You can't stop thinking

“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom". Malcolm X

A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

About US

AS Foundation Founder, Webmaster, Editor-in-chief and Publisher. Search and meet Libre Penseur, the Man who stands firm on his priniciples. I am working for a pro-peace humanitarian organization with no political agenda. Make your voice heard around the globe. You think it, you write it. Dear SurViVors: Nobody’s going to help you. It’s all up to you. Make it happen for yourself. However, there's a common knowledge to remember : "No man is an island". Will be possible for me to realize my dream and say : *.*The war is over, the hunting trip on Hutus comes to an end, the Evil is taken away, the reign of Terror comes to an end in Rwanda, my beloved homeland. As we stand on the precipice of Paul Kagame war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, call on the Regime change in Rwanda. Will you just sit back and watch Paul Kagame destroying the Human kind or will you stand up with African SurViVors and make your voice heard? Nothing is said about Kagame's arrest. Many are asleep, wrapped up their day to day lives. However, if and if you are awake, it is your responsibility to wake others! Spread the word, Ask for Paul Kagame's removal and indictment, take action.*.*

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the unspeakable.Two orphans, together against the world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder by Kagame & RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragment to crime. “I always think I am a peaceful person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that I would seek justice - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

Inzira ndende

Search

Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite.” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
  1. The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Malcolm X Quotes

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Sunday, July 31, 2011



Majority rule and minority rights

 
To better understand majority rule and minority rights we need to observe the definitions of each. First, majority rule is the concept that policies will be determined by what the majority of the people decides. While this majority of the people decide for everyone ( including minorities) there have been laws set forth in the Constitution that protect the basic rights of minorities regardless of race, gender, religious affiliation or sexual preference. Secondly, minority rights are the basic rights attributed to certain minority groups to ensure that they attain equality and have a voice in political decisions even when the majority wins over them. These two are related to each other in that the framers designed the government to restrict or impede the majority from hindering or taking away the rights of the minority.



The role of threat and fear leads President Kagame and RPF to more bloodshed, repressions and police state strengthening.


It is easy to look at Rwanda today and forget the enormous challenges, which consist in Justice of all Rwandans without discrimination, RPF accountability in the 1994 mass murder and the strengthening of Rwandan democratic institutions. Yet there is some uncertainty over whether sincere inter-ethnic healing and reconciliation are in fact emerging, there is no middle ground for having a stable state. Critics actually describe Rwanda as a society, in which there is non-violent co-existence based on necessity rather than genuine peace and unity between Hutu and Tutsi.



The remarkable character of the strategy becomes apparent when one remembers that the paradigm usually favoured by international mediators following conflict is to explicitly balance the interests of ethnic or sectarian groups in the constitutional re-design of the nation. What happened in Rwanda


The economic progress should underpin the rule of law



The purpose of the prohibition, it states, is „…to remove ethnic labelling as the basis for discrimination, denial of service and policy-making...‟ and „…to calm down ethnic passion and to silence ethnic identification and promote a narrative of national identity in order to nurture an environment for inter-communal peace and dialogue…‟


The ability of the regime to control its population


Rwanda comprises only two numerically important ethnic groups and one group, the Hutu majority, is overwhelmingly larger than the other, the Tutsi minority. This minority is concerned for its renewed persecution if a Hutu-majority government were to be democratically empowered.

Internal order is assured in part because the Rwandan state has an effective intelligence service, police force, and military capable of controlling the population and securing the small territory it inhabits.

The implication being that in the absence of this external constraint, grievances - ethnic, regional, or otherwise - may rise to the surface.


From autocracy to democracy in the police state of Rwanda


Does the Rwandan government have legitimate concerns regarding the possible consequences of political liberalization and the protection of the country’s Tutsi minority is rightfully high among these concerns? The answer is No. A

Advocates of greater political freedom and human rights norms - whose energies are often focused on the concerns of politically-weaker government opponents - should not underestimate the risk posed by potentially divisive individuals within Rwandan society.
It is a risk heightened by Rwanda’s highly unusual ethnic demography, one which distinguishes it from most other sub-Saharan states: Rwanda comprises only two numerically important ethnic groups and one group, the Hutu majority, is overwhelmingly larger than the other, the Tutsi minority. This minority is concerned for its renewed persecution if a Hutu-majority government were to be democratically empowered.
Accumulation of the pressure cooker:  Vision 2020, RPF government strategy is built upon the sand of lies.

Mindful of these concerns, the Rwandan government is sensitive to criticism that it wrongly equates the existential survival of the Tutsi minority with the political survival of the regime and its ruling elite.


While political liberalization then may seem perilous to the regime, in the longer-term the alternative may not be better. In the absence of a change in political culture, continued political exclusion may force the steam of ethnic or indeed other „grievances‟ to simply continue to accumulate inside the pressure cooker. This has a dangerous self-reinforcing logic: the government will feel compelled to exert even more control to counter even more pressure.

Post-conflict stability with economic growth, strong leadership without strong institutions



In sum, post-conflict stability premised on economic growth and strong leadership - but without political liberalization in the longer term - may have a finite duration and a possibly dramatic ending.



In the absence of a re-opening of political space, Rwanda faces several possibilities for regime change. The most likely of these today is the risk of a coup from within the ruling party itself.



The optimal strategy for a peaceful transition of power then would be a gradual increase in political space so that Rwanda's formal state institutions and civil and political society are able to emerge as mature and independent counterweights to the ruling party.



