soudan) ont été surpris dans le lot des matériels trouvés sur les soldats morts ou partis de Rumangabo. Au chapitre des équipements individuels, le colonel chargé des opérations à la 8ème Région militaire fraichement revenu du front de Rumangabo a montré à la presse des équipements tels que les porte-roquettes (besaces militaires) portant la marque RDF (Rwanda Deffence Forces), des tenues complètes RDF, des jaquettes, des imperméables griffés Darfour, des képis, ceinturons, gamelles et gourdes militaires. Toutes ces preuves, a dit le colonel KAHIMBI, attestent bel et bien que l’armée congolaise a fait face à l’armée du RWANDA. Il ajoute que des populations confirment avoir vu l’avancée des rangées des colonnes des militaires rwandais armés d’équipements sophistiqués, en appui aux éléments du CNDP de Laurent NKUNDA. Pour le Gouverneur du Nord-Kivu, cette démonstration qui rejoint le point de vue du Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU sur la participation de l’armée rwandaise aux combats dans la province du Nord-Kivu doit être connue par tous les congolais afin que les rumeurs cèdent la place à la vérité.
Arrivée des tentes pour l’érection des centres de regroupement








































































































09-10-2008 premier lot d’une cargaison de 400 tentes destinées à l’érection des Centres de regroupement des combattants lors du désengagement, est arrivé à Goma, ce jeudi 9 octobre.Il s’agit d’un premier lot de 262 tentes qui sera complété par un second lot de 138 tentes. Ces effets proviennent du Pakistan via la République Sud Africaine et l’Ouganda. D’une capacité de 10 mètres sur 5, de couleur vert militaire, ces tentes abriteront les éléments des différents groupes armés signataires de l’Acte d’engagement de Goma. Les centres de regroupement est une étape du processus du désengagement qui consiste à séparer les troupes en contact sur le terrain, avant de les orienter vers les centres de brassage ou de







