A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes

Rwanda: cartographie des crimes du livre "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF" de Judi Rever Kagame devra être livré aux Rwandais pour répondre à ses crimes: la meilleure option de réconciliation nationale entre les Hutus et les Tutsis.

Let us remember Our People

Let us remember our people, it is our right

You can't stop thinking

Don't you know Rwandans are talkin' 'bout a revolution It sounds like a whisper The majority Hutus and interior Tutsi are gonna rise up And get their share SurViVors are gonna rise up And take what's theirs. We're the survivors, yes: the Hutu survivors! Yes, we're the survivors, like Daniel out of the lions' den (Hutu survivors) Survivors, survivors! Get up, stand up, stand up for your rights et up, stand up, don't give up the fight “I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom". Malcolm X

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Interior Tutsis, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

Inzira ndende

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Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents inside and abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite. What you see is not what you get: A FAÇADE” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
  1. The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Saturday, August 10, 2013




Rwanda
     

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYShare

Rwanda is a constitutional republic dominated by a strong presidency. The ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) leads a coalition that includes six smaller parties. In August 2010 voters elected President Paul Kagame to a second seven-year term with 93 percent of the vote. Three other registered political parties participated in elections. Senate elections took place in September 2011, with RPF candidates winning the majority of seats by wide margins. International observers reported the senate elections met generally recognized standards of free and fair elections in most respects but noted concerns regarding the independence of voters’ decisions. State security forces (SSF) generally reported to civilian authorities, although there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control.
The most important human rights problems in the country remained the government’s targeting of journalists, political opponents, and human rights advocates for harassment, arrest, and abuse; disregard for the rule of law among security forces and the judiciary; restrictions on civil liberties; and support of rebel groups in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Other major human rights problems included arbitrary or unlawful killings, both within the country and abroad; disappearances; torture; harsh conditions in prisons and detention centers; arbitrary arrest; prolonged pretrial detention; executive interference in the judiciary; and government infringement on citizens’ privacy rights. The government restricted freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and to a lesser extent, religion. Security for refugees and asylum seekers was inadequate. Corruption was a problem, and the government restricted and harassed local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Violence and discrimination against women and children occurred, including the recruitment by the M23 armed group of Rwandan and refugee minors as child soldiers. There was a small but growing incidence of trafficking in persons. Discrimination and occasional violence against persons with disabilities and the Twa minority occurred. The government restricted labor rights, and forced labor, including by children, and child labor were problems.
The government generally took steps to prosecute or punish officials who committed abuses, whether in the security services or elsewhere, but impunity involving civilian officials and SSF was a problem.
During the year the government provided material, logistical, and strategic support to the M23 armed group in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which committed summary executions and forcibly recruited adults and minors. The government strongly denied providing any support to the M23. SSF remained complicit in the illegal smuggling of conflict minerals from the DRC.

Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:Share


a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were several reports the government attempted to commit arbitrary or unlawful killings within the country and abroad. The government typically investigated SSF killings within the country and prosecuted perpetrators. The government investigated sporadic grenade attacks and a spate of machete killings across the country and continued to prosecute individuals who threatened or harmed genocide survivors and witnesses.
On October 15, Mozambique police found former Rwandan Development Board Managing Director Theogene Turatsinze floating dead and tied with ropes in a lake two days after he was reported missing. Mozambique police initially indicated Rwandan government involvement in the killing before contacting the government and changing its characterization to a common crime. Rwandan government officials publicly condemned the killing and denied involvement. Domestic political observers commented that Turatsinze had access to politically sensitive financial information related to certain Rwandan government insiders. The killing remained unsolved at year’s end.
In a June 27 addendum to its interim report, in its November 15 final report, and in a November 26 letter to the UN Security Council, the UN Group of Experts (UNGOE) accused the government of violating UN arms embargo and sanctions regimes through “direct military support” and “the provision of material and financial support to armed groups operating in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.” Specifically, the UNGOE claimed the government provided weapons and ammunition, recruits, intelligence, political and financial support, logistics, and direct Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) military interventions in support of the M23 armed group rebellion in the eastern DRC, which began in April. The UNGOE asserted the de facto chain of command of the M23 started with Rwandan Minister of Defense General James Kabarebe and included Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defense General Jacques Nziza. The government strenuously disputed the credibility of the UNGOE report and consistently denied providing any support to the M23. Human Rights Watch (HRW) and other international experts also provided evidence in support of the claim of government assistance to the M23. In press releases dated June 3, September 11, November 8, 16, and 20, and December 28, HRW accused the M23 of arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life, including the summary execution of at least 33 recruits, among other abuses. The UNGOE echoed such claims, alleging the M23 and RDF troops killed dozens of recruits and prisoners of war through summary executions, beatings, starvation, or by burying them alive. Fourteen international NGOs, including Global Witness, Freedom House, and The Enough Project, published an open letter on December 10 criticizing Rwanda’s support for the M23 armed group. Several of those NGOs also produced their own reports and press releases detailing human rights abuses by the M23. In addition to the M23, the UNGOE alleged the Rwandan government provided material and financial support to several other armed groups operating in the DRC, including Raia Mutomboki, the Congolese Defense Forces, and the Patriotic Resistance Forces of Ituri, among others. The UNGOE had charged each of those groups, but especially Raia Mutomboki, with committing extrajudicial killings and other human rights abuses.
Laurent Nkunda, the former leader of the Congolese armed group National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), which was reported to have received support from the Rwandan government, remained under house arrest without charges. During the year, elements of the CNDP reconstituted themselves as the M23 armed group. Nkunda was arrested in 2009 by the RDF when he returned to the country reportedly for consultations with government officials. The Rwandan government has not acted on the DRC’s 2009 extradition request for Nkunda.
In September 2011 security personnel shot and injured opposition party PS-Imberakuri member Eric Nshimyumuremyi, allegedly because he was armed and seeking a fight. A PS-Imberakuri spokesperson claimed Nshimyumuremyi was not armed and was shot because he was a party member. The Rwanda National Police (RNP) defended SSF action and did not discipline those involved. Prosecutors charged Nshimyumuremyi with illegal possession of weapons, and his trial continued at year’s end.
In December 2011 an unidentified gunman killed Charles Ingabire, a Rwandan journalist and government critic, in Kampala, Uganda. Both the press and human rights organizations reported Ingabire had survived an earlier attack in September 2011. Rwandan authorities alleged he had embezzled from a microfinance company, orphans, and a genocide survivors’ organization and was probably killed for that reason.