The repeat of same or previous errors with the with the exclusion of Hutu majority


It accentuated differences between the Hutu majority and Tutsi minority, reinforcing a sense of racial superiority in the latter and privileging this group with positions of authority and power.


Exception that might speed up the regime change : Hutu and Tutsi opponents united against the autocratic regime.


The press, civil society and opposition parties are deprived of freedom to operate freely. President Kagame and the RPF ruling party that he leads depend on repression to stay in power.‟ These four individuals had held high-level positions in the government: Dr. Théogène Rudasingwa, former Chief of Staff to President Kagame, former Secretary-General of the RPF, and former Ambassador to the United States; Gerald Gahima, former Prosecutor-General and Vice-President of the Supreme Court; Colonel Patrick Karegeya, former head of Rwanda‟s intelligence service; and Lieutenant-General Kayumba Nyamwasa, former Chief of Staff of the Rwandan army and former Ambassador to India.



The direct causes of the regime change: (i) democratization; (ii) the civil war; and (iii) assassination of the Head of State and (IV) the planed power vacuum which Tutsi extremists and RPF exploited to capture the state.


The rise of ethnic inequality, income inequality, humiliation, and social exclusion will undoubtedly lead to the inevitable conflict.


Democratization represented an internal political threat to the ruling elite, and an opportunity for Rwanda’s newly-legitimized political counter-elite to participate in politics. Neo-Malthusian theories underrate the situation in Rwanda focusing on demographic pressure without increasing the population revenues.


On the other hand, primary education careless, educational inequality between Hutu and Tutsis and peasantry are suffering from the chauvinistic RPF regime. Data on jobs is generally poor in Rwanda due to the obvious radicalizing policy of exclusion of the Hutu. Having said this, spatial inequality between town and country is unlikely to place the direct stress on a country that would push it towards ethnic violence: the Tutsi minority living in the town and the Hutu majority living the poor countryside with extreme poverty.

Increasing of anger related to ethnic discrimination and ethnic inequality


In Rwanda the government has outlawed ethnic identification making it difficult to know or even to discuss openly whether Tutsi have been favored over Hutu in the allocation of public sector and para-statal and even private jobs, or in educational places and overseas scholarships.


The over-representation of Tutsi in government jobs and educational placements remains a fact in Rwanda, and persists to a great significant extent that causes protests inside Rwanda.  The inability today to even discuss ethnic distribution does nothing to rebut continuing popular perceptions of ethnic discrimination and ethnic inequality.

Remarkable economic growth due to the illegal exploitation of the DRC mineral resources

Rwanda’s economic progress since the genocide is remarkable, and due in large part to the illegal exploitation of the DRC mineral resources, and the position of strength the RPF that holds vis-à-vis Rwandan society and vis-à-vis its political opponents.


In 2001, a UN investigation into the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) published a report suggesting links between members of the Rwandan military and civilian regime and private entities involved in the export of cassiterite, coltan, gold, and diamonds among other minerals from the DRC.


The distribution of resources between ethnic groups remains a constant source of grievance by the majority Hutu. As mentioned earlier, the exclusion of allegations of war crimes committed by the RPF against the Hutu population from Rwanda’s transitional justice process, gacaca courts, and the brainwashing Ingando publically to promote inter-ethnic reconciliation and national unity within Rwanda plus Umushyikirano, Rwanda‟s annual National Dialogue, like ingando remains the longstanding grievance of the Hutu community.


Lack of rule-based governance



The RPF refuses to adhere to democratic values because of next points: (i) competitive, multi-party politics leads to ethnic polarization; and (ii) democratic elections, given Rwanda’s unusual bi-ethnic demography (85% Hutu, 14% Tutsi and 1% Twa, carry the risk of empowering a Hutu majority government and thus exposing its Tutsi to renewed persecution.


However, it is the independence rather than the effectiveness of Rwanda’s institutions which is cause for concern. The government has drawn on its laws proscribing „genocide ideology‟ and „sectarianism‟ in its management of political and civil society, and it is very sensitive to allegations that it is misusing these powers for personal, party, or ethnic advantage. Widows and orphans belonging to the Hutu ethnic Group are discriminated from all government social-economic programs.


The conclusion is that peace is most likely to endure if and only if Rwanda’s political space is opened up to allow

(i)                 Rwanda‟s formal state institutions to establish greater autonomy from the current RPF regime and

(ii)               Rwandan political and civil society – its political opposition and media in particular – to evolve as mature and independent counterweights to the ruling party.


It is in the regime’s long-term strategic self-interest to encourage such a change in political culture and increase its legitimacy in order to discourage attempts to b ring about regime change.

The Evidence




African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence. 

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, July 30, 2011
 

 

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]


 
The Rwamagana court condemned the priest Emile Nsengiyumva to a prison sentence of one-year and six months sentence of imprisonment on Friday, July 29, 2011, Charges against him:
"Destabilization" of the country.
Father Emile Nsengiyumva
of the Archdiocese of Kigali.
Condemned to one-year and half
imprisonment
Outside Kigali
Capital of Rwanda

The priest Emile Nsengiyumva is falsely accused. He simply denounced the drift of the Rwandan authorities that destroys the homes of the poor without any hosting solution.

The priest, in his homily spoke of lack of charity and injustice against the poor of his parish. That's what the RPF regime of Paul Kagame, described as "destabilizing the country".

The judge Justin Gakwaya sentenced Father Emile Nsengiyumva to one year and half according to the principles of totalitarianism in Rwanda.