démobilisation. Yves ZihindulaRutshuru le 05 octobre, 10H00. Une délégation conduite par le professeur Mashako Mamba, accompagné du représentant de l’Union Européenne, monsieur Bernard Sexe, du responsable bureau du HCR au Nord-Kivu, de celui de l’UNICEF, du PAM, et de la FAO se font accompagner par la presse dans une visite d’évaluation des derniers mouvements des populations depuis les derniers affrontements de Nyanzale dans le territoire de Rutshuru.La première visite a conduit la délégation au bureau de l’Administrateur de Territoire, monsieur Dominique Bofondo, lequel a expliqué que son soucis était de voir mettre en place des secours en toute équité dans les camps des déplacés de Rutshuru. Des FDLR, il a dit regretté les dix ans déjà atteints de terreur perpétré par ces milices étrangères dans notre pays. Du CNDP qui écume le territoire en causant les déplacements massifs des populations avec leur corollaire en viols, pillages et embuscades de tout genre. Par contre, il félicite les Mai Mai d’avoir rejoint le Programme AMANI, mais regrette que bon nombre des démobilisés participent malheureusement aux malheurs de la population en se servant des armes distribuées jadis aux enfants autochtones à l’époque du RCD.En parlant des déplacés, il avoue sa difficulté à ne pas pouvoir donner un chiffre plus ou moins exact des déplacés internes qui vivent dans des conditions atroces dans les camps des déplacés à cause du CNDP qui se dit aujourd’hui mouvement de libération totale du Congo.En accusant les rebelles d’avoir prouvé leur méchanceté par la coupure d’eau à la population, il demande à la Communauté internationale et à l’Union Européenne de donner des moyens conséquents aux FARDC pour plus d’efficacité.Il a terminé par révéler ‘’qu’en fait la guerre nous est imposée par le Rwanda à travers le CNDP de Laurent Nkunda.’’En réponse à l’Administrateur, le Représentant de l’Union Européenne, monsieur Bernard Sexe a dit être venu au Congo pour la première fois en octobre 1996 en tant que Chef de la Coopération française, mieux, il est venu déjà à Rutshuru, plus précisément à Ntamugenga, et il sait que la situation est pire actuellement.Cependant, il conseille à la population congolaise de faciliter la tâche à la MONUC afin qu’elle soit en situation d’aider le Congo et les congolais. Il a reconnu que depuis la reprise de la guerre, il se pose un problème de communication entre la population congolaise et la MONUC. Il ne faut pas condamner une structure à cause de la faute de quelques personnes. La MONUC dispose de plusieurs atouts pour alléger les souffrances des populations congolaises, il y a donc intérêt à être avec la MONUC plutôt que de se liguer contre elle. Quoiqu’il en soit, Bernard Sexe pense que nous allons vers la paix, malgré les durs moments que nous vivons actuellement. Cependant, concernant la situation actuelle, il pense qu’il appartient aux FARDC en tant qu’armée du gouvernement, à toujours montrer le bon exemple. Il a par ailleurs insisté sur le fait que le dialogue avec la communauté est nécessaire car la situation est devenue intolérable avec les milliers des déplacés et qu’une aide de l’Union Européenne de 5 millions d’euros est apprêtée pour cette cause pour subvenir aux multiples besoins en ce qui concerne l’alimentation. Il faut des solutionsPour le professeur Mashako Mamba, Coordonnateur de la Sous Commission Humanitaire et Social du Programme AMANI, les différentes délégations parties au processus doivent se réunir pour envisager l’abord des solutions de manière concrète. C’est d’ailleurs dans ce cadre que 4000 policiers non originaires seront déployés dans le cadre du rétablissement de l’Autorité de l’Etat dans les Territoires du Nord et du Sud-Kivu.Les délégués de l’UNICEF, de la FAO et du PAM ont procédé au prélèvement des effectifs dans les camps des déplacés pour intervenir dans leurs différents domaines concernant respectivement la scolarité des enfants déplacés étant donné que ceux-ci sont souvent refusés dans les écoles, l’approvisionnement en alimentation des déplacés et l’encadrement des déplacés en ce qui concerne l’agriculture, car une grave crise alimentaire pourrait se déclarer d’ici à trois mois dans le Nord-Kivu.3.000 nouveaux arrivantsSelon le docteur Léon Kapenga du HCR/Nord-Kivu, 1.443 ménages venant du Bwito pour le camp de Nyongera ont été recensés et sont actuellement cantonnés à Rutshuru. C’est dans ce groupe que deux femmes qui auront parcouru près de 120 km à pieds, auraient accouché en plein parc avant d’arriver à Rutshuru. Fort heureusement, les mamans et leurs bébés se portent bien, a-t-on remarqué.D’après les responsables du camp, ce site regorge de plus de 3000 nouveaux arrivants dans les différents camps installés dans le Territoire de plusieurs coins du Territoire de Rutshuru, où ce sont les femmes qui font le ‘’kikantala’’, c’est-à-dire des travaux rémunérés par des vivres. Pascal Hamici J’ignore où se trouve mon mari 08-10-2008 Plus de 87 ménages arrivés à KibumbaKibumba, lundi 30 septembre 2008. Une localité située à environ trente kilomètres au Nord de la ville de Goma. Ici, vivent plusieurs ménages en déplacement dans un camp de fortune. Suite aux derniers affrontements entre les forces gouvernementales (FARDC) et les troupes du général dissident Laurent Nkunda, un flux de 87 ménages vient d’être observé depuis dimanche soir, en provenance de Rugari. Il fait énormément froid. Françoise Nyirahabinga, 35 ans, mère de cinq enfants, retient difficilement ses larmes en racontant son parcours : « j’ignore oū se trouve mon mari. Que ceux qui font la guerre nous en épargnent, nous en avons assez », continue-t-elle. Nous sommes surpris d’entendre des cris imitant ceux des combattants en guerre, poussés par les enfants. Un signe qui prouve une psychose permanente causée par diverses atrocités vécues.A quelques kilomètres de Kibumba, un autre camp de déplacés : kibati. Ici, le spectacle est plus inhumain. 