You can't stop thinking

“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom". Malcolm X

A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

About US

AS Foundation Founder, Webmaster, Editor-in-chief and Publisher. Search and meet Libre Penseur, the Man who stands firm on his priniciples. I am working for a pro-peace humanitarian organization with no political agenda. Make your voice heard around the globe. You think it, you write it. Dear SurViVors: Nobody’s going to help you. It’s all up to you. Make it happen for yourself. However, there's a common knowledge to remember : "No man is an island". Will be possible for me to realize my dream and say : *.*The war is over, the hunting trip on Hutus comes to an end, the Evil is taken away, the reign of Terror comes to an end in Rwanda, my beloved homeland. As we stand on the precipice of Paul Kagame war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, call on the Regime change in Rwanda. Will you just sit back and watch Paul Kagame destroying the Human kind or will you stand up with African SurViVors and make your voice heard? Nothing is said about Kagame's arrest. Many are asleep, wrapped up their day to day lives. However, if and if you are awake, it is your responsibility to wake others! Spread the word, Ask for Paul Kagame's removal and indictment, take action.*.*

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the unspeakable.Two orphans, together against the world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder by Kagame & RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragment to crime. “I always think I am a peaceful person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that I would seek justice - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

Inzira ndende

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Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite.” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
  1. The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Malcolm X Quotes

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Thursday, January 30, 2014







[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]



Statement by the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association at the conclusion of his visit to the Republic of Rwanda

Kigali, 27 January 2014
I would like to thank the Government of the Republic of Rwanda for inviting me to carry out a visit to the country. I commend Rwanda for being the first country in Africa to extend an invitation to my mandate since its establishment by the Human Rights Council in October 2010. I thank the Government for its excellent cooperation before and during the conduct of this mission. I am most grateful to all interlocutors I have met. I had fruitful exchanges with the Prime Minister, the Minister of Justice, the Minister of Internal Security, the Minister of Local Government, the Minister of Public Service and Labour, the Minister of Trade and Industry, the Minister of East African Community, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Inspector General of Rwanda National Police. Moreover, I had the opportunity to meet with the Governor of the South Province and the Mayor of Huye. 


I also met the Chief Justice, the President of the High Court, the Prosecutor General, the Deputy Speaker of the Parliament, and the Chair of the Committee on Unity, Human Rights and fight against Genocide of the Chamber of Deputies and its members. I had meetings with the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, the Director of the Directorate General of Immigration and Emigration, the Chief Executive Officer of the Rwanda Governance Board, representatives of the Rwanda Human Rights Commission, and national and international non-governmental organizations, leaders of political parties, the Private Sector Federation, and representatives of diplomatic missions.

As Rwanda, and indeed the world, prepare to honour the memory of the victims of the Genocide 20 years since 1994, I would like to extend my best wishes and strength to the people of Rwanda, all of whom have been touched by this most egregious of human rights violations. Bon courage. I was humbled when I visited Rwanda during the 10th and 15th commemorations of the Genocide against the Tutsis and moderate Hutus. 
As a Special Rapporteur, I am independent from the United Nations and I work voluntarily in my personal capacity. The overarching purpose of my visit to Rwanda is to contribute to the efforts it has undertaken in its path towards democratization, greater protection of human rights, and development with recommendations as to how Rwanda can better respect, promote and implement international human rights law and standards as it applies to the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.

