You can't stop thinking

“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom". Malcolm X

A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

About US

AS Foundation Founder, Webmaster, Editor-in-chief and Publisher. Search and meet Libre Penseur, the Man who stands firm on his priniciples. I am working for a pro-peace humanitarian organization with no political agenda. Make your voice heard around the globe. You think it, you write it. Dear SurViVors: Nobody’s going to help you. It’s all up to you. Make it happen for yourself. However, there's a common knowledge to remember : "No man is an island". Will be possible for me to realize my dream and say : *.*The war is over, the hunting trip on Hutus comes to an end, the Evil is taken away, the reign of Terror comes to an end in Rwanda, my beloved homeland. As we stand on the precipice of Paul Kagame war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, call on the Regime change in Rwanda. Will you just sit back and watch Paul Kagame destroying the Human kind or will you stand up with African SurViVors and make your voice heard? Nothing is said about Kagame's arrest. Many are asleep, wrapped up their day to day lives. However, if and if you are awake, it is your responsibility to wake others! Spread the word, Ask for Paul Kagame's removal and indictment, take action.*.*

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the unspeakable.Two orphans, together against the world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder by Kagame & RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragment to crime. “I always think I am a peaceful person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that I would seek justice - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

Inzira ndende

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Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite.” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
  1. The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Malcolm X Quotes

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Saturday, May 31, 2014



[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Les FDLR affirment entamer leur processus de désarmement en RDC

ReutersPar par Kenny Katombe | Reuters - 31 mai 2014
par Kenny Katombe

BULEUSA République Démocratique du Congo (Reuters) - Les rebelles rwandais actifs dans l'est de la République démocratique du Congo ont affirmé vendredi avoir commencé à déposer les armes mais ont prévenu que la poursuite du processus dépendrait de l'ouverture de pourparlers avec le gouvernement de Kigali.

Entre le marteau et l'enclume, le Tyran Rwanda ne sait plus comment provoquer les massacres des Rwandais. 

Une centaine de combattants des Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR) ont rendu leurs armes, dont de l'artillerie lourde, lors d'une cérémonie dans la province du Nord-Kivu, dans l'est de la RDC, a constaté un témoin Reuters.
"Avec ce geste de bonne volonté, nous appelons la communauté internationale à assumer ses responsabilités pour obtenir l'ouverture d'un dialogue politique entre les Rwandais", a déclaré le président des FDLR, le général Victor Byiringiro.
Les autorités rwandaises ont rejeté à plusieurs reprises les appels à des pourparlers avec les rebelles hutus des FDLR, que Kigali considère comme une organisation terroriste soutenant une idéologie génocidaire.



Ce n'est pas la première fois que les FDLR se disent prêts à rendre les armes, pour faire ensuite machine arrière. La plupart des représentants officiels se montrent prudents et préfèrent ne pas se prononcer en faveur de pourparlers avec le gouvernement rwandais.
"Il n'y aura pas de négociations avec les FDLR. Ils ont offert de se rendre, et nous verrons si le processus est efficace", a déclaré un porte-parole du gouvernement congolais, Lambert Mendé.
La cérémonie de vendredi s'est déroulée en présence de représentants de la Monusco (Mission de l'Organisation des Nations unies pour la stabilisation en République démocratique du Congo), de la Communauté de développement de l'Afrique australe (SADC) et de la Conférence internationale sur les pays de la région des Grands Lacs.
Les rebelles sont régulièrement accusés de violations des droits de l'Homme, et notamment de massacres de civils. La radio Okapi, financée par l'Onu, a rapporté cette semaine que des combattants des FDLR avaient incendié des maisons et des écoles dans le district de Walikale, au Nord-Kivu, lors d'affrontements avec un autre mouvement rebelle.

La suite ici:

Les FDLR affirment entamer leur processus de désarmement en RDC

par Kenny Katombe BULEUSA République démocratique du Congo (Reuters) - 31 mai 2014
Reuters



The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine







 [Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]


Why France must resist and reject Kagame’s dangerous diplomacy

Theogene Rudasingwa


By antagonizing and humiliating France, the Rwandan strongman seeks to claim the status of a nationalist and pan-Africanist standing up to a Western power. But this is absurd
In June 1994, as the Secretary General of the Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF) I led a delegation to meet France’s then Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alain Juppe. The objective of my delegation was to dissuade the French Government from launching Operation Turquoise, the peacekeeping operation that has been at the heart of the acrimonious relationship between France and the RPF regime under Paul Kagame since then. I went back unsuccessful and disappointed. The stakes were high.

Before then, RPF had dispatched its senior leaders, Gerald Gahima and Claude Dusaidi, to New York and Washington DC to dissuade the United Nations and the United States from launching any peacekeeping operations in Rwanda.

The RPF’s double-pronged strategy in France and United States was derived from two mutually re-enforcing fears and considerations. First, because RPF was inherently an organization of Tutsi exiles, it considered France a hostile nation because of its close relationship with the then Government of Rwanda under President Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu. In fact, popular perception in the rank and file of the RPF was that the French, and the Belgians before them, were pro-Hutu. The twists and turns of history are such that in post-1994 Rwanda, popular opinion within the Hutu and Tutsi communities is that Americans and the British are pro-Tutsi. Second, by ordering the shooting down of the plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana, Kagame simultaneously derailed the Arusha Peace Agreement and triggered the genocide and massacres of 1994 in which Tutsi and Hutu were victims.

For RPF, a French-led or any United Nations peacekeeping operation was perceived as a threat to its push for outright military victory. When Alain Juppe told our delegation that the French-led operation was to save Tutsi, Kagame instructed me to respond that ‘all the Tutsi who were to die have died anyway, and there are no more to save’. This became the standard mobilizing theme and response in Washington DC and New York,

In essence, it is this callous, cold and calculating consideration for General Paul Kagame and his RPF’s quest for power at any price that has brought France-Rwanda relations to a new and dangerous crisis point. When the French investigating magistrate, Jean-Louis Bruguiere, indicted President Paul Kagame and other RPA military officers for the assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana and his Burundian counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira, RPF was up in arms. To Kagame and the RPF, this was considered to be further proof that France was anti-Tutsi, anti-RPF and most importantly, anti-Kagame. The marching orders to all of us who worked in the system was to fight the French everywhere and by all means possible, including lies, deceptions and denials.