100 ménages sont arrivés samedi, 04 octobre. Enfants, femmes et hommes se trouvent confondus dans un hangar qui suinte. A l’intérieur, nous identifions trois malades. Parmi eux, sous la fumée des foyers, un enfant visiblement affamé, gémit.Pour le moment, les nouveaux venus doivent attendre l’identification afin d’être pris en charge par les humanitaires et recevoir enfin une éventuelle ration. Arlette Bigirimana/stagiaire Goma en prières pour la paix au Congo… 07-10-2008 Goma, le 07 octobre 2008. La journée a été consacrée à une prière généralisée dans toutes les églises de la place, selon le vœu du gouverneur du Nord-Kivu, Julien Paluku Kahongya. La journée a été décrétée chômée pour supplier le Seigneur de mettre fin à la guerre dans le Nord-Kivu. Mais comme dans la bible avec les sept plaies d’Egypte, Dieu endurci le cœur des méchants. En l’occurrence, il a été affirmé que le CNDP semble s’éloigner chaque jour davantage de la solution de conciliation par le biais du Programme AMANI, mis sur pied à grand frais par le gouvernement de la République et la Communauté internationale.Ce cadre exceptionnel demeure le seul et unique instance de gestion du processus de paix pour aboutir à la sortie de crise en République Démocratique du Congo, comme viennent d’ailleurs de le confirmer les Etats-Unis, au grand dam des ennemis de la paix dans notre pays.Dès 7h00 du matin les fidèles des différentes églises convergent vers leurs lieux habituels de culte à l’exception des témoins de Jéhovah dont « les salles de Royaume » n’ouvriront par leurs portes.Un peu partout, le thème développé repose sur le pardon que Dieu voudrait bien accordé à ceux qui ont apporté la guerre dans le Nord-Kivu en particulier, et à l’Est du pays en général.La communauté chrétienne et musulmane de Goma prend conscience de la gravité de la situation actuelle qui se traduit par une guerre injuste et injustifiée que les ennemis de la paix imposent à notre peuple. L’église Zanner, par exemple, l’émotion est monté à son comble lorsque d’une voix pathétique, le pasteur a demandé pardon au Seigneur pour que la paix revienne dans notre pays.A l’heure de la louange, le peuple de Dieu est littéralement entré en transe pour que le Tout Puissant couvre de sa main ce peuple qui a tant souffert.Aucun message confinant à l’incitation à la haine n’a été entendu dans aucune église, la journée aura été bonne, et il n’y a pas de peuple plus grand que celui qui mesure sa souffrance pour la transcender totalement.Mettre fin à l’horreur, tel est le mot d’ordre que vient de se donner le peuple congolais, en attendant que la famine qui se profile à l’horizon, trouve aussi une solution appropriée. Pascal Hamici LES ETATS UNIS D'AMERIQUE CONDAMNENT ET REJETTENT LES PROPOS DE L. NKUNDA. 07-10-2008 Washington, le 6 octobre 2008. Les États-Unis condamnent et rejettent les propos tenus par le général Laurent Nkunda, chef du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP), selon lesquels le CNDP aurait l'intention de renverser le gouvernement élu et universellement reconnu de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC). Les États-Unis demandent à la communauté internationale de soutenir le gouvernement de la RDC au moment où il cherche à consolider sa démocratie et à affermir sa capacité de gouverner avec justice sur tout son territoire. Les États-Unis s'opposent à tous ceux qui visent à fomenter l'instabilité en RDC.L'accord de Goma et le Communiqué de Nairobi demeurent le seul cadre authentique et viable pour apporter la stabilité à l'est du Congo. Leurs signataires doivent respecter leurs engagements et les appliquer sans tarder. Toutes les parties intéressées doivent également respecter le cessez-le-feu en place et prendre des dispositions rapides en vue de désengager leurs forces conformément au Plan global de désengagement élaboré par la Mission des Nations unies en République démocratique du Congo (Monuc). Les États-Unis applaudissent aux efforts de la Monuc visant à stabiliser l'est du Congo et invitent toutes les parties à lui apporter leur coopération. Le conflit entre le CNDP et les Forces armées de la RDC ne fait que détourner l'attention de la nécessité de régler le problème qui est la cause fondamentale de l'instabilité dans la région, posé par les ex-Forces armées du Rwanda (ex-FAR), les milices Interahamwe et les Forces démocratiques pour la libération du Rwanda (FDLR). Les États-Unis demeurent résolus à soutenir le gouvernement et le peuple de la RDC en vue d'assurer un État congolais fort, démocratique et libéré de tous les groupes armés illégaux. Lors de la réunion du 3 octobre du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU au sujet de la RDC, les États-Unis ont condamné les déclarations de Laurent Nkunda et appelé à la consolidation de la Monuc pour lui permettre de mieux remplir son mandat. Les États-Unis vont continuer à œuvrer de concert avec la RDC et avec les pays des Grands Lacs, tant bilatéralement que dans le cadre du Processus de la Tripartite plus un, en faveur du renforcement de la coopération régionale et de l'instauration de la stabilité et de la prospérité dans la région.Les États-Unis s'emploieront à faire traduire en justice les auteurs des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l'humanité commis dans l'est du Congo et ailleurs.Déclaration de M. Robert Wood, porte-parole adjoint du Département d'État.





































































































































































































































































































































































































































































