Rwanda has come a long way since 1994. There has been remarkable progress in developing infrastructure, building institutions and ensuring stability and security. Twenty years is a short time in the life of a nation, which makes the achievements all the more outstanding. Indeed few could have predicted that the reconstruction of the Rwandan State could have reached such broad and deep levels in 1994.  I am truly impressed by the resilience of the Rwandan people, the vibrancy of the economic sector, the relatively low levels of corruption, efforts at providing universal healthcare and social safety nets, and the neat and clean environment. This must be recognized, and applauded. 
In the spirit of constructive dialogue, I wish to make some preliminary observations and recommendations. The Government has assured me that it sees this as an opportunity to consolidate the progress made over the years towards the realization of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association in the country.
Rwanda has ratified key international human rights instruments and committed itself to observe them. Moreover, in 2011 during the Universal Periodic Review Rwanda accepted all recommendations pertaining to the freedoms I am mandated to monitor.  My assessment is guided by these principles. 
Freedom of peaceful assembly
The Constitution guarantees freedom of peaceful assembly. Law No. 33.91 provides for prior notification for demonstrations on public roads and public assemblies. But it also then requires prior authorization for assemblies in open air, on public roads or in a public space in the interests of public safety, tranquillity or health. This creates an inherent contradiction in requiring both prior notification and authorization, paving the way for arbitrary decisions by the concerned authorities. 
I firmly believe that the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful assembly should not be subject to authorization by the authorities. At most, a prior notification procedure is sufficient, in order to facilitate peaceful assemblies and to take measures to protect public safety and order and the rights and freedoms of others. Moreover, spontaneous assemblies should be recognized in law and exempted from prior notification.

I was informed that in practice only peaceful assemblies which authorities favour are allowed to take place, such as the commemorations marches organized by Ibuka, which are also facilitated by the authorities. Peaceful protests voicing dissent and criticizing Government policies are reportedly not allowed. 
For instance, students who presented a petition to the Prime Minister protesting against the reduction of scholarships were arrested for illegal demonstration. Similarly, members of a religious group who staged a peaceful protest to submit a petition to the President were arrested on the same ground. In addition, Mr Sylvain Sibomana, Secretary General of the Unified Democratic Forces FDU-Inkingi, was arrested with a fellow party member outside a courtroom while attending the trial of Ms Victoire Ingabire, Chair of the same party. They both wore T-shirts with the inscription “democracy and justice”. Mr Sibomana was injured by law enforcement officials in the course of his arrest.
According to the authorities, peaceful protests do not occur because there are other avenues to express criticism and solve contentious issues. That is well and good. However, not only are such avenues limited, but as illustrated by the aforementioned cases, the fear of being targeted has contributed to individuals and associations refraining from exercising their right to peaceful assembly to voice their grievances.
From my meeting with the Inspector General of the Police, it came out clearly that law enforcement officials view peaceful assemblies solely as an issue of ensuring public order, instead of adopting a human rights based approach that would facilitate assemblies as an integral right of every person in Rwanda to be protected robustly.
Let me emphasize that peaceful assemblies should not be feared. Rather they should be encouraged for there is value in expressing disagreement and differences peacefully and publicly. Indeed, there is no better gauge of what citizens think than peaceful protests. And it is in the interests of the state to allow public and peaceful assemblies as a “release valve” in order to avoid recourse to other means of dissent and disagreement that are not desirable. As stated by the Human Rights Council, “everyone must be able to express their grievances or aspirations in a peaceful manner, including through public protests without fear of reprisals or of being intimidated, harassed, injured… arbitrarily arrested [and] detained…” (resolution 22/10).
The undue restrictions on freedom of peaceful assembly have also impacted negatively on the enjoyment of freedom of association as several associations have been prevented from holding general assemblies, a key requirement for forming a political party or a non-governmental organization. Indeed, several political activists, holding dissenting views, have been arrested for holding meetings to recruit members even in bars.
Freedom of association 
Non-governmental organizations
The Constitution guarantees freedom of association. This right is further elaborated in the recently enacted laws governing the organisation and functioning of local and international non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Although the legislation is an improvement from previous laws it nevertheless has maintained onerous and burdensome conditions for registration.  
Local NGOs are required to hold a general assembly in order to appoint their legal representatives and office-bearers. Among other requirements, the minutes of these meetings including the signatures of all those who attended the general assembly should then be submitted to the regulatory authority, the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB). In my discussions with representatives from various organizations, it was apparent that while some organizations were not required to notify local authorities prior to holding their general assemblies, others - particularly the ones more critical of government – reported that they had to get prior authorization for these meetings. I urge the Government to ensure that prior notification or authorisation is not required for associations to hold private meetings.
To organise a general assembly means expending considerable financial and human resources, which many organizations can scarcely afford. Both local and international NGOs are required to provide letters of collaboration with authorities in the districts in which they operate. Again the financial cost, time and energy it takes to obtain these letters, from all districts in which the organizations wishes to operate, constitutes a serious drain on the resources of organizations. The Directorate of Immigration, which is responsible for the registration of international NGOs, requires that in addition, they provide evidence of funding for the period which they seek registration, up to 5 years. Most funding sources are unable to guarantee funding for multiple years. Many international NGOs are therefore forced to seek annual registration as they can only provide proof of financial resources for a year at a time. The enormous time and energy necessary to put together the registration requirements could be devoted to activities benefitting the community. 