La dictature Rwandaise condamne un prêtre injustement.

Le tribunal de Rwamagana a condamné ce vendredi le 29 juillet 2011, l' Abbé Emile Nsengiyumva d'une peine de prison d'un an et six mois.
Les charges retenues contre lui : " Déstabilisation du Pays"

L' abbé Emile Nsengiyumva est accusé fausement. Il a simplement dénoncé la dérive des autorités rwandaises qui détruisent les maisons des pauvres sans aucune solution d'hebergement.

Le prêtre, dans son homélie a parlé de manque de charité et injustice contre les pauvres de sa paroisse. C'est cela que le régime FPR de paul Kagame, qualifie de "déstabilisation du Pays"

Le juge Gakwaya Justin a condamné, l'Abbé Emile Nsengiyumva selon les principes du totalitarisme au Rwanda.


 
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine



 KPFA Weekend News Host: Rwandan, Congolese and American activists rallied in Chicago Saturday to protest the appearance of Rwandan President Paul Kagame at “Rwanda Day,” a Chicago event produced by a multimillionaire commodities trader at Chicago’s Hyatt Regency Hotel. KPFA’s Ann Garrison has more.


 STOP THROWING GRENADES AT YOUR OWN PEOPLE, RNC TELLS PRESIDENT KAGAME

 Paul Kagame, the sadly famous authoritarian and bloody Rwandan dictator and the well-known mastermind of the Rwandan genocide has two options: Either to issue international arrests warrants against his opponents/enemies or to assassinate/poison them. It's happening now, that happened yesterday and it will be so tomorrow, the SSDD according to Stephen King in "Dreamcatcher". Observers recognize that such a behavior-impunity remains the main problem in the international scene where the still president of Rwanda delivers funny speeches based on the business of genocide (after- sales service/service-après-vente) at different organized for him UN symposiums.




Children raped, families starving
 .... it will get worse if Kagame is not stopped
Although it has been strangely ignored in the Western press, one of the most destructive wars in modern history has been going on in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Africa’s third-largest country. During the past eleven years millions of people have died, while armies from as many as nine different African countries fought with Congolese government forces and various rebel groups for control of land and natural resources. Much of the fighting has taken place in regions of northeastern and eastern Congo that are rich in minerals such as gold, diamonds, tin, and coltan, which is used in manufacturing electronics.
Two crying Hutu children searching
for their family after being
separated by violence in Congo
Does Paul Kagame ' s Allies care about this? Guess Not.

`When I first photographed Protegee on Nov. 6 in a crowd of thousands in the town of Kiwanja, she told me only her first name and that she was looking for her mother`.
 Stop the Crazed Rwandan Butcher Kagame
 It was not in the political interests of the Tutsis to kill Habyarimana. They had already got a good deal from the Arusha agreement. Habyarimana was already dead politically (the reader shouldn't´be surprised to find out the main reason of the assassination: the genocide was a must, without which  Kagame´s ambitions and dream couldn´t be realized:
 

  • to lunch a new war against the nation, 
  • to prejudice all Hutus as genocidaires  to ciment the inevitable no power-sharing with Hutus, 
  • and once these are vehemently recognized as genocidaires, to freely run the country ( power-fraudster) despite his well-documented criminal records !). 

Remember their everlasting strategy : Tutsis only planned to kill some Baganda in Luwero and blame it on Obote. Obote in turn killed more Baganda and Tutsis themselves and the result you know it : SSDD (same shit different day).

 Tell President Obama to announce his plan to end Kagame´s cruelties. Clintons should think twice before supporting the mass-murder.
Learn about Kagame atrocities
Evidence of crimes of sexual violence
 committed by soldiers of the Rwandan army.
A culture of impunity in Rwanda is fueling
the epidemic of rape and sexual violence.

 Following Kagame’s consolidation of power in Rwanda, a large invasion force of Rwandan Tutsis arrived in North and South Kivu to pursue Hutu militants and to launch a war against the three-decade-long dictatorship of Congo (then known as Zaire) by Mobutu Sese Seko, whom they claimed was giving refuge to the leaders of the genocide. With Rwandan and Ugandan support, a new regime led by Laurent Kabila was installed in Kinshasa, the Congolese capital. But after Kabila ordered the Rwandan troops to leave in 1998, Kagame responded with a new and even larger invasion of the country.
   Firmly opposed to such views, the three authors reviewed here characterize Kagame’s regime as more closely resembling a minority ethnic autocracy. In a recent interview, Prunier dismissed the recently much-touted reconciliation efforts, calling post-genocide Rwanda “a very well-managed ethnic, social, and economic dictatorship.” True reconciliation, he said, “hinges on cash, social benefits, jobs, property rights, equality in front of the courts, and educational opportunities,” all of which are heavily stacked against the roughly 85 percent of the population that is Hutu, a problem that in Prunier’s view presages more conflict in the future.

  °Rwandans uprising°
The choice is up to us: Either we are part of the story or we stay out of it.
I already made my choice,
WHAT’S YOURS?



In his book, Lemarchand, an emeritus professor at the University of Florida who has done decades of fieldwork in the region, observes that Hutus have been largely excluded from important positions of power in Kagame’s Rwanda, and that the state’s military and security forces are pervasive. “The political decisions with the gravest consequences for the nation…are undertaken by the RPF’s Tutsi leadership, not by the political establishment,” he writes.