Five grenade attacks in January and March in Kigali’s Muhanga District and Musanze District resulted in three deaths and injuries to 37 persons. Police arrested several suspects associated with the attacks, which were widely believed to have been orchestrated by the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) armed group operating mainly in the eastern DRC. On January 13, judges convicted 21 defendants and acquitted eight in relation to several 2011 and earlier grenade attacks. Prosecutors earlier dropped charges against more than 70 others. Of the 29 defendants tried in court, only four had lawyers, and several maintained SSF members had tortured them into signing false confessions. Judges placed the onus of proving torture on the defendants and refused to examine defendants’ claims absent a medical report; however, Amnesty International and HRW claimed the defendants had no access to doctors during their time in detention at Kami military intelligence camp and that such medical examinations could not be obtained without endangering the doctor. Several appeals continued at year’s end.
On December 6, the High Court in Musanze District convicted 11 of 12 defendants for threatening state security in relation to 2011 and earlier grenade attacks and other “terrorist acts.” According to HRW, many of the defendants had disappeared in 2011, and the majority claimed in open court they had been tortured and forced into confessing during illegal detentions at Mukamira military camp. The criminal trial of an additional 18 SSF defendants began on December 12. An observer of the trial told HRW the majority of the defendants testified by year’s end and claimed to have been arrested between 2010 and 2011, illegally detained at Mukamira military camp, and tortured.
According to HRW, another state security trial began in December, including defendants charged with the early 2012 grenade attacks. In addition HRW reported at least three persons who disappeared in September 2011 and were illegally detained at Kami military intelligence camp until transfer to Kicukiro prison in December 2011 have been scheduled to go on trial in a group of 10 defendants in February 2013 for threatening state security and collaborating with the FDLR.
On December 20, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), based in Tanzania, convicted Augustin Ngirabatware, the country’s former minister of planning, of genocide and crimes against humanity. The court sentenced Ngirabatware to 35 years in prison. Ngirabatware was found to have distributed weapons at checkpoints where Hutu militias would kill ethnic Tutsis during the 1994 genocide. Ngirabatware’s trial was the last genocide case tried by the ICTR.
Police arrested 14 individuals in connection with numerous machete killings between July and September. Assailants tortured and killed at least 15 prostitutes in Kigali, while small groups indiscriminately slaughtered more than a dozen prostitutes in Muhanga District and Musanze District. According to the Association for the Defense of Human Rights (ARDHO), which received death threats for investigating the Muhanga killings, citizens were afraid to speak with authorities because the assailants attacked witnesses who provided information. Some witnesses, human rights activists, and government officials expressed fear the machete killings were a terrorist campaign instigated by the FDLR.
The government investigated and prosecuted individuals accused of threatening or harming genocide survivors and witnesses or of espousing genocide ideology, which the law defines as dehumanizing an individual or a group with the same characteristics by threatening, intimidating, defaming, inciting hatred, negating the genocide, taking revenge, altering testimony or evidence, killing, planning to kill, or attempting to kill someone. From January to September, a special protection bureau in the Office of the National Public Prosecution Authority (NPPA) registered 167 cases of genocide ideology, of which 64 were filed in court, 31 were dismissed, 10 were reclassified, and 62 were pending investigation. From January to September, the courts adjudicated 59 cases (63 individuals), convicting 52 and acquitting 11 (see section 1.e.). Police investigated six murders of genocide survivors. No information was available regarding charges filed, but according to the genocide survivors’ association Ibuka, police arrested suspects in all six cases. On October 1, in Kigali, genocide survivor Alex Rutindura, who media reported was involved in a court case over his parents’ land, survived a machete attack by six assailants, the third attempt on his life in two years.