The contrast between the registration process for NGOs—a non-state actor--and that of businesses—also a non-state actor--in the private sector is striking. The business environment in Rwanda is notable for the ease with which businesses can be registered and operate. It is one reason for Rwanda’s economic transformation. A similar approach to the civil society sector will yield significant economic, social and political dividends, allowing for innovation and creativity. 
As I have stated in my first thematic report to the Human Rights Council on best practices, registration procedures should be simple, non-onerous and expeditious. I consider that the right to freedom of association protects associations that are not registered and, in fact, registration should be by choice of association members and not a pre-requisite for the operation of associations.
Many of the interlocutors I met highlighted the role of the RGB in the life of local NGOs and faith-based organizations. Apart from registering local NGOs, RGB also has the responsibility of monitoring whether local NGOs and FBOs conform with domestic law. This broad language provides unjustifiable room for RGB to interfere with the internal affairs of local NGOs. 
The case of the Rwandan League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LIPRODHOR) was brought to my attention in this regard. Of particular concern is the partisan role that RGB reportedly played in changing the leadership of LIPRODHOR under questionable circumstances. Similarly, RGB was implicated in determining the leadership at the Rwandan Collective of Leagues and Associations for the Defense of Human Rights (CLADHO). 
The independence and ability of associations to run their internal affairs without external interference is of paramount importance in the exercise of the right to freedom of association. I see no justification for RGB involving itself in leadership wrangles within local NGOs. Resolution of such conflict should be the responsibility of the membership of the organization and ultimately the courts, with RGB’s role purely to endorse the leadership determined by the NGOs themselves or the courts. As a general principle, Government’s role in the civil society sector should mirror the role it plays in the private sector--solely that of registering entities within the sector. 
It is abundantly evident to me that the Government of Rwanda has a clear vision of where it wants the country to be by 2020. This vision of development is inclusive and creates various spaces for interaction amongst the different stakeholders. At the local level, interactions take place in the context of Joint Action Development Forums (JADF) and plans, and I understand that these collaborations have been fruitful. 
Nevertheless, I am concerned that the development partnerships between the Government and local and international NGOs are of a compulsory nature. This is evidenced by the necessity of collaboration letters, action plans that must align with the development objectives of the district, down to the level of activities, and in some cases demands for performance contracts to be concluded between local authorities and all NGOs. In fact, the perception of some in Government and in the civil society sector appears to be that NGOs are implementers of Government policy. 
In order to protect the autonomy and independence of NGOs, I recommend that any partnerships between Government and civil society be voluntary rather than compulsory. In the development field, NGOs should be able to determine and operate within their priority areas of concern without interference or direction by authorities. This does not preclude areas that authorities do not consider to be a priority. The power of innovation is enhanced through openness. A multiplicity of interventions and approaches will serve to strengthen the capacity of the sector to respond to the needs of their beneficiaries and ultimately, to Rwandans as a whole.
I am also concerned by the stigmatization of local and international NGOs that has persisted in State-controlled media, and from Government officials, especially following the decisions of some donor agencies to channel funding for development through NGOs. While there should be transparency between donors and the State with regard to the sectors they are supporting and how much, the same approach the State takes to the private sector—which is regarded as a key actor in development—should obtain. Moreover, labelling of civil society actors who are critical of the Government as enemies of the State compromises their safety. 
Let me also urge the Government to urgently complete its investigations, in a transparent way, into the death of Mr Gustave Sharangabo Makonene from Transparency International-Rwanda murdered in July 2013. As long as the circumstances of his death remain unclear, this case has a chilling effect on the NGO community in Rwanda. 
Political parties
Concerning political parties, I have observed a lack of space for individuals to express dissenting views. The Government of Rwanda favours “consensus politics” and discourages public criticism and dissent. I am concerned that there is no genuine pluralistic society. 
Indeed it appears that every dissenting political leader who rejects this consensus approach gets into legal trouble, with negations of the genocide, divisionism, sectarianism, and even spreading rumors being the favoured charges. In other cases, corruption charges for those who leave the RPF are preferred. And in all such cases, these politicians are accused of violence or having links with violent groups. This sends a chilling and unacceptable message that peaceful public disagreement with the Government is equivalent to criminality. The legitimate combat against terrorism, and other security considerations, should not be used as a bogeyman to restrict the right to freely associate. 
This is the case of Ms Victoire Ingabire, Mr Sylvain Sibomana and Mr Anselme Mutuyimana from the FDU Inkingi, an opposition party denied registration to date, as well as of Mr Bernard Ntaganda from the PS Imberakuri. They were all sentenced from 4 to 15 years on similar charges. The sentences of 5 years and more will ban them from ever holding leadership positions in any political organization, according to the Law governing political organizations and politicians. And in all these cases, I was informed that they were being pressured to leave their parties and join the RPF or its allied parties. 
History teaches us that not allowing peaceful dissent and branding a criminal every politician who resists the consensus approach, increase the attractiveness of alternative ways of dissent that are not helpful to Rwanda, or its people. I was therefore heartened to hear the Justice Minister’s assurance which I hope can be implemented that: “if you are dissenting peacefully, please go ahead.”
Rwanda favours a political order based on consensus led by the ruling party. The Government and Parliament seem to agree that Rwanda needs to be more cautious with political parties than with NGOs, given its recent history. But 20 years since the Genocide, the successful reconstruction of the Rwandan State should provide confidence to the Government that it can and should allow peaceful dissent and disagreement. Whether political parties decide to align with the Government is their choice, but this should not be compulsory in law or in fact.
On registration of parties, in addition to the barriers opposition political parties face when required to hold general assemblies to define their status, the overall process is long, laborious and, in far too many instances, arbitrary. Technical reasons can never justify a 4-year delay to register, as it has been the case for the Green party.   
In addition, it is crucial that individuals exercising the right to associate, including opposition party members, are able to operate freely and without fear. State officials’ public comments celebrating the killing of an opposition politician inculcate fear within the opposition.
Now turning to the National Human Rights Commission of Rwanda, I note the work it has undertaken in promoting and protecting human rights in the country. However, relevant stakeholders should take adequate measures to enhance the independence and capacity of the Commission.
I call on the Office of the High Commissioner for Human rights and the United Nations Development Programme to continue their efforts to strengthen the capacity of civil society to engage on human rights issues, without using State bodies as intermediaries. I also urge them to continue their work capacitating State officials to meet their obligations under international law. I further call on the international community to especially continue providing political and financial support to genuinely independent NGOs.
To conclude, once again, I wish to state that the above preliminary conclusions and recommendations are shared as a friend of Rwanda. I have offered, and the Government has accepted, my help to further strengthen the exercise of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association.
I thank you for your attention.
END
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Sur ce même sujet, le communiqué du haut commissariat de l'ONU pour les droits de l'homme: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14204&LangID=E
Twenty years after genocide, Rwanda should pave the way towards peaceful dissent – UN expertKIGALI / GENEVA (28 January 2014) – United Nations Special Rapporteur Maina Kiai commended the Rwandan Government on its economic development in the 20 years since the 1994 genocide, but urged that undue restrictions on the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association be lifted so that the country can expand its achievements to the fields of multiparty democracy and human rights.
 