Can the bitter relationship between France and Rwanda be repaired under Paul Kagame’s regime? The response to that is an absolute no.

First, Kagame and the RPF’s hold on to power survives and thrives on a narrative that perpetuates falsehoods calculated to make France and the international community guilty. In this narrative, the French are the bad guys who assisted the other bad guys, the Hutu, to commit genocide; and that the international community failed to prevent and stop the genocide against Tutsi, who were saved by Kagame and the RPF. This narrative is deliberately silent on Kagame’s role in the assassination of President Habyarimana, which triggered the genocide. Despite mistakes in France’s and international policies and actions towards Rwanda at the time, RPF’s narrative denies the fact that Operation Turquoise saved some Tutsi and Hutu. This false narrative is Kagame’s and RPF’s addictive and life-giving magic bullet. With it aid money flows, and questions about human rights, democracy and accountability are taboo. Without it, the regime would cease to be.

Second, Kagame and the RPF need a contest with a big power like France to bolster its stand domestically and internationally. Domestically, the RPF regime has never had any legitimacy among the Hutu. Kagame claims to be the sole hero and saviour of the Tutsi. Currently, what used to look like a homogenous Tutsi community held together by fear under Kagame’s iron hand is crumbling fast. He needs France as a powerful enemy against which he can mobilize the fearful Tutsi and a marginalized Hutu population.

Third, there is also an opportunistic dimension to Kagame’s anti-France stand. Since 1994, the decline of French influence in Rwanda has witnessed a disproportionate rise of Anglo-American influence in the tiny Republic. The Anglo-American-Rwanda love triangle may be seen as a compassionate one, based on benevolent giants’ altruistic urge to help Rwanda the victim. London and Washington do not see it that way. Rwanda sits at the interface of the Great Lakes and the Horn of Africa, regions in which the United States and the United Kingdom have deep geo-strategic, economic and security interests. By Kagame appearing to be anti-France, and abiding in both overt and covert missions, there are some Anglo-American cheers and cheerleaders. The fact that Tony Blair and Bill Clinton are Kagame’s principal global promoters is no accident.

Last but not least, by antagonizing and humiliating France, Kagame seeks to claim the status of a nationalist and pan-Africanist standing up to a Western power. This is an absurd claim, since he is a sectarian bully who dominates the nation through coercive means. He destabilizes the region though direct or proxy wars, especially in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and is deeply dependent on Western aid.

Faced with a difficult past in Rwanda, and a consistently antagonistic Kagame, France has tried all sorts of palliative treatment for a deep-seated and chronic disease. A contrite President Nicolas Sarkozy visited Rwanda in 2010. Kagame has been welcomed to France. What has France received in return? Kagame and RPF have thrown out the French language, condemning many generations of Rwandans to illiteracy; taught a whole young generation of Rwandans to hate the French; expelled a French Ambassador and condemned the current one to obscurity; accused France of being an accomplice in the crime of genocide; closed the French cultural center in Kigali; and, deliberately seeks to divide the French people and their Government though manipulation of guilt, denials and deceptions.

The Government and people of France must resist and reject Kagame’s and RPF’s relentless onslaught on their dignity. No appeasement of Kagame will ever be sufficient for him to change attitude, policy and action towards France. Respectful, truthful and mutually beneficial relations between France and Rwanda will only be possible after Kagame and the RPF.

All the more reason why France should bring to conclusion the investigation on the assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi. Kagame knows that this investigation will be his Achilles heel. He has fought it, and will continue to fight it, with all the means he has at his disposal. France is paying the price for touching Kagame’s raw nerve.

Ultimately, France’s medium to long term interests will be best served by being proactive in supporting the national democratic forces seeking to create a just, free, peaceful, democratic and prosperous Rwanda.

* Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa is a former Secretary General of RPF, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chief of Staff to President Paul Kagame.


* THE VIEWS OF THE ABOVE ARTICLE ARE THOSE OF THE AUTHOR/S AND DO NOT NECESSARILY REFLECT THE VIEWS OF THE PAMBAZUKA NEWS EDITORIAL TEAM

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The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, May 30, 2014






Open letter to
  • President Frederick M. Lawrence, Brandeis University, Irving Enclave 113, MS 100, 415 South St., Waltham, MA 02453
  • President Drew Faust, Harvard University, Massachusetts Hall, Cambridge, MA 02138
  • President L. Rafael Reif, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 77 Massachusetts Ave., Room 3-208, Cambridge, MA 02139-4307
  • President John L. Hennessy, Stanford University, Building 10, Stanford, CA 94305-2061
  • President Anthony P. Monaco, Tufts University, Ballou Hall, Second Floor, 1 The Green, Medford, MA 02155
Kambale Musavuli, a native of the Democratic Republic of Congo, is based in New York City and serves as national spokesperson for Friends of the Congo, which raises global consciousness about the situation in the Congo. He is featured in the short film “Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth” that explores the role that the United States, Rwanda and Uganda have played in triggering the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century. Here he speaks at Congo Day in Connecticut, on March 8, 2014.
Kambale Musavuli, a native of the Democratic Republic of Congo, is based in New York City and serves as national spokesperson for Friends of the Congo, which raises global consciousness about the situation in the Congo. He is featured in the short film “Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth” that explores the role that the United States, Rwanda and Uganda have played in triggering the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century. Here he speaks at Congo Day in Connecticut, on March 8, 2014.
Re: Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s visit to Your Universities
Dear Presidents,
As a coalition of Africa-focused human rights and peace organizations representing a broad range of individuals, including Rwandans, Ugandans and Congolese people, we write to express our dismay at your decision to welcome President of Rwanda Paul Kagame to your universities.
We regret to inform you that your invitation of Paul Kagame to your institution co-signs his repressive practices inside Rwanda and his aggressive interventions in neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). In 2010 a Human Rights Watch article insisted that, if “leaders continue to ignore the darker side of Kagame’s story, they will only compound the problem. Burying the truth about horrific crimes is a very effective way to sow the seeds for future grievances and more violence.”