b. Disappearance

There were fewer reports of disappearances and politically motivated abductions or kidnappings than in previous years, but local human rights organizations ceased investigating disappearances during the year after reporting pressure from government officials, including threats and allegations of treason. Amnesty International, the Rwandan League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LIPRODHOR), and other observers alleged SSF, including the RDF J-2 Military Intelligence Directorate, the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS), and the RNP’s Department of Intelligence, orchestrated the disappearances. The government occasionally made efforts to investigate occurrences but did not punish any perpetrators.
On September 5, unknown persons abducted Alexis Bakunzibake, vice president of the unregistered faction of PS-Imberakuri, from a bus station in Kigali. Two days later Bakunzibake reappeared across the border in Uganda, claiming his kidnappers interrogated him about PS-Imberakuri’s plans to register and compete in the 2013 parliamentary elections, its funding sources and supporters, and his conversations with HRW, Amnesty International, and foreign diplomats. Bakunzibake further alleged his kidnappers bound and blindfolded him before staging a mock execution and then warned him to get out of politics. Bakunzibake and other PS-Imberakuri members fled the country soon thereafter. The RNP did not launch an investigation into the incident, claiming Bakunzibake did not file a formal complaint in person.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The constitution and law prohibit such practices, and there were fewer reports of abuse of detainees and prisoners by military and NISS officials than in 2011; however, reports of abuse by police intelligence officials increased. Authorities dismissed or disciplined some police officers for use of excessive force and other abuses during the year. Police investigations led to formal criminal charges filed in court in more serious cases.
On May 2, the government signed into law a new penal code that upgrades torture from an aggravating circumstance to a crime in itself. The new law mandates the maximum penalty, defined by extent of injury, for SSF and other government perpetrators.
There were numerous new reports during the year of detainee abuse and lengthy illegal detention by police intelligence at Kwa Gacinya detention center in Kigali, despite government assertions the center had been closed. Former detainees told HRW they were detained in isolation and repeatedly beaten by police intelligence with plastic batons or bare hands to secure information and force confessions. Between May and August, police arrested at least 15 persons in connection with an electronics theft ring in Kigali. According to HRW, several of the defendants told the judge during a September pretrial detention hearing police had illegally detained and beaten them into forced confessions, but the judge accepted the prosecution’s argument, based on precedent set by the 2011 “grenade case,” that illegal detention could be excusable by investigative prerogative and that claims of torture and abuse could not be examined without a medical report.
Amnesty International reports published in April and October documented 18 allegations of torture and other cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment perpetrated by military intelligence and other SSF personnel in 2010 and 2011 to secure information or force confessions at Kami military intelligence camp, Ministry of Defense (MINADEF) headquarters, Mukamira military camp, and safe houses. Former detainees repeatedly alleged to Amnesty International, HRW, and LIPRODHOR they endured sleep deprivation, sensory deprivation, starvation, extraction of fingernails, electrocution, scalding, melting of plastic bags over the head, suffocation, burning or branding, beating, and simulated drowning through confinement in cisterns filled with rain water. Local and international human rights organizations reported the RDF took positive steps during the year to reform military interrogation methods and detention standards, resulting in fewer reports of torture and other cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment at Kami and other military detention facilities; however, they cautioned the increased use of safe houses by NISS, RDF J-2, and RNP Intelligence made monitoring more difficult.
In addition to torture, former detainees repeatedly alleged to Amnesty International, HRW, and LIPRODHOR that, while in military intelligence detention in 2010 and 2011 at Kami, they had been held in solitary confinement, without light and without communication with the outside world, they were allowed only two bathroom visits per day, they had to eat next to their feces, and they were sometimes told the food was poisoned. RDF reforms led to a reduction in such reports during the year, according to local and international human rights organizations, but the increased use of safe houses complicated monitoring efforts.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison and detention center conditions were harsh, although the government made numerous improvements during the year. Police sometimes beat newly arrested suspects to obtain confessions. There were numerous reports of detainee abuse and lengthy illegal detention by police intelligence at Kwa Gacinya detention center in Kigali. There were reports that J-2 military intelligence personnel employed torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment to obtain confessions in military detention centers, although less frequently than in the previous year (see section 1.c). The SSF increasingly used safe houses to detain and interrogate “security” detainees and military officials accused of insubordination. The government selectively permitted visits by independent human rights observers.
Physical Conditions: At year’s end the prison population was 55,618, over 90 percent of whom were men. A total of 333 prisoners were juveniles. The system was designed for 54,700. Men and women were held separately in similar conditions, although overcrowding was more prevalent in male wards. Fewer than 100 children under the age of three lived with their parents in prison. The Rwanda Correctional Services (RCS) provided five nursery schools, one psychosocial center, and fresh milk for such children. All juveniles were held at Nyagatare Rehabilitation Center or in special wings of regular prisons. There were no reports of abuse of juveniles, and the RCS continued to improve access to lawyers, education, and job training for juveniles. Individuals convicted of genocide-related offenses comprised a majority of the adult prison population. Authorities generally separated pretrial detainees from convicted prisoners; however, there were numerous exceptions due to the large number of detainees awaiting trial.
The government continued to hold eight prisoners of the Special Court for Sierra Leone in a purpose-built detention center, which the UN deemed met international standards for incarceration of prisoners convicted by international criminal tribunals. The government held international transfers and some high-profile “security” prisoners in similarly upgraded maximum security wings of Kigali Central “1930” Prison.