“I commend Rwanda for its remarkable progress in developing infrastructure, building institutions and ensuring stability and security over the past 20 years,” Mr Kiai said* at the end of his first official visit to the country. “These efforts have laid the foundation for a bright future for Rwanda.”
“The next step is to build upon that foundation by developing a true multiparty democracy and allowing space for peaceful dissent,” stressed the independent expert charged by the UN Human Rights Council to monitor and promote the realization of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association worldwide.
Freedom of peaceful assembly
The Rwandan Constitution guarantees freedom of peaceful assembly, but the Special Rapporteur said he found that in practice, peaceful protests criticising government policies were generally not allowed. He also noted a “contradiction in requiring both prior notification and authorisation, paving the way for arbitrary decisions by the authorities.”
“Let me emphasize that peaceful assemblies should not be feared,” the human rights expert said. “Rather they should be encouraged. There is value in expressing disagreement and differences peacefully and publicly.” 
Freedom of association
Rwanda’s constitution also guarantees the right to freedom of association, but Mr Kiai said that in practice, there are onerous obstacles to registration, limits on civil society’s freedom to operate in certain fields, and government interference in the internal affairs of groups deemed too critical of official policy.
The Special Rapporteur also noted concern from many people that the body charged with regulating local NGOs, the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB), interfered in the internal affairs of some organizations. 
“The independence and ability of associations to run their internal affairs without external interference is of paramount importance in the exercise of the right to freedom of association,” he said. “I see no justification for RGB involving itself in leadership wrangles within local NGOs.”
The independent expert drew attention to the “striking difference between the registration process for NGOs and businesses.” Civil society groups can take months to register, while businesses can be formed in six hours or less.
“The ease with which businesses can be registered and operate in Rwanda is notable. It is one reason for the country’s economic transformation,” Mr Kiai said. “A similar approach to the civil society sector would yield significant economic, social and political dividends, allowing for innovation and creativity.”
 