Your invitation of Paul Kagame to your institution co-signs his repressive practices inside Rwanda and his aggressive interventions in neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

Consider these recent charges and reports on Kagame’s militarily aggressive activities in Congo, politically oppressive activities within Rwanda and alleged assassination of dissidents abroad:
  • In 2008, The Spanish National Court, The Audiencia National (which charged disgraced Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet), indicted 40 Rwandan military officers for terrorism, mass killings and several counts of genocide against Rwandans, Congolese and Spanish citizens, following the 1994 genocide, Spanish Judge Fernando Andreu has said he has evidence implicating Rwanda’s current President Paul Kagame, who has immunity from prosecution as a head of state.
  • Following the August 2010 election, where Paul Kagame won with 93 percent of the votes, many observers have called it fraudulent and noted that it was marred by political violence, incarceration and intimidation and repression of press freedom. The White House issued a statement raising concerns that “[n]o one should underestimate the enormous challenges born of the genocide in 1994. Rwanda’s progress in the face of these challenges has been remarkable, and is a testament to the people of Rwanda. Rwanda’s stability and growing prosperity, however, will be difficult to sustain in the absence of broad political debate and open political participation.”
  • On Oct. 1, 2010, the U.N. Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNOHCHR) published “The United Nations Mapping Exercise Report,” which documents crimes committed in the Congo from 1993 to 2003. It singled out the crimes committed by the Rwanda army by noting that “the apparent systematic and widespread attacks described in this report reveal a number of inculpatory elements that, if proven before a competent court, could be characterized as crimes of genocide.”
  • In May 2011, British news sources reported on attempted assassinations carried out by Rwandan government personnel against Rwandan refugees and exiles.
  • The June 3, 2011, report from Amnesty International condemns Kagame’s government, saying: “The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), in power since the 1994 genocide, tightly controls political space, civil society and the media, contending that this is necessary to prevent renewed violence. Human rights defenders, journalists and political opponents cannot openly and publicly criticize the authorities. People who do speak out risk prosecution and imprisonment.”
  • On July 21, 2012, The New York Times reported that the U.S. State Department said that “it would cut military aid to Rwanda for the year, citing evidence that the country was supporting rebels in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The move is significant, coming from one of Rwanda’s staunchest allies.”
  • On Dec. 18, 2012, President Obama personally called Paul Kagame to emphasize “the importance of permanently ending all support to armed groups in the DRC, abiding by the recent commitments he made in Kampala along with Presidents Kabila and Museveni, and reaching a transparent and credible political agreement that includes an end to impunity for M23 commanders and others who have committed serious human rights abuses.”
  • On Oct. 3, 2013, the United States sanctioned the Rwandan government and blocked further military aid because of its support for M23 rebels in the DRC who are believed to be using child soldiers. Reuters reported that State Department spokeswoman Marie Harf said Rwanda was sanctioned because of its “support for the M23, a rebel group which continues to actively recruit and abduct children” and to threaten the stability of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
  • On March 12, 2014, the chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the U.S. House of Representatives wrote a letter to Secretary of State John Kerry to express his “deep concern over the numerous attempted attacks and killings of Rwandan dissidents living outside that country.” Chairman Royce called on the State Department to “reevaluate U.S. engagement with Rwanda.”

As you can see from the above cases, the global community led by the United States is moving in a direction to hold the Rwandan government accountable for its repressive actions inside Rwanda and its destabilizing activities in the DRC and elsewhere in Africa.

The global community led by the United States is moving in a direction to hold the Rwandan government accountable for its repressive actions inside Rwanda and its destabilizing activities in the DRC and elsewhere in Africa.

If your universities were genuinely invested in sustainable peace and development in Rwanda, and if you are determined to cultivate a relationship with Kagame, we are insisting on greater caution and responsibility. We urge you to make your partnership with Kagame conditional on improvements in his human rights record, extension of political freedoms, cessation of his pursuit of dissidents abroad and an end to repeated interventions and support of proxy militias inside the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Without these measures, you will open your university to a great deal of warranted criticism, negative media attention and an almost certain historical stain as one of the institutions that supported the despotic rule of another African strongman.
Sincerely,
The Africa Great Lakes Coalition (AGLC)
The Africa Great Lakes Coalition is comprised of the Africa Faith and Justice Network (AFJN), African Great Lakes Action Network (AGLAN), Don’t Be Blind This Time, Foreign Policy in Focus, Friends of the Congo (FOTC), Hope Congo (HC), Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation (HRRF), Mobilization for Justice and Peace in Congo (MJPC), UMOYA – Comités de Solidaridad con el África Negra, Save the Congo and Stanford University STAND. The coalition can be reached at The Africa Great Lakes Coalition, c/o Friends of the Congo, 1629 K Street NW, Suite 300, Washington, DC 20006.


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, May 25, 2014






[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]


NORD-KIVU: RENDEZ-VOUS AVEC LES FDLR LE 30 MAI…ILS VONT DESARMER!!!
23 mai 2014

Le 30 Mai 2014, les FDLR, Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération du Rwanda, vont organiser une cérémonie dans la localité de Buleusa dans la province du Nord-Kivu, dans le territoire de Walikare, pour déposer les armes. Wilson Irategeka, Secrétaire Exécutif des FDLR-FOCA a affrimé sur Radio Kivu 1 que plusieurs délégations ont été invitées à cette cérémonie, même le gouvernement rwandais, le gouvernement congolais et la MONUSCO. Il a ajouté que c’est depuis décembre 2013 que leur volonté de déposer les armes a été publiée.


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, May 24, 2014




[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]



 Foreign and RPF worshippers have never been so courageous to tell the world how their hero Paul Kagame killed more than 8 million of his opponents and enemies mostly Hutu children and women.


Why do the United States and Britain let him keep on phantasizing about peace and economy at each time he's invited to come and see his mentors?


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, May 18, 2014





A former aid worker remembers the silence, pain, and foreboding of Rwanda -- just after the 1994 genocide.