Allow Rwandans to speak for themselves and work for themselves, with nobody dictating to them their tasks and their limits, and with no ruling power to steal their resources and their efforts.
***

Drink it out the Cup of Truth 
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]





Dear Madam,

Dear Sir,
I refer to my email message sent to you yesterday informing you about the arrest of my colleagues’ opponents to Kigali regime. They were eight persons including Alex BAKUNZIBAKE, executive secretary in charge of youth and acting president of the party PS IMBERAKURI.

First of all, thank you for efforts that each one of you has made to try to know the government raisons to arrest those fellow countrymen. Your efforts took by surprise the authorities while they were still trying to make their bills of indictment.

As I’ve written to you yesterday, while they were going back home from the visit to the permanent secretary of the party PS IMBERAKURI Sylver MWIZERWA imprisoned in Kimironko, a police agent has asked them to leave their car and come back to the prison courtyard. While inside, they have been told that they are arrested and were conducted into a prison premises.

Around 3:00 p.m, they were handcuffed and transferred to the place named GACINYA. It’s a non officially recognized place by any judicial authority, but, that acts as an office of the criminology in the hands of Division Military Intelligence (DMI). They perceived many others persons imprisoned in different cells. They were put in a local and searched one by one.They remain in group in that local called "gacaca", the famous tribunal, by various persons in charge of police (in civilian clothes) who came to them. called " gacaca ", these famous courts.

They sat on the floor and those various persons in charge of police succeeded alternately in front of them to mean them that they are pursued for achievement on the national peace security, the call of the population to break and to lift up itself against the State and the insults for the prison authorities. If there had been no intervention of some of you, they would always be in these famous cells.

At about 8:00 pm, they were transferred to the Brigade of Remera where the police officers led by the leader of police in Kigali, the Superintendent RUTIKANGA met them and one by one, each was meant in writing these aforesaid complaints. Of course, they all refuted the charges.

As their blow had been known, the leader of police pleaded that by measure of leniency, that he makes the decision to leave them free. It was at about 10:30 pm.

P.S IMBERAKURIBoulevard Léopold II, 227 BRUXELLES
Website : http://www.imberakuri.org
E-mail : psimberakuri@yahoo.fr
Tel: +32.493.97.48.26

***


African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
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ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
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The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, July 24, 2011





General Shalikashvili confirms



 Press Briefing by Lake and Shalikashvili on Rwandan Relief

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary

 
For Immediate Release July 29, 1994
PRESS BRIEFING
BY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR TONY LAKE,
CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF GENERAL JOHN SHALIKASHVILI
AND ACTING SECRETARY OF DEFENSE JOHN DEUTCH

The Briefing Room
11:21 A.M. EDT



MR. LAKE: If I may, we will answer your questions. We thought it would be useful first if General Shalikashvili were to run through with you the actions that the American military have taken since the President ordered them a week ago to take on responsibility for four of the eight packages of effort that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees asked us to assume.

I said a week ago, when we first announced this, that we could not guarantee in this race against time that we would save every life and meet every need in the camps; and we cannot do so. But I did guarantee that we would do everything we can. And I think the President is well-satisfied -- I certainly am -- that our military are, in fact, doing so.

In fact, yesterday, after General Shalikashvili had run through with the leaders of the nongovernmental organizations what we are doing, I said that I thought that there was only one institution in the world that could accomplish this and that is the American military, and they burst into applause. I will not ask you to do the same thing, but I will turn it over now to General Shalikashvili.

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI: What I would like to do, if it's all right with you, is spend just a few moments with you before we turn it over to questions and answers to kind of put in perspective, as I see it, what has happened since the President directed the military to go to the area and try our very best to make a difference.

The first thing I will say is the very obvious that you so well know and that you and your colleagues have reported on so well. It is an enormous tragedy that's ongoing there by any measure. We're using every means available to us -- intelligence, airplanes and other things -- to give us a clear picture where all the refugees really are and what the conditions of those camps are. And I will show you in a minute a slide where we see all of them are -- sort of in a kind of cartoon fashion -- just to highlight that the problem is larger than just Goma. But it is true that by every information that we have been able to gather so far, the conditions in and around Goma are the most severe and the most taxing.

The second thing I will tell you is also obvious, and that is that I understand well the frustrations of the people in and out of uniform in places like Goma and everywhere else. It would be very strange if they did not feel impatient and frustrated with the flow of humanitarian assistance, with the water purification equipment, with the medical teams because the need is really so very vast. And yet, as much as we race against time to enlarge the airfields, the infrastructure that leads up to the airfields, it will continue for quite some time to be a race against time and against those priorities that far exceed our ability to squeeze all of that in through very limited airfields in the area.

That, by the way, is one of the reasons why the President stated that on an urgent basis we're looking at the possibility of opening Kigali as an additional airfield in our fight against this humanitarian disaster. And I'll say a few more words about that.

Then one final thing I want to say, and then I'll get into the charts, and that is, that despite the tension and despite the frustrations, I, for one, will tell you that I have seldom seen a better cooperation between American military forces there, between the nongovernmental agencies, UNHCR, the French who are there in great numbers and others. It is, despite the frustration that you hear expressed on the ground, which are very understandable, overall an extraordinary cooperative effort where a multitude of organizations are pulling together trying to deal with this as rapidly as we possibly can.

Now, having said that, let me run through a couple charts here, not to show you anything new, but hopefully to try to put in perspective for you. I told you that one of the things that we looked at was the issue of trying to get a better handle of where all the refugees are, in what numbers they might be. And while in Goma, as we well know, the number has been variously reported as a million plus, there was something under a million.