The Special Rapporteur observed “a lack of space” for individuals to express dissenting views in the political realm, due to the Government favouring a type of “consensus politics” that strongly discourages public criticism. Registration of political parties, he said, is also “long, laborious and, in far too many instances, arbitrary.” The Green Party, for example, spent four years securing its registration. Other key opposition parties remain unregistered.
 
“Every dissenting political leader who rejects this consensus approach appears to get into legal trouble, with the most common charges being denying the genocide, sectarianism, corruption, and even spreading rumours,” Kiai said. “In all such cases, these politicians are accused of violence or having links with violent groups. This sends a chilling and unacceptable message that peaceful public disagreement with the Government is equivalent to criminality.”
The human rights expert highlighted the cases of Ms Victoire Ingabire, Mr Sylvain Sibomana and Mr Anselme Mutuyimana from the FDU Inkingi, an opposition party that has been unable to register to date, as well as of Mr Bernard Ntaganda from the PS Imberakuri. They have all been sentenced from four to fifteen years in prison on similar charges.
 
During his eight-day visit, Mr Kiai met State officials, members of the judiciary and of Parliament, representatives of the National Human rights Commission, members of civil society, and the diplomatic community.
 
The Special Rapporteur will present a final report on his visit to the Human Rights Council during its 26th session in June 2014.
(*) Check the full end-of-mission statement by the Special Rapporteur: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14201&LangID=E
ENDS
Mr Maina Kiai (Kenya) took up his functions as the first Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of association on May 2011. Mr Kiai has been Executive Director of the International Council on Human Rights Policy; Chair of the Kenya National Human Rights Commission; Africa Director of the International Human Rights Law Group; and Africa Director of Amnesty International. As Special Rapporteur, he is independent from any Government or organization and serves in his individual capacity.
 
UN Human Rights, Country Page – Rwanda: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AfricaRegion/Pages/RWIndex.aspx

For more information and media requests, please contact Guillaume Pfeifflé (+41 797 520 485 / gpfeiffle@ohchrg.org) or Karen Blanc (+41 22 917 94 00 / kblanc@ohchr.org) or write to freeassembly@ohchr.org.
For media inquiries related to other UN independent experts:
Xabier Celaya, UN Human Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / xcelaya@ohchr.org)  


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, January 24, 2014



January 23, 1997-January 23, 2014

It was Thursday.