I was detailed in August and September 1994 to help assist the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) disaster-relief team working in Rwanda in the aftermath of that country's genocide. It was my first humanitarian field experience. These are some of my recollections from my time on the ground.
There were two other passengers on the small United Nations World Food Program plane headed to Rwanda's capital, Kigali. We did not talk during the short flight from Uganda. As the aircraft banked sharply toward the Kigali airport, I looked down at the local soccer arena, which had been converted into a makeshift parking lot for a fleet of white U.N. armored personnel carriers.
After landing, we loaded our bags and several boxes of medical supplies into the back of a U.N. vehicle parked next to the plane and drove out of the airport and onto the road; there was no passport check, luggage carousel, or customs.
Ours was virtually the only car on the road. As our driver snaked his way along curves, he casually pointed out several spots on the street where someone had painted white lines around potholes. "See those circles? Those are land mines and unexploded ordnance --mortar shells, rounds from rocket-propelled grenades - that kind of thing." Almost as an afterthought he added, "You'll want to avoid those when you are driving."
I was dispatched from our base at the embassy with a colleague, Kim Maynard, to assess a cluster of displaced-person camps in northwestern Rwanda. As we drove west, the low, rolling hills were green and lush, but the entire countryside was vacant. Just months before, Rwanda had been the most crowded country in Africa, its roads thickly congested with people, vehicles, and livestock. Yet now there were no workers toiling in the fields; the markets were empty; schools, churches, and businesses were abandoned. Those few people we saw lingered nervously near their homes and melted away upon our approach.
Stark numbers told the same story that we saw as we drove: Eight hundred thousand people had been killed in 100 days not long before our arrival. Over 2 million people -- most of them Hutu -- had fled the country as refugees, primarily to Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo). Countless more had fled their homes but stayed within Rwanda, living with relatives or gathering in large camps. More than 40 percent of Rwanda's population was either dead or displaced.
* * *

In contrast to the stillness of the countryside, the first displaced camp we visited was teeming. There were thousands of people. Some were living in a low-slung building that looked like it had been a school, but the majority of families sprawled out across a field stripped of its vegetation. Most were living out in the open, or in ramshackle temporary huts made of plastic, cardboard, or scavenged pieces of corrugated tin. Implausibly thin mothers clutched sickly newborns and begged for medicine.
An old man lying prone in the red clay had flies resting on his sunken cheeks.


As we worked in the northwest over the days that followed, we came across scene after scene of horror. In a hospital outside of one camp, a nurse explained how the Hutu doctor that had run the facility had methodically killed most of his Tutsi patients and staff.  "Right there in the beds," the nurse said: "He was very involved in politics, and he was very committed to Hutu power, but we thought it was just talk. We did not care so much about politics, and he was a doctor. He was a big man. He gave the same speeches over and over again. It was silly. We joked about it when he wasn't listening. He said we should be more patriotic. He was always saying, 'Tutsis are criminals; they want to kill us all. We must organize against them."
"I could not stop this," the nurse added. She fled into the countryside, taking refuge with family members, and had only just returned. She was hoping that the hospital would start functioning again. She needed the work. The nurse had heard that Hutu fighters had forced some of her coworkers to retreat with them to "take care of the wounded." She did not expect to see them again.
The Rwandans, both Tutsi and Hutu, tended to be painstakingly soft-spoken, and it was difficult to imagine such personalities erupting in violence. One day, stopping by the side of the road, I listened quietly as a young mother described having last seen her husband and two children six weeks earlier: "We heard stories that the Hutus had lists of names and were starting to kill people. It was no longer safe to stay in the house, and we went to hide in the fields. They had set fire to some houses near ours, and one man -- we had known him all our lives -- said, 'We will be back for you very soon.'

It was as if we had never met before. Our children used to play together. At first, we thought they just wanted money, but you could see it was more. These men could do what they wanted. We had no time to take any of our things. There were checkpoints on all of the roads."
It was unclear from the woman's story exactly how she had been separated from her husband and children. I did not ask. "I hid in the fields for days, and I could hear the men searching," she told me. "They were drunk. They were singing and blowing whistles, celebrating when they found someone. I do not think I slept. I saw many bodies. Even then, some of the other families in the fields wanted to return to their houses. They thought it would be safe. This was so foolish. It made me angry."
* * *
Almost every Tutsi we spoke with offered an incredibly long list of dead relatives. 
A Rwandan working with one aid group calmly ticked off the names of 17 of his murdered family members.