It is, in fact, the area where the world's focus seems to be right now; and rightfully so, because the conditions are worse there than anywhere else. But they are, as you can see by these green areas, lots of other places in and around Rwanda where large numbers of refugees are located.

I put Kigali here prominently in the center of Rwanda to point out to you that if it makes sense to open Kigali, then it would be, in fact, a great help to the overall humanitarian effort in Goma because the distance between Kigali and Goma is only something like 60 miles or so. So it isn't a terribly long distance and it would then give us an alternative to more than double the number of flights that could impact -- humanitarian flights that could impact this tragedy here.

So, for purely a humanitarian standpoint, we are looking at the wisdom of opening up Kigali. We hope to have a recommendation to the President very soon on this issue and then proceed.

Let me just review with you very briefly what it is that about a week ago the President directed us to do. He directed us to open up a hub in Uganda, specifically at Entebbe. That has been done. That hub has some 400 American military personnel there now operating 24 hours a day. Extra air crews are there so we do not run into the problems of crew rest so that we can switch crews there. We're flying fuel in there as rapidly as possible so we can refuel airplanes there, because fuel in the region is a tremendous problem and if we don't watch, it could become an impediment to this effort.

He also directed us to expand the airlift operations near these refugee camps specifically the Goma airfield. When we first went there Goma could accept about 10 flights a day. We are up to well over 20 now. We are on a 24-hour operation. We think we can grow that with a little bit more, but there's a very finite limit with the runway that's there, the ramp space that's there. And that's why Kigali airfield is such -- from at least that perspective becomes an attractive alternative.

We are doing the necessary surveys in Bukavu airfield as well to see what we can do there to increase its capacity. Throughout this effort to enlarge our infrastructure, the President also directed us to make sure that we continue the humanitarian effort that is flowing the goods, the food, the medicine, the shelter and so on into the area. And I'll show you again we have been doing that.

But we knew from the very beginning, as you so well reported, that if we're going to get on top of the cholera epidemic and other epidemics that are borne from a lack of sanitation and so on, we really needed to a get a handle on water. And so, we went not only to our resources, military resources. We went to the civilian community where we found great help and very innovative equipment. We went to our German colleagues and they have been very forthcoming in this kind of equipment as well. And I'll show you a little bit the direction that we're going.

And, finally, the President asked us to take the necessary steps to establish the conditions that would enable the refugees to return home. So these are the things that we've been tasked to do. Let me tell you briefly how we envision doing that and what you are reporting on now hopefully fits all into those two phases.

The first phase, clearly the most urgent, is to stop the dying and the misery in those camps in and around Goma. And to do so, however, we have to establish not only a command and control structure that could direct this effort, establish and widen as rapidly as we can the transportation system that delivers the goods, that delivers the food, that delivers the medication, the sanitation teams and whatnot. And, finally, you have to concentrate on the very basic needs, which are, first and foremost, water. But there are others, of course, as well.
And then, as rapidly as we can shift to phase two without interfering with the operation that's ongoing in phase one. And phase two must be some way, some way, to help those refugees to return home because it is obvious to all, I think now, that the conditions in those camps in Goma is such that we cannot sustain them there for very long. And that the best answer is to try to get them to go home as soon as possible. And so, we have been conducting the necessary planning, the necessary discussions with UNHCR, with our French colleagues and others to find the best way, the safest way to make it possible for those refugees to return home without there being the implication that somehow we are pushing them to go home. It must be an individual decision on their part, when they feel safe to go home and when they feel the conditions are right to go home.

And I'll talk again about this a little bit more.

The next slide I won't belabor at all very long, but you need to know the people -- the names that you've been hearing like General George Joulwan who's our senior military commander in Europe, and he has been appointed overall responsible for the operation. He, in turn, has sent into the region Lieutenant General Dan Schroeder who in his normal life is the Deputy Commander of U.S. Army in Europe. And he's the overall commander for this operation. He is, today, I believe in Entebbe. He has just come out of Kigali where he conducted the first survey of that airfield to report to us what is involved both from a technical point of view, also from a security point of view, if we chose to recommend to the President to reopen that airfield.

So he has just returned from Kigali. I believe he is either in Goma right now as we speak or in Entebbe. And then General Nix whose normal life is to be the Commander of U.S. Army Forces in Italy, he is and has been for the last few days in Goma and is intended to stay in Goma until we get a better handle on it, on that operation there. So he's the contact for your people down in Goma.

We then, of course, have forces associated with this operation in Frankfurt, in Entebbe, Mombasa, Goma, Bukavu and, if it is appropriate and a decision is made later on, then, of course, some forces would be also located in Kigali to support this humanitarian effort.

Enough about how this is organized. Let me return to this transportation system that we're trying to set up and the sooner we set it up the sooner we're able to reduce, I think, some of the level of frustration that exists there.
The transportation system really starts in Frankfurt where we have established a collection point for all contributions, all things and people that have to flow into the region. And at Rhinemein there we have a 24-hour operation where, for instance, the German water purification equipment is shipped and then shipped onward into Entebbe or directly into Goma. Some 3,500 miles south of that, Entebbe, where we now have about 400 people whose task it is to operate that airfield 24-hours a day to make sure that there's fuel for the crews, to make sure there's unloading equipment there to transload the equipment, to make sure that there are fresh air crews there so the movement can go on. In essence, run as robust an airfield as we can make it.