CREATION OF THE DAY FOR THE DISAPPEARED IN RWANDA
Rwandans across the world should join the movement

The deadliest months  -1997

January - february - march - April - May - June - July

La journée nationale des disparus Rwandais, le 23 janvier de chaque année, est l’occasion de rappeler que des centaines de milliers de familles rwandaises sont séparées à cause de du génocide rwandais planifié et mis à exécution par Paul Kagame , des assassinats multiples à travers le pays et en dehors de celui-ci, et qu’elles ont le droit de savoir ce qu’il est advenu de leurs proches. Paul Kagame et le gouvernment du FPR ont l'obligation, en vertu du droit international humanitaire, de faire tout ce qui est en leur pouvoir pour déterminer le sort des personnes disparues.



 My brother disappeared on January 23 1997, It was Thursday

I remember those days distinctly. When Paul Kagame and RPF’s ethnic cleansing against the Hutu went ahead at a very large scale across Rwanda went ahead in 1996, then January 1997 the RPF soldiers, DMI and militias (local defense forces) targeted the Hutu student returnees, the Hutu community leaders, ex-FAR officers and soldiers, Hutu businessmen and rural peasants, teachers and intellectuals, among others and subjected them to arrest, inhuman torture and illegal killing.

Showing posts with label apolline. Show all posts Saturday, January 23, 2013
October 1996- October 1997 : mass-murder of hundreds of thousands of Returnees.

My brother : Bwanakweli Charles
Kizito
 disappeared on January 23rd1997
and has never come back

RPF Mass-murder, arbitrary executions, mass-arrest, mass-rape and disappearances of hundreds of thousands of returnees.

 

 

Observances and remembrance activities can occur during the week of Remembrance that runs from the January 23, 2014 through the following Thusday 30, 2014.


My sister : Domitille Abimana
gang-raped at the
Gisenyi gendermerie,
her
 one-year son Nshuti, 2 daughters Diane 6
and Rosette 8 years old raped
and thrown into Kivu lake  (mu Butotori)

 Yes we must always remember the Rwandan Genocide Day! 


The deadliest years : 1996-1997: the years of the infamous mass murder of refugees in Zaïre (currently the Democratic Republic of the Congo) and mass-murder of hundreds of thousands of returnees +

Candles in honor of and pay tribute to the hundreds of thousands of returnees, victims of RPF barbarism.


I remember those days distinctly. When Paul Kagame and RPF’s ethnic cleansing against the Hutu went ahead at a very large scale across Rwanda went ahead in 1996, then January 1997 the RPF soldiers, DMI and militias (local defense forces) targeted the Hutu student returnees, the Hutu community leaders, ex-FAR officers and soldiers, Hutu businessmen and rural peasants, teachers and intellectuals, among others and subjected them to arrest, inhuman torture and illegal killing.

For 20 years, Kagame and RPF celebrate their victory (INTSINZI) while simultaneously destroying the majority ethnic Hutu members’ right to life.

In total, more than 3 million family members, relatives, fathers, sons, mothers and daughters—all innocent citizens—were detained, tortured, disappeared and killed since 1990 up to now . Today, surviving families have no voice and remain marginalised from the political process. Kagame and the RPF aunique party in the country, in their ongoing genocide ideology, have diverted the agenda of the disappearance movement, ensuring cultural, political, socio-economic control while avoiding crimes apology and recognition.

 The deadliest month : January 1997

Genocaust, Gendercide, mass-murder, ethnic cleansing with extreme hatred, etc took place in Rwanda since RPF invaded the country and seized power in 1994 and still it continues. We have waited long enough to see if the world still has any conscience to bring even masterminds of those bloody mass-slaughter. NOTHING IS DONE . So right now Rwandans should launch the final onslaught to liberate themselves forever from the clutches of RPF and Kagame oppression and cannot afford to continue to fold their hands and watch THE EVIL and EVIL Advisors going ahead with the country's Destruction. Rwandan survivors should be the best patterns of people to take care of themselves. 
We had thought that somebody would have known that it is cheaper to prevent sickness than to cure it but the world seems to say bring on the sickness so we can deal with it. Nobody can justifiably pontificate and condemn any form of action Rwandans might employ now to defend and extricate themselves from this Evil – General Paul Kagame and Tony Blair, his adviser.
It only makes sense that the world should justify the usefulness of the various regulatory and arbitration bodies it has put in place by acting now in the case of Eastern of Congo and FDLR issues to end the Rwandan Tyrannical regime. Such a situation can't remain the same forever.