To understand the amount of human labor that went into the massacres was to acknowledge how successful the hard-line Hutu government had been in drawing the public to its cause. At the height of the genocide, people stacked bodies in front of the houses of important Hutu leaders to demonstrate their fealty to the cause, like cats proudly depositing eviscerated mice on a doorstep.
I often spotted single shoes lying in the roadway or on the front lawns of houses. They bothered me. In a poor country, you do not just lose a single, perfectly good shoe. A solitary shoe meant that a person had fled for his life, or was pushed into a truck, or was torn apart from a loved one. With each lone sandal, slipper, or sneaker, you could imagine panicked last moments.
But while Rwanda had brought out the very worst in some people, it had also revealed remarkable strengths. There were Hutus that risked their own lives to save Tutsi friends and neighbors, sometimes literally hiding them under the bed or floorboards. Hutus helped Tutsis forge identity cards or claimed them as family members. Bizarrely, we even heard stories of Hutu soldiers who hid Tutsi friends in their closets -- but then went out during the day and slaughtered other Tutsi.
* * *
Goma is located at the northern end of Lake Kivu in eastern Congo, a very short distance from the border with Rwanda. Having watched scenes from a refugee camp there on the news before I arrived, I was startled to find that Goma itself was a dilapidated resort village. Congo, having long suffered under the horribly corrupt leadership of President Mobutu Sese Seko, was lawless and run-down. The government could not provide security for its own citizens, much less the refugees pouring out of Rwanda.
As we approached the Goma refugee camp, there were hundreds, maybe thousands of women wearing brightly colored wraps walking on the shoulder of the road. The women, most of whom carried bundles of sticks on their heads, were scrounging further and further away from the camp each day, looking for fuel for their fires.
A rush of movement caught my attention. Not far from the road, I could see three Hutu savagely beating a man on the ground. We could do nothing. We were unarmed, and there were no peacekeepers in sight. The women with the sticks walked faster.
Death in Goma was unceremonious. Bodies were stacked by the side of the road. The bodies were tangled, their clothes dirty and disheveled, looking like discarded, broken dolls. A heavy truck half-full of the dead moved slowly down the road, and the men in charge of its awful cargo wore bandanas over their mouths to dampen the stench.
The Goma camp was perched in the shadow of an active volcano. The ground was craggy volcanic rock that was sharp enough to tear through sneakers. The air was caustic with the smell of wood smoke and far too many people living packed together. The scene was a vast, grim tableau of green and blue tarps providing temporary shelter, as well as lean-tos, huts, small igloo-shaped creations, and A-frames made from plastic sheeting, bamboo, cornstalks, wood, old raincoats, and straw. Mothers, often grasping children, waited in long lines for meager rations of food. People clustered around huge temporary rubber water tanks 30 feet tall, eager for their moment at a spigot.
Hutu soldiers and militia men sat around drinking and playing cards, killing time. The anger and bitterness was plain on their faces. None of their grand conspiracies for wiping out the Tutsi were supposed to end up with them sitting powerless in a refugee camp. Yet they -- and innocent Hutu civilians who had also fled their homes -- believed that facing dysentery, disease, and deprivation was preferable to risking Tutsi retribution for the incredible slaughter of the preceding weeks.
Goma was bitter duty for relief workers. Armed and uniformed men were present throughout the camp; most did not bother to conceal their weapons. Relief workers were delivering aid not only to innocent refugees but also directly to mass murderers. Could they let thousands of innocent people die because they did not want to feed those killers?
* * * 
Near the end of my time in Rwanda, I drove back to the border crossing between Rwanda and Congo. The people I was picking up were late, so I struck up a conversation with a Rwandan Tutsi border guard. 
"Where are you from?" I asked.
"Butare," he replied, one of the larger cities in southern Rwanda.
"When was the last time you were there?" I inquired.
"Oh," he said, with a fleeting look of embarrassment, "I have never actually been to Butare. That is where my parents are from, so that is my home."
The soldier's parents had fled to Uganda from Rwanda in 1959 during an earlier round of ethnic violence. He had lived his entire life as a refugee. The first chance for him to return to his home country came when he and other Tutsi refugees invaded Rwanda in an effort to stem the rapidly expanding genocide against his own people.
He would finally be able to return to the modest house and small piece of farmland that his parents had abandoned 35 years before. But the return of Tutsi forces had also triggered the new, large exodus of Hutu refugees. Just miles from where we stood, countless young Hutu boys in the Goma refugee camp were darting between temporary huts and cook fires, playing with toy guns and dreaming of leading a triumphal army back into Rwanda.
The people I was waiting for appeared. Thanking the border guard, I tossed some bags in the back of the Land Cruiser before setting off. I wanted to make sure we got to Kigali with plenty of daylight.

Alexander Joe/AFP/Getty Images

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, May 17, 2014







Twenty years after the pivotal events of 1994, it is time that Western media ‘news’ consumers – scholars, peace workers, academics, clergy, politicians, humanitarian aid workers, everyone – took responsibility for their own participation in the ‘Rwanda Genocide’ hysteria or, as it is, industry.

Media war

 The New York Times led the charge into Rwanda, and the Western media continued to beat the ‘Tutsis as victims’ drum roll. There was, after all, a lot of money to be made. Wall Street vultures began drooling. Military and intelligence operatives like David Kimche (Israel) and Roger Winter (USA) jockeyed for position – organizing logistics, maintaining supply chains, arranging weapons shipments – to support ‘our’ man Kagame and our proxy guerrilla army, the RPF. The Washington Post, Boston Globe, CNN, the Observer all described the RPF guerrillas as a highly ‘disciplined’ army: if any woman was raped or civilian massacred, it was an accident, a rogue soldier, and said soldier would be duly punished (of course, they never were).

Paul Kagame put into practice what his teachers, the military strategists at the US Army Command and Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas (USA), taught him: psychological operations and how to overthrow a country.
In Rwanda, the country report notes that "the Government’s human rights record remains poor" and "citizens do not have the right to change their government." In addition, the State Department notes that "the security forces carry out extrajudicial killings within the country" and that there were "many reports, some of which were credible, that Rwandan army units operating across the country carry out deliberate extrajudicial killings and other serious abuses."



(Nairobi) – An increasing number of people have been forcibly disappeared or have been reported missing inRwanda since March 2014. Many of the cases occurred in Rubavu district, in Western Province.
In some cases, the whereabouts of the people involved are still unknown several weeks later. Human Rights Watch has received information that some of the people who were forcibly disappeared were detained by Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) soldiers and believes they may be in military custody.
“Enforced disappearances are a heinous crime, not least because of the anguish and suffering they cause to family and friends,” said Daniel Bekele, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “Rwandan police and judicial authorities have strict and absolute obligations to thoroughly investigate any case of enforced disappearance.”

If the people who have been forcibly disappeared have been arrested, the authorities should immediately acknowledge their detention, reveal their whereabouts, and allow them access to their families and to a lawyer, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should either release those being held or inform them of the charges against them and bring them before a court.
Human Rights Watch collected detailed accounts of 14 people who have been forcibly disappeared or who have been reported missing in Rubavu since March and has received credible accounts of several more cases in Rubavu and Musanze districts, as well as in the capital, Kigali. In at least eight of the Rubavu cases, there were indications of involvement of state agents in the disappearances. Several witnesses said they saw the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, Honoré Mugisha, taking part in arrests of people who were forcibly disappeared.

Rwandan officials told Human Rights Watch that they were investigating the cases, but have not provided any information on the progress or results of their investigations.

The families of many of those who have been forcibly disappeared or gone missing have written to local and national authorities, asking that their loved ones’ location be made public so that they can visit them. One received a response from the office of the mayor of Rubavu, acknowledging receipt of the letter and saying they were looking into the case. The other family members who spoke to Human Rights Watch have not received any response. One woman said she had searched for her husband in vain and was giving up hope. “I have no idea where he is, I really don’t,” she told Human Rights Watch. “He is gone without a trace.”