Unlike in the previous year, there were no prison riots. A riot at Huye Prison in July 2011 resulted in the deaths of five prisoners, who reportedly were shot by guards.
Prisoner deaths resulted from anemia, HIV/AIDS, respiratory diseases, malaria, and other diseases at rates similar to those found in the general population. Medical care in prisons was commensurate with care for the public at large. The government enrolled all prisoners in the national health insurance plan. Prisoners had access to potable water. The Ministry of Internal Security (MININTER) implemented a 2011 directive taking full responsibility to provide food for prisoners through contracted cafeteria services, canteens, and prison gardens. Family members were permitted to supplement the diets of vulnerable prisoners with health issues. Ventilation and temperature conditions improved as overcrowding continued to decline. According to the RCS, each prison had dormitories, toilets, sports facilities, a health center, a guest hall, a kitchen, water, and electricity, as required by a 2006 presidential order governing prison conditions.
Conditions in police and military detention centers varied. Overcrowding was common in police detention centers, and poor ventilation often led to high temperatures. Provision of food and medical care was inconsistent, and some detainees claimed to have gone for several days without food. There were complaints regarding inadequate sanitation in some detention centers, and not all detention centers had toilets. There were numerous reports of substandard conditions for civilians held in military detention centers.
Gikondo Transit Center, where Kigali authorities held street children, vagrants, suspected prostitutes, and street sellers, continued to operate despite a Senate committee’s 2008 call for its closure due to substandard conditions (see section 1.d.). Two other transit centers, where conditions generally met basic international standards, operated under the management of the Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion (MIGEPROF), as did one transit center under church management. Hundreds of male transit center detainees and at-risk youth between the ages of 18 and 35 were transferred to the Iwawa Rehabilitation and Vocational Development Center on Iwawa Island, where substandard sanitation and nutrition resulted in disease outbreaks and several deaths. During the year there were reports of individuals drowning while attempting to escape. There were also reports the RDF recruited individuals from Iwawa to join the M23 armed group in the DRC (see sections 1.a. and 6, children.).
Administration: Recordkeeping on prisoners and detainees remained inadequate, but authorities took steps to transfer paper files to an electronic database. Domestic and international human rights organizations reported numerous instances of long delays and failures to locate prisoners and detainees. There were reports of forgotten detainees and of prisoners who remained incarcerated beyond their release date due to misplaced records. The RCS provided additional training to its staff on the shift from penal to rehabilitative detention as it coped with the July 2011 merger of the National Prisons Service and the Works for General Interest (TIG) community service program for perpetrators of the genocide. The Nyagatare Rehabilitation Center for juveniles continued renovations with the assistance of the Dignity in Detention Foundation and UNICEF to align with rehabilitative priorities. In May the government amended the penal code to allow community service as alternative sentencing for misdemeanors and petty offenses, and the Ministry of Justice (MINIJUST) instructed judges to utilize alternative sentencing to incarceration for nonviolent offenders during the first half of the year. MININTER granted conditional release to 1,421 prisoners in May. The law provides for an ombudsman who has the power to carry out investigations of prisons. The ombudsman also receives and examines complaints from individuals and independent associations relating to civil servants, state organs, and private institutions. Prisoners and detainees had weekly access to visitors and were permitted religious observance. Prison staff held regular meetings with prisoners and detainees to listen to inmates’ complaints and take action to resolve them when possible. The MININTER permanent secretary personally inspected all prisons and took steps to hire staff for a human rights inspectorate within the ministry. The chief of defense staff supervised detention reform efforts in MINADEF.
Monitoring: The government permitted independent monitoring of prison conditions by diplomats, as well as the International Committee of the Red Cross, which reported unimpeded access on an unannounced basis to all the prisons, police stations, and military facilities that it visited during the year. HRW obtained access to visit prisons, but the government repeatedly blocked access to individual prisoners and subsequently ruled HRW did not have the right to request access to individual prisoners. Amnesty International was unable to visit prisons due to government delays in permit approval. Journalists may access prisons with a valid press card but must request permission from the RCS commissioner to interview or take photos. The government did not permit independent monitoring of safe houses. It also denied local human rights NGOs, including LIPRODHOR and the Youth Association for Human Rights Promotion and Development (AJPRODHO-JIJUKIRWA), permits to visit prisons and police detention centers.
Improvements: There were continued improvements in treatment of the general prison population. Overcrowding in prisons continued to decline. MININTER took full responsibility to provide food for prisoners. Unannounced quarterly inspections by the MININTER permanent secretary led to improved recordkeeping and treatment of prisoners in RCS facilities, while periodic monitoring by the MINADEF chief of defense staff led to a reduction in reported abuses at military detention facilities. Under the RCS Strategic Plan 2012-17, RCS undertook renovations of some of the 14 existing prison facilities and began construction of Butamwa Prison, which will replace Kigali Central “1930” Prison upon completion. As part of a shift to rehabilitative detention, RCS had 2,848 regular prisoners and 650 TIG camp prisoners in vocational training programs at year’s end. Also, 4,432 regular prisoners and 849 TIG camp prisoners were participating in literacy and language education. RCS established a psychosocial center for children under the age of three who lived with their parents in prison. All juvenile cases were recorded and submitted to MINIJUST and other government institutions on a quarterly basis, and increased efforts were made to provide juveniles legal assistance through Legal Aid Week.






The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine






The former US President
Bill Clinton
The US dilemma 

President Clinton: Get away from Rwandans and let them fight for their basic liberties.

“Truth is the first casualty of war.” George Orwell


What will happen next?

  "We have come to almost expect them. And while most Presidential scandals have to do with corruption or running