The prefectures of Byumba, Ruhengeri and Gisenyi and later Gitarama and Kibungo have suffered the highest number of the very planed massacres and extra judicial executions by RPA soldiers. Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have received countless reports of unarmed civilians being killed througouht the country by the RPA(and now RDF), in the wake of reported attacks by the "fake infiltrators".
One day Kagame himself was saying that even a drum full of water can be emptied by scooping it with spoons slowly but surely. This was meant to imply that the Hutus will eventually be finished. What you see is what you get.
Several informants talked of how this logic was being applied in the Gacaca courts, which have allegedly convicted people for crimes committed by their fathers who have since died. One young woman who was only 10 at the time of the genocide said, I am not willing to go back to  Rwanda  because my parents won't me back in Rwanda. I cannot go there because to be back means to be under permanent humiliation, threat and to sum up, to be in the same situation of my parents...
Returnees were facing arbitrary mass arrest or disappearance, rape and mass-rape, the use of Aids as a weapon of war by RDF and local defense militias, children are brainwashed, arbitrary executions and mass murder in different public places including churches and schools during wedding ceremonies and meetings. One man talked of how those who have recently went back home have told him that Rwanda is not safe: they said that people are taken to Gacaca and on clearing they are again collected from their homes and disappear according to the planed genocide obviously from the 1,500-pages reporting names of the must-be Hutus murdered issued by the written made-up African Rights organization.
 Individually their names might be cleared, but the ongoing ramifications of being associated with the genocide continue to haunt people. Those who were guilty and have been punished continue to live with the threat of future punishment for the same crime, while those who are innocent but are associated with the genocide however tenuously continue to live under suspicion.
It has been a seventy years of harrowing and most tortuous time for us but our patience has run out and we can no longer watch helplessly while Kagame, Tony Blair and their accomplices relish in the wanton destruction of the Rwandan majority properties and murder of their children, mothers, fathers, wives, brothers, sisters and friends.  
It is only just in this life that the guilty be made to pay even when justice served does not reverse the loss but it will palliate or ameliorate the agony of the victim. Today the level of human rights abuses as practiced in Rwanda are abhorring and cannot be condoned any longer. To get an idea about what is going on in Rwanda, browse in our blog.  
This stand is non-negotiable because all the people, Rwandans and Congolese people (over 6 million) who have been murdered by General Kagame were murdered for one purpose :  Blood oil, bloody diamonds bloody tin and gold and extermination of the Hutu community, which is underway. 
The world must be held responsible until this festering sore has been addressed and justice meted out.

One important component of sustainable peace in Rwanda is an effective and accessible TRUTH TELLING MECHANISM. DISAPPEARENCES need to be made a national agenda and the family agenda socialized to reintegrate thousands of families to respect the victims’ dignity. We need to speak out together for the TRUTH.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, January 23, 2014



 [Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]




Rwanda - Kigali
Philippe Bernard dans «Les assassinats d'opposants rwandais inquiètent les Etats-Unis au plus haut point »  – Le Monde du 23 janvier 2014

Deux semaines après la découverte du meurtre commis à Johannesburg et attribué au régime de Kigali par l'opposition, le chef de l'Etat rwandais avait averti, en une claire allusion au sort de M. Karageya, mais sans le nommer : « La trahison a des conséquences. Quiconque trahit notre cause ou souhaite du mal à notre peuple deviendra une victime. » Qui donc a tué Patrick Karegeya ? M. Kagamé enfonce le clou dans le dernier numéro de l'hebdomadaire Jeune Afrique : « Le terrorisme a un prix, la trahison a un prix, déclare-t-il. On est tué comme on a soi-même tué. Chacun a la mort qu'il mérite. »


Le président reproche à ses opposants de chercher à parasiter l'anniversaire du génocide et les accuse de préparer des « actes terroristes ». Il est vrai qu'en août 2010, au lendemain de la réélection pour sept ans de Paul Kagamé émaillée d'attentats à la grenade à Kigali, le colonel aujourd'hui éliminé avait déclaré : « Le changement ne peut pas venir par l'élection, mais par des moyens violents. » Mis au ban du régime en 2004 après une décennie à la tête des services secrets,emprisonné puis exilé en 2006, le colonel Karegeya, cofondateur du Rwanda National Congress (opposition), n'est pas le premier haut responsable tutsi, fidèle du président, rival potentiel et détenteur de secrets d'Etat, à être mis à l'écart.