Information gathered by Human Rights Watch indicates that some of the people who have been forcibly disappeared may have been detained on suspicion of being members of, or working with, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (Forces démocratiques pour la libération du Rwanda,FDLR). The predominantly Rwandan armed opposition group, based in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, consists in part of people who participated in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda. Several of those who have been forcibly disappeared used to visit relatives or conduct business in Congo, and these movements appear to have attracted the suspicion of Rwandan authorities.

Rubavu’s proximity to the Congolese town of Goma, just across the border, means that many Rwandans frequently cross the border for commercial activities. Others have relatives living in Congo.

Since 2010, Human Rights Watch has documented a number of cases of people accused of being FDLR members or collaborators, or charged with state security offenses, and who were detained incommunicado by the military and forced to confess to crimes, or implicate others, sometimes under torture. When they were eventually brought to trial, some of the defendants told the judges that their confessions had been extracted under torture. However, in many cases, the judges disregarded their claims and proceeded to convict them in the absence of any other evidence.
Nsengimana Alfred in handcuffs
gunned down by Kagame's police in public outside
the prison alleging that he was trying to escape
In view of the sensitivity of being associated with people suspected of links with the FDLR, the Rwandan government and police should ensure that relatives of the disappeared are not threatened or harmed for inquiring about their cases, Human Rights Watch said.

Civilians should not be detained in military custody, and all victims of enforced disappearances have a right to a remedy, Human Rights Watch said.

An enforced disappearance occurs when someone is deprived of their liberty by agents of the state or those acting with its acquiescence, followed by a refusal to acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts of the disappeared person.

You cannot escape from the prison while in
handcuffs  and heavy chains
“We are concerned that some of the people who have disappeared could face a similar fate to those accused of FDLR involvement or state security offenses in the past,” Bekele said. “The Rwandan authorities should make every effort to locate these people.”

For details about the circumstances of the disappearances, recommendations, and a summary of some of the cases Human Rights Watch investigated, please see below.

Involvement of Military and Local Government Officials
Several witnesses told Human Rights Watch that they saw a local government official and RDF soldiers detaining some of those who have disappeared.
On April 16, two village chiefs, Elie Semajeri and Shamusi Umubyeyi, and a traditional doctor, Jean-Bosco Bizimungu, were detained in the Kabuga, Majengo, and Ihuriro neighborhoods of Gisenyi sector. Local residents said that soldiers, together with the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, Honoré Mugisha, detained these people near their homes. Witnesses also cited Mugisha in connection with other disappearances.

Mugisha told Human Rights Watch on May 8 that he had heard rumors of these accusations against him but said he did not understand them. He maintained that on April 16, he was in Ruhengeri, a town more than an hour away, visiting his sick mother, and said he did not learn that the two village chiefs had disappeared until April 18.

Yet six witnesses separately confirmed to Human Rights Watch that Mugisha was personally involved in the detentions on April 16. Witnesses told Human Rights Watch that when local residents questioned the detention of Umubyeyi, Mugisha said he took responsibility for it and said: “We are going to ask her some questions and then we will release her.” Similarly, Mugisha told a person close to Semajeri: “He has questions to answer and then we will release him.”

The Rwandan Penal Code prohibits kidnapping and unlawful detention and specifies that it is an offense for public servants to be involved in acts violating individual liberty. Failure by public servants who are aware of an illegal deprivation of an individual’s liberty to assist or to seek assistance from a competent authority to end it also constitutes an offense.

The Rwandan Penal Code states that any civil servant who puts or retains a person in detention without a legal order shall be liable to a term of imprisonment equivalent to the term incurred by the illegally detained person. An act of enforced disappearance is not yet defined as a crime under national law, although the Penal Code recognizes enforced disappearances as one of the acts that can constitute a crime against humanity.

Official Response
Human Rights Watch met with the District Police Commander of Rubavu District, Karangwa Murenge, on May 8. Murenge agreed that the number of reported cases of missing people had increased. He told Human Rights Watch: “I have seen the letters that have been dropped off here in which people say that they have loved ones missing. We are doing investigations. Just until now we can’t say how this is happening. We are trying to figure out what is going on.”

He disputed a list of 14 names presented by Human Rights Watch saying, “I really don’t think this can be right. This is too many people.” He said: “We are next to the DRC [Democratic Republic of Congo]. Some people can leave for the DRC for days or weeks or even months and not tell others.”

“If a soldier arrests a civilian, then he [the civilian] should immediately be sent to me,” he said. “The military can never arrest a civilian.”

On May 9, local and provincial officials held a public meeting at the football stadium in Gisenyi sector. Before this meeting, a rumor was circulating that the people who had been subject to enforced disappearance or were missing would be presented to the crowd.

This did not happen, but officials, including the governor of Western Province and the mayor of Rubavu, urged the population to reinforce local security efforts. A senior military official, Major General Mubarak Muganga, reportedly told the crowd that the RDF was detaining people who would later be presented to the public. He said these people had been detained because they collaborated with the FDLR and had confessed to this voluntarily.

Human Rights Watch raised cases of the disappeared and missing people with Brigadier General Joseph Nzabamwita, the spokesman for the RDF, on May 13. Responding to concerns that RDF soldiers may have been involved in unlawful detention, Nzabamwita said, “The RDF does not engage in such.” He questioned the relevance of Major General Muganga’s statement that the RDF was detaining people to reports of people subject to enforced disappearance.

Human Rights Watch also raised these cases with Justice Minister Johnston Busingye in an email on May 12. On May 13 Human Rights Watch met with Busingye, who said he would look into them.

The Law on Disappearances and Recommendations
The absolute prohibition on enforced disappearances is part of customary international law and is included as a crime in the Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC). Multiple human rights instruments also address enforced disappearances. Rwanda has yet to ratify the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance.

Although a discrete crime in and of itself, the act of enforced disappearance has also long been recognized as simultaneously violating multiple human rights protections, including the prohibition of torture and freedom from arbitrary arrest and detention. An enforced disappearance is also a “continuing crime:” it continues to take place so long as the disappeared person remains missing, and information about his or her fate or whereabouts has not been provided.

An enforced disappearance has multiple victims. Those close to a disappeared person suffer anguish from not knowing the fate of the disappeared person, which amounts to inhuman and degrading treatment. They may also be further treated in an inhuman and degrading manner by authorities who fail to investigate or provide information on the whereabouts and fate of the disappeared person. These aspects make disappearances a particularly pernicious form of violation, and highlight the seriousness with which the authorities should take their obligations to prevent and remedy the crime.