From there our attention then shifts to Goma. It is a 24-hour operation field. In the last few days we've started bringing in C-5 aircraft as well. And to us that was key that we could bring that large capacity of C-5 aircraft. For instance, today there are three C-5s, three C-141s going in in addition to all the other kinds of airplanes that are going in.
And while I'm on that point, let me digress for just a second. We have opened that airfield so that everyone, everyone who flies in there whether they are contract aircraft that we contract, whether they're contract aircraft that someone else has contracted, all users could use that airfield 24-hours a day. And it isn't so important whether it's a U.S. airplane that goes in or whether that's a French airplane or a Dutch airplane or a commercial airplane. What's important is since we all fly in support of the priorities established by UNHCR, that we get as many airplanes in as we can. So, to those of you who have heard about the frustrations that not enough U.S. airplanes are landing, the issue is really how many total airplanes are landing that's very important.
And I think, to the best of my knowledge, there are today 26, 27, 28 airplanes going to go in. And that's a far cry from a few days ago -- 10 airplanes. Plus the 10 airplanes before were not the C-5 type aircraft, which can, of course, bring an awful lot more.

So we have not fixed the problem. I think we've taken a small step forward and will continue working 24 hours a day trying to increase that, and if it makes sense, to try to go open an airfield in Kigali as well.

There are an awful lot of other places, as well, where we have mid-air refueling aircraft, so we do not have to bring airplanes in to land, waste an hour refueling and then go on. So we refuel much of the military air in the air to speed up the effort.

Additionally, we've had an awful lot of good needed equipment on board Army prepositioned ships. They usually are in and around Diego Garcia. On the day that the President gave us the mission, we ordered those ships to steam towards Mombasa because we have enough water purification equipment there. We have enough water distribution capacity there to meet all our needs. And so the first two ships are going to land tomorrow in Mombasa. We have already forward deployed C-130 airplanes, CH-53 helicopters that can slingload much of that equipment. And we're going to form -- if we're certain that the security conditions are right -- a very large ground convoy that will take the large oversized equipment over land into Goma.

So, starting about tomorrow and the next few days, we will have at our disposal an awful lot of the badly needed stuff for water purification, in addition to additional trucks that are needed over there, bulldozers and whatnot. So that's another hub that we've established here. And we'll continue keeping it open, because that's a good place to bring other humanitarian supplies in and then shuttle them forward.

This is just a picture that shows you sort of that on the day that the President told us to get going, the most that we could get into the region were two aircraft. We are now, between those that are refueling and those that are landing, bringing in some 22, 23 aircraft into the region. You have to add to that all those other aircraft that other nations are bringing in. The point is not so much the numbers, but that we've had a steady growth and we'll work very hard not to let that level off, but to continue building on this growth here.

Let me turn to water for a minute. There was zero clean water being produced on the day the President spoke to you here. The day before yesterday, we were doing 74,000 gallons of water; yesterday, 96,000 gallons. Today, we did not have time yet to tell the President that it's really more than 100,000 gallons. As we stand here, we're producing 164,000 gallons. We actually can produce more water than that right now. This shows you not only the water production capacity, but also the storage and distribution capacity.

With the help of our German colleagues, we've just laid a five kilometer pipeline into the middle of Goma. That's just the beginning. We need to lay more pipelines; we need to bring in more water trucks. We are flying, starting later on today, six 5,000- gallon tankers into Goma directly. Hopefully, we'll have them on the streets there tomorrow.

When we get the stuff off the ships, we will have a capacity of producing, storing and distributing in the vicinity of 3,500,000 gallons of fresh water. Now, it's going to clearly take us some days to off-load it, transport it, set it up, build the pipelines that need to be done. But at least the equipment is getting into the region now. And hopefully before too much time, we can have much of that stuff forward. Much of it will depend whether we can, in fact, find a good speedy over-land route to move some of that oversized equipment.

But it's looking an awful lot better today than it did when I stood before you here a week ago and in my mind thought that it would be several months away before we could get that kind of a capacity together. So we're nowhere near out of the woods; lots of stuff could still happen. But it's beginning to look a little better.

Let me stop with that last slide and turn it over to Tony and for any questions that you might have.

Q General, can we ask you a question? How would you protect against mission creep if you make a decision about Kigali and decide that you have to send people in to open that airport?

GENERAL SHALIKASHVIL


I: To me that's a very easy answer. Our mission has been to assist in providing humanitarian assistance. Our mission today and tomorrow, whether we go into Kigali or not, is to assist in providing humanitarian assistance. There isn't a word in my instruction from the President that has anything to do with peacekeeping or anything else.

So I see that as the task of opening as many airfields as we can where it makes sense, to be able to help the people of Kigali and to help the people to go home. I don't see that as a mission creep. It is a tactical decision whether one wants to open another airfield in a continuation of the same effort that we've been on.

Q In Somalia, what happened was that our people came under fire and they had to respond and it escalated.

 GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI
: It is clear that you cannot be involved in operations without some danger that someone will take a potshot at you. You, of course, understand that that can happen to us at Goma as well. And the reason that we are so very careful about proving any concept going into Kigali that we want to be sure that we can go to the President and articulate this issue of security to our soldiers and so on. But that's not mission creep.

Mission creep is when you take on different tasks. The President has been very clear, and I support it 100 percent, we should be there to help in a humanitarian effort.

MR. LAKE: Andrea, let me add to that if I may, because this is a very important question.