Quatre jours avant d'être tué, probablement pas strangulation, Patrick Karegeya avait adressé à un groupe religieux basé aux Etats-Unis une lettre terriblement accusatrice : « Jamais depuis l'époque d'Idi Amin [le dictateur sanguinaire au pouvoir en Ouganda entre 1971 et 1979] les services de sécurité d'un Etat n'ont terrorisé un pays à un degré où ceux du Rwanda répandent la peur et la terreur sur les citoyen de ce pays », a-t-il écrit le 28 décembre. Charles Rwomushana, un analyste ougandais indépendant cité par l'agence Associated Press, va dans le même sens : Paul Kagamé, dit-il, veut « gérer les généraux en instillant la peur » car il souhaite se reposer sur « une nouvelle génération » d'officiers n'ayant aucun lien direct avec la rébellion qui l'a conduit au pouvoir.

L'éviction, en 2013, de l'influent ministre de la justice Tharcisse Karugarama, hostile à un troisième mandat du président que l'actuelle Constitution n'autorise pas, semble participer de cette même stratégie. Ce contexte tendu peut expliquer le crescendo de la critique américaine d'un régime dont les réels succès économiques, sociaux et sécuritaires ont longtemps justifié les faveurs de Washington. Longtemps, la culpabilité née de la cécité et de l'inaction occidentales au moment du génocide de 1994, culpabilité que le régime sait parfaitement exploiter, a étouffé toute velléité de reproche.

TENSIONS RAVIVÉES AVANT LE 20e ANNIVERSAIRE DU GÉNOCIDE

En 2010, après l'assassinat et l'arrestation de plusieurs chefs de l'opposition,Washington avait stigmatisé « une série d'actions inquiétantes (…) qui constituent des tentatives de restreindre la liberté d'expression ». En juillet 2013, après la publication d'un rapport de Human Rights Watch décrivant la coopération de Kigali avec les rebelles du mouvement M23 en République démocratique du Congo, les Etats-Unis avaient haussé le ton en « exigeant que le Rwanda mette fin immédiatement à toute forme d'aide » à ce mouvement.



Conséquence, le M23, instrumentalisé par le Rwanda pour contrôler les richesses de son voisin congolais, a été vaincu militairement par les forces armées de la RDC en novembre. Face à ces contentieux, les autorités de Kigali ont toujours manié la rhétorique anti-impérialiste. Paul Kagamé dit aujourd'hui ne pas accepter la logique selon laquelle « seules les grandes puissances ont le droit et l'intelligence de dire qui est terroriste et qui ne l'est pas ». Et un représentant du Rwanda à l'ONU a invité les Etats-Unis à « s'occuper d'Al-Qaida et [à] laisser les Rwandais s'inquiéter du terrorisme auquel ils font face ».

A l'été 2012, Washington avait gelé sa modeste assistance militaire – 200 000 dollars annuels (147 000 euros) – pour cause de recrutement d'enfants-soldats dans les rangs du M23. A la fin 2012, Londres, autre grand allié du régime Kagamé, a annoncé le gel de son aide budgétaire. L'approche de l'anniversaire du génocide, qui va braquer l'attention du monde entier sur ce petit pays, pourrait raviver les tensions. Les opposants sont dénoncés non seulement comme des « terroristes » mais comme des « révisionnistes » désireux de jeter le trouble sur la mémoire des massacres qui, en cent jours, d'avril à juillet 1994, ont causé la mort de 800 000 personnes, des Tutsi pour l'essentiel.





The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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