The Rwandan government should ensure that:
-          All authorities who have received inquiries from families of people who have disappeared or are missing reply promptly, providing all known information on the whereabouts and fate of these people and on steps being taken to acquire such information if not readily available;
-          District and national authorities investigate all reported cases of enforced disappearances;
-          All those forcibly disappeared are immediately released or brought before a judge and any further custody is conducted in strict compliance with Rwandan and international law. Such custody should only be possible on the basis that the individual has been charged with a criminal offense, for which they will be promptly given a fair trial, with guarantees for absolute respect for their due process rights;
-          No information collected during the time the person was disappeared or that may have been acquired through torture or any other prohibited ill-treatment is allowed to be used as evidence in criminal proceedings, other than against those who engaged in any torture, ill-treatment or the act of enforced disappearance; and
-          All those involved in the acts of enforced disappearance are investigated and prosecuted under Rwandan law.  
Selection of cases of disappearances in Rubavu district March to May 2014
Anne-Marie Murekatete – Disappeared on March 18, 2014
Anne-Marie Murekatete, 27, is an intern at the health clinic in Gatyazo, in Nyamyumba sector. She studied nursing in Congo. On March 18, she was taken by men in a vehicle just outside the clinic where she worked.

A witness told Human Rights Watch:
It was between 8:30 and 9 a.m. [and she was] dressed in her work clothes. She got a call from a girl she had studied with in Congo. I could hear the conversation. The caller said that Anne-Marie had to go outside. There was a vehicle parked there [and] two people were on the road. The men were in civilian clothes. The vehicle was a white pickup truck with tinted windows … As she was walking toward the truck, she was talking on the phone … One of the men said to her, ‘Is it you [the caller] is looking for? She is in the vehicle, you can find her there.’ As she got near the vehicle, the two men pushed her inside. They were walking behind her as she walked toward it and forced her inside. Then they sped off.
On April 14, a relative of Murekatete wrote letters to local government officials explaining what had happened and asking for help in finding her.

A relative inquired about her case in April at a regular district security meeting at which a member of the RDF addressed the local population. The RDF official responded: “If it is the enemy who took her, we will look for her. If she is with us, it is because there are things we need to ask her. We need to ask her questions and then we will release her.”

Although the men described as detaining Murekatete were dressed as civilians, the white vehicle into which she was forced matches the description of other vehicles allegedly used by government forces and civilians to detain other disappeared people.

Elie Semajeri – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Elie Semajeri, 50, is the village chief of the Majengo neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. On April 16 uniformed armed soldiers arrived at his home around 11:30 p.m., accompanied by men in civilian clothes. They told one of his children, “Go tell [Semajeri] we need him now.”

An individual close to Semajeri who was near his home told Human Rights Watch:
Elie thought it had something to do with the neighborhood, so he got up and put on a jacket … [Another person] went outside and saw the soldiers walking Elie out of the compound. She then saw him try to resist and they [the soldiers] pushed him. She yelled, ‘[Semajeri] is being arrested!’ [Others] ran outside and threw stones at neighbors’ houses to tell everyone what was happening and to tell people to come outside…
I saw Honoré, the executive secretary, with the soldiers. The soldiers had their guns out and were pointing them up and down the street. Elie was being put into a vehicle and he yelled, ‘Look! They are arresting me! They are taking me and I will die!’ He was also crying. He yelled, ‘All the neighbors must see this!’ At this moment, they forced him into a vehicle. It was a white pickup truck.
Another witness told Human Rights Watch:
It was around 11 p.m. in the evening … I was in bed and all of a sudden, I heard a child crying, ‘Get up! They are taking [him]!’ I got up and opened the door. I saw soldiers… and men in civilian clothes. As I went outside, I saw Elie being taken by three men in civilian clothes. They told him to sit down and a soldier guarded him. There were many soldiers around. We all started to cry, ‘No! You can’t take him at night! He should stay here.’ There were many people around. Elie was yelling, ‘No! Don’t arrest me! ... Leave me alone, I don’t want to go!’ We started to resist and the soldiers started to threaten us … A soldier pushed me to the ground. The soldiers scared the people back and they took Elie away in a white vehicle.
An individual close to Semajeri phoned Mugisha, the executive secretary of Gisenyi sector, who said, “He [Semajeri] has questions to answer and then we will release him.”

The next day, a relative of Semajeri went to Gisenyi police station to look for him. The police told her he was not there, and advised her that if he had been arrested by the military, she should check at the military camp.

On May 2 Semajeri’s relatives dropped letters at local government offices explaining how he was arrested by soldiers in the presence of Mugisha. They have not received a response.

Shamusi Umubyeyi – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Shamusi Umubyeyi, approximately 45, is the village chief of the Ihuriro neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. On April 16, when soldiers arrived near Semajeri’s home (see above), one of Semajeri’s relatives ran to Umubyeyi’s home to inform her. As Umubyeyi was leaving, soldiers, accompanied by Mugisha, arrested her. Umubyeyi was last seen at a parking lot near the football stadium, where Mugisha and the soldiers had escorted her.

A local resident told Human Rights Watch:
We heard all the cries and we got up and went to look outside. People were running around yelling, ‘Come! Come! [Elie Semajeri] is being arrested!’ Shamusi got up in her night clothes and left her house. Near my house she stopped to talk to some local demobilized soldiers … At this moment the vehicle that took Elie came back. It was a white pickup truck. The executive secretary got out and approached me and asked where Shamusi was. His name is Honoré Mugisha.
He called Shamusi’s phone and I heard him say, ‘Come back, we need to see you.’ She came [and] they greeted each other. Honoré said to her, ‘You too. We are looking for you. If your conscience is clean, then come and explain yourself.’ Shamusi said, ‘I have no problems. I am here to see what has happened. I see you are a leader, so I will come.’ Honoré was with three men in civilian clothes … and three soldiers who were armed. [As she was walked off, some people asked] Honoré, ‘Who is arresting our neighbor?’ He said, ‘I am responsible. Go back to bed.’
Another local resident told Human Rights Watch, “When the military was taking Shamusi away, the population was crying out. Honoré got out of his truck and said to the population, ‘No, stay calm, we are going to ask her some questions and then we will release her.’”