The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, October 6, 2008

The charges stem from massacres in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide. President Kagame is accused, but has immunity.

By Tracy Wilkinson, Los Angeles Times Staff WriterFebruary 7, 2008
ROME — A Spanish judge Wednesday indicted 40 Rwandan army officers on charges of mass murder and crimes against humanity in the aftermath of the 1994 Rwanda genocide, asserting a concept of justice championed by his nation known as “universal jurisdiction.”
Judge Fernando Andreu of Spain’s National Court said he also had sufficient evidence to implicate current Rwandan President Paul Kagame in a long string of reprisal massacres after he and his forces seized power, ending the genocide. But Andreu said he could not indict Kagame because as president he has immunity.

Rwandan officials reacted angrily. An army spokesman, Maj. Jill Rutaremara, said the legal case was “nothing but an attempt to tarnish Rwanda’s image,” according to reports by Agence France-Presse from Kigali, the capital.

The indicted men include a Rwandan military attache stationed in Washington and a Rwandan ambassador in Asia, as well as the army chief of staff, according to people familiar with the judicial order.

The doctrine of universal jurisdiction holds that some crimes such as torture and genocide are so heinous that people accused of committing them can be tried anywhere, even in countries where the crimes did not take place.

Spain has the broadest universal jurisdiction law in the world, human rights experts say. With it, the country’s judiciary has attempted to prosecute late Chilean dictator Gen. Augusto Pinochet, Argentine and Guatemalan military officers accused of mass political killings of civilians, and even Osama bin Laden.

And though Madrid wins praise in international-law circles for the effort, the cases have rarely resulted in convictions and have generated some controversy at home among Spanish officials who believe their courts are not equipped to take on such mammoth cases.

Judge Andreu said he had gathered testimony from 22 people, most of them in exile and now in witness-protection programs. One witness had served on Kagame’s elite security team and testified to seeing Kagame machine-gun to death between 30 and 40 civilians “in a matter of seconds” and later order the killing of three bishops.

The 182-page indictment, dated Wednesday and made public in Madrid, contains dozens of horrific accounts, including the dumping of bodies in 173 mass graves and the burning of other victims in national parks and safari game reserves. The witness from Kagame’s security detail was able to compile the names of 104,800 people he said Kagame’s forces killed in the space of one year, according to the indictment.

The genocide in Rwanda began in April 1994, after an airplane carrying the presidents of Burundi and Rwanda, both Hutus, was shot down. An estimated 500,000 people, most of them Tutsis, were slaughtered over a period of 100 days. Tutsi-led rebels commanded by Kagame ended the genocide by defeating radical Hutus in July 1994 but unleashed more atrocities, the Spanish indictment says.

By some counts, 300,000-800,000 people were slain before the violence ended.
The Spanish case is potentially groundbreaking because it is focusing on crimes blamed on Kagame and his forces, something that a United Nations tribunal set up in 1994 to prosecute war crimes in Rwanda has not done.

“This will increase pressure on the” U.N. court, said Alison Des Forges, senior advisor to the Africa division of New York-based Human Rights Watch.
The Spanish case also goes beyond the work of the U.N. court because it includes crimes allegedly committed in refugee camps in neighboring countries where the Tanzania-based international tribunal does not have jurisdiction.
Kagame has previously been accused of plotting the downing of the presidential aircraft, a charge he denied.

The allegations first appeared in French media in 2004.
Two years later, a French judge indicted nine senior Rwandan officials close to Kagame. But arrest warrants for those men have been routinely flouted in Africa, Des Forges said, and the case has languished.

Andreu opened his investigation based on complaints from the families of six Spanish priests and three Spanish doctors slain in Rwanda. In 2005, several African groups petitioned the judge to include Rwandan victims, and, under the universal jurisdiction doctrine, Andreu agreed to expand the indictment.

“This is the kind of thing that can and should happen when you have massive crimes that have essentially gone unpunished,” said Reed Brody, special counsel for Human Rights Watch.


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