First of all, on Somalia, the mission from the start of American forces when they went in was to put an end to the fighting so that we could deal with the humanitarian crisis. And I might add, hundreds of thousands of Somalis are alive today because we did that successfully.

Here the mission is not a peacekeeping operation. It is not explicitly designed to expand throughout Rwanda and to carry out the same kind of mission. It is limited, as the General said and as the President said, to the humanitarian mission.

Secondly, there is the issue of how long it lasts. And here I should say that the mission is designed to deal with the immediate humanitarian crisis. This is not a long-term peacekeeping commitment in Rwanda. That is for UNAMIR, the United Nations peacekeeping operation in Rwanda. And if I could say just a word about that. The United States agreed months ago that we would offer support for one of the U.N. battalions that would go in, and we encouraged other governments to support other battalions. We have done what we said; we have been supporting a Ghanaian battalion. They are about half deployed now. About 500 Ghanaians are now in Rwanda. They are, in fact, the only -- I believe the only U.N. forces there. We are encouraged that they have start joint patrolling, or there is an agreement they will be doing joint patrolling with the Rwandan forces.
We would hope and we are urging that other governments will support other battalions so that they will be properly supplied and equipped when they go in. Assistant Secretary Moose, after he goes to Kigali, will be going to Ethiopia and Tunisia and elsewhere also to encourage those other African governments that have committed themselves to sending troops in as a part of the peacekeeping operation, and they will do that as quickly as possible.

Q Tony and General Shalikashvili, look, no sooner had the President finished than our guy on the ground in Goma reported that the people across the border who are armed said that if the United States comes in, they will regard the United States as their enemy and that they will fight. Now, for whatever this is worth, how are you going to hold the focus of the mission on humanitarian aid when it is quite evident that there is going to be a substantial security threat?

MR. LAKE: First of all, our representative there, Ambassador Rawson, has spoken to the government -- or the acting government of Rwanda, the representatives of the RPF, who are in control in Rwanda now. And they have agreed that we should open the airfield in Kigali, and they are in control of their own troops. So I am not saying that there is not a security threat; there is.

Q This is the other side.

MR. LAKE: But they are in control of the situation now at Kigali and generally throughout the country. We are looking at the same time very, very carefully at the security situation both now and down the road as we deal with this immediate crisis to make sure that if we open the airfield that there is a secure environment. This could involve American military personnel, certainly. And we are looking at -- we have not reached a conclusion on it -- we are looking at what the number of such personnel might be.

But their mission -- and I emphasize this -- their mission would be the protection of the airfield and of our humanitarian operation. It would not be a broader security role and it would not be peacekeeping, as we just said.

Q What is holding up the deployment to Kigali? Is it strictly a tactical question, as General Shali said, or are there political considerations involving the RPF that are factored into this?

MR. LAKE: No, there is no -- that I'm aware of, there is no problem with the RPF, or those who are acting in the government in Kigali. We want to make sure that if we do this, we do it right. That we have thought through all of the questions including this question of security.

At the same time there is an urgent need that we do this. We have been working the planning through on a very urgent basis. The site survey team has just started reporting in on the logistical side and how you would do this and how we would make it work. They have worked very urgently. As soon as we have the answers to those questions, I can assure you we will make an immediate decision because not just days but hours count here. And I would expect this decision very, very soon.

Q Can I follow up? Do you have a commitment from both the Tutsis and the Hutus that the U.S. forces if they go into Kigali will be invited and they will not become seen as part of one side or the other? Have both sides invited the United States to set up this facility at the Kigali airport?

MR. LAKE: My understanding is that the RPF, who are as I said, in control of Kigali and who were the apparent victors in the conflict, have said that they would welcome this. The rump Hutu government we are not in touch with and in my view we should not be because, as we have said before, many of them were responsible for genocidal acts in Rwanda and we do not consider them to be in a position of authority within Rwanda. And, indeed, in a physical sense they are not now.

That said, I am not saying that Rwanda is not potentially still a tough neighborhood and that is why we are taking a very careful look at the security issues before we proceed on the Kigali airfield.

Q How many troops are involved here if a decision is made to go in?

MR. LAKE : We have not made a decision on that yet.

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI: We have not made a decision, nor have we completed going over the assessment from our assessment team that just came in here. And until we understand which radars have to brought in to have 24-hour operation and what transportation system we have to have, it's very difficult to tell. So, any number I would give you now is misleading.

When we went into Entebbe initially we thought that it might take a couple thousand to run Entebbe. We have been very successfully running Entebbe now, as an example, with some 400. Whether those two numbers are the bookends between which we come out in Kigali or they'll come out something different, any number I give you or someone else has been given in the last few days really I would take with a grain of salt.

Let us complete this assessment.

Q General, is it your feeling that it is essential for the operation to open Kigali?

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI : Only if it makes sense and there are an awful lot of things that you need to take into consideration. What is essential, I think, is to expand airport operations in as many places as we can because we must increase the throughput to those refugees. Whether Kigali will after analysis turn out to be the right place or not, too early to tell. Let us finish the assessment.

Q ? Will you be talking to Schroeder today about this?

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI : Yes.

Q So you might make a decision today once you --

Q She's already had one question. General, how long do you think our troops will be there?

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI : I don't know. I will tell you that I think the sooner we can get the refugees to go back to their homes, the sooner we can wind down this effort and the United States military will be able to go home.