On April 25 relatives of Umubyeyi dropped off letters at local government offices explaining how she was arrested and requesting help in finding her. They have not received a response. When a person close to Umubyeyi inquired about her at the Division III military headquarters in Gisenyi, commonly known as “CEPGL,” a military official told him, “If you continue to insist on following this case, you too could become a victim.”

Hassani Bizimana – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
On April 16, a soldier arrested Hassani Bizimana, 44, in the Ubutabazi neighborhood in Gisenyi sector, as he was closing his shop. A witness told Human Rights Watch:
It was around 6 p.m. and he was closing the shop. All of a sudden, a soldier was there … I turned around and I saw Bizimana … He said, ‘This soldier is saying they are going to take me somewhere.’ He yelled, ‘People! Look, the military are taking me somewhere! If you can’t find me, know that it was them who took me!’ I approached the soldier and tried to see his name, but the tag on his uniform had been removed. People started to approach, so the soldier said to Hassani, ‘Ok, let’s go.’ Someone yelled, ‘What has he done?’ The soldier said, ‘The people in charge of intelligence told me to take him.’
Another witness confirmed this, telling Human Rights Watch that he saw a soldier with a gun walking away with Bizimana and heard Bizimana shout out that he was being arrested.

An individual close to Bizimana went to the police station the same night to look for him, but the police told him that those arrested by the military were taken to a military base commonly known as the “gendarmerie,” near the border with Congo.

The next morning he went to the “gendarmerie.” Soldiers there asked him, “Who said he was arrested by the military? Is everyone in a uniform a soldier?”

On May 2 a relative of Bizimana dropped off letters to local government and police offices reporting Bizimana’s detention by a soldier and requesting that his location be revealed. There has been no response.
Jean-Bosco Bizimungu – Disappeared on April 16, 2014
Jean-Bosco Bizimungu, 51, is a traditional doctor who lives in the Kabuga neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. He often visited Congo as he had family there. Witnesses said that the executive secretary of the sector, accompanied by soldiers, detained him on April 16. One of them told Human Rights Watch:
It was around 1:30 a.m. when the executive secretary accompanied by the military went to his house. The executive secretary is named Honoré Mugisha. They knocked on the door and yelled, ‘Get up and open this door!’ Bizimungu opened the door and they said, ‘We have a man with a sick stomach. We want you to care for him.’ Bizimungu asked, ‘Where is he?’ They said, ‘You must come’ and they wanted to take him. Bizimungu said, ‘I am not leaving my house. Bring him here.’ Then the soldiers entered by force and they took him … There were six soldiers in uniform. They walked Bizimungu to the stadium where they had vehicles waiting.
Other witnesses also told Human Rights Watch they saw soldiers walking Bizimungu to the stadium.

The next morning a relative of Bizimungu’s went to the village chief to explain what had happened. The chief said, “You were not the only one with this problem last night. You should go look at the police.” The relative was not able to find Bizimungu at the police station.

Alphonse Butsitsi – Disappeared on April 22, 2014
Alphonse Butsitsi, 78, is well known locally, due to his age and outgoing personality. He lives in the Majengo neighborhood in Gisenyi sector. He was detained in town on April 22.

A witness told Human Rights Watch:
I was walking home with other people. A vehicle with Congo plates, a white pickup truck with tinted windows, passed me and parked in front of the Baptist church. Some men got out onto the road. There were three men in civilian clothes and one in a soldier’s uniform. The soldier was not armed. Butsitsi was on his bike. One of them called him. He went to them and they told him to get into the car. He agreed and they put the bike in the back of the truck.
The vehicle then sped off. Butsitsi has not been seen since.

The day he disappeared, Butsitsi’s relatives checked the local police cells but he was not there. On April 23 and 25, his relatives dropped letters at local government offices explaining how Butsitsi was detained and requesting assistance in finding him. They later received a letter from the office of the mayor of Rubavu, acknowledging receipt of their letter and saying they were looking into the case.

Individuals close to Butsitsi also inquired about him at the Division III military headquarters. They were not able to make direct inquiries to officers, but soldiers at the base asked them, “Does [Butsitsi] go to the DRC often?”

Virginie Uwamahoro – Disappeared on April 23, 2014
Virginie Uwamahoro, 38, is the director of a primary school in Gisenyi sector. She studied in Goma (eastern Congo), completing her degree in 2013.

On April 23 Uwamahoro was returning from a meeting in Kigali. Before arriving in Gisenyi, she called an individual close to her and said that Mugisha was looking for her, so she had to see him first. She never returned home.

An individual close to Uwamahoro asked Mugisha where she was. He said: “I asked [Mugisha] ‘Where is she and how can I see her?’ He said, ‘No, stay calm.’ But I insisted. I wanted to know where she was and he said, ‘I can’t tell you because if I reveal secrets, I risk consequences.’ He did tell me, though, that she had been arrested at the bus station in Gisenyi.” The person inquired at the police but the police simply told him to wait.

On April 25, April 29, and May 2, a relative of Uwamahoro wrote letters explaining to local officials that she was missing and asking them to reveal her location. There has been no response.

Selemane Harerimana – Disappeared on April 30, 2014
Selemane Harerimana, 38, works as a mason in Rubavu district and in the town of Goma, eastern Congo. He lives in the Amahoro neighborhood in Gisenyi sector.

On April 30 Harerimana left his home in the morning as usual. Later that morning he called a friend and told him he was being detained. He said he was going to be taken to the “gendarmerie” in the vehicle of the executive secretary. His friend went directly to the “gendarmerie” to look for him. He told Human Rights Watch:
They would not let me in, but I saw the vehicle of the executive secretary there. I stayed outside and watched as Selemane was put into a white pickup truck … I followed the truck to “CEPGL” but I could not get in. After seeing the truck go into “CEPGL”, I decided to ask the people there. [They said] ‘He was in the DRC a lot, so we arrested him to see what he does and to see if he collaborates with the FDLR.’ 
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.

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