Now, whether that's measured in weeks or in months, I cannot tell you but I must say that it is not just for our own good that we need to look at it in those terms of getting them home but also for the good of the refugees. Our interest on both sides are to get on this as quickly as possible. The sooner they're home, the sooner we will go home.

Q Where are you getting the money for this? Are you taking it out of something you already had or are you cutting off some other part of the budget?

MR. LAKE: This is why, as the President said this morning, we are sending an emergency supplemental request to the Hill this morning.

Q Well, that doesn't tell me what I want to know. Where are you getting this money from? Are you cutting off some other program to do that?

MR. LAKE: That is the answer. An emergency supplemental is an off-budget request. It would not come out of other Pentagon funds.

Q But are you cutting off other civilian programs for this?

MR. LAKE : No, this is beyond the current budget. The purpose of the emergency supplemental would be to get additional funds to meet what is in fact an emergency. In the end this will be a congressional decision of course as to where the funds come from but our position is that we believe that this should be supplemental and not draw down other accounts.

Let me just say on the Kigali decision, this is not in my view a question of doing it quick or doing it right. We want to do it right and quick, and we are working this very urgently but making sure that we know exactly what we're doing before we do it. And it could come very, very soon.

Q But might the President make the decision today?

Q Today? Could it come today?

MR. LAKE : I don't want to put a deadline on his decision, but that is possible.

Q What is your estimate as to how many Rwandans are dying every day?

Q The United Nation's officials have been complaining that UNAMIR is not coming together, they're not getting the troop contributions that they need. What happens if the humanitarian mission winds down and there's no U.N. mission to hand things over to?


MR. LAKE : In a way it works the opposite way, as General Shali was just saying. We are working very hard to get the UNAMIR in not only as quickly as possible but in as large numbers as possible so that it can help to create the environment for the refugees to return. To the degree that it works slowly, then to that degree it may be that the refugees return less quickly. So, we're working on that. That is why Assistant Secretary Moose is going off. That is why we have been approaching other governments, that's why we are encouraging those who have already committed troops to move as quickly as possible.

We are encouraged that the RPF have agreed now to join patrolling with UNAMIR forces in the western part of Rwanda which will help, we think, create a secure environment. There are two other pieces to this though. One is to encourage the RPF to reach out in reconciliation, to make appointments that will broaden their government as much as possible. Assistant Secretary Moose will be discussing those issues also with the RPF in Kigali.

And, third, as the General was suggesting, we need to look at the mechanisms on the ground which would encourage the refugees to come back so that they know as they move back along the roads that they will be able to get water and supplies, find shelter, whatever. And we are working on planning on that on a very urgent basis.

But we are appealing to other governments, both that can help equip UNAMIR forces and to those that have either committed themselves or would commit themselves to supply UNAMIR forces, to do so absolutely as quickly as they can. The crops are going to start dying in the fields within a couple of weeks now if the refugees cannot get back and start to harvest them. And this is another one of the races against time that we are conducting.

Q Tony, what is your best estimate as to how many Rwandan refugees are still dying every day?


MR. LAKE : We were at 1,500 to 2,000 a few days ago. I have not seen a new estimate today. I can't give you that with precision. It's about -- it's approximately the same still.

Q Tony, the rump Hutu government, as you said, is not in control of territory in Rwanda. But they clearly have fighters with guns in Goma, and a fair amount of control over at least some people --

MR. LAKE : Mostly more in the south, yes.

Q and they are actively trying to keep refugees from going back. So, clearly, our efforts to try to get those refugees back are going to conflict with what they're doing. And there's been some indication that they've been getting at least some support from some elements of the Zaire government in the past, at any rate. How do you assess the potential problem that those folks pose? And what do you foresee doing about them as this operation goes ahead?


MR. LAKE : We've discussed this with the government of Zaire and with the French. There are two aspects to it; one, how do you get them disarmed and limit that threat? And secondly, what do you do about their public appeals to the refugees not to go back? And we're working, as I said, on both with the French.

Q Are you satisfied with the response you've gotten from the Zairians at this point?


MR. LAKE : We'll see over the coming days how this goes.

He has to leave in just a moment, so maybe one more question.

Q There were military officers who were quoted a couple of days ago saying that one of the reasons for having a U.S. military presence in Kigali, in addition to the humanitarian reason, would be as a symbol that reprisals between the two groups should not occur; and that we, in fact, would prevent that. Is that part -- would that be part of admission of any U.S. forces there, to stand between reprisals between Hutus and Tutsis?

MR. LAKE : As I said, there may be a psychological effect within Rwanda of our opening the airfield. But our mission explicitly is not a peacekeeping mission; it is the humanitarian mission, and strictly limited to that.

Q While you're there, Tony, could you update us on the situation in Bosnia? Because you discussed it with the President this morning, didn't you?

MR. LAKE : Secretary Christopher will be going -- just very briefly, because I have to run, too. Secretary Christopher will be going, in fact he has just left now, to a meeting of the Contact Group foreign ministers to discuss how we will follow up on the apparent Bosnian Serb rejection of the Contact Group's peace proposal. And we will, I'm sure, be having more to say about that over the weekend. I look forward to discussing this with you on Saturday and Sunday, as well.

END12:00 Noon EDT
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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Medical problems :tuberculosis, malaria, gastroenteritis, dehydration and intestinal infestation. Provide them,meal, clothing,education,safe place to live and grow.

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Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.

Gén. D. Tauzin Demande Justice

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Everything happens for a reason

Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.

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Rwanda's dictatorship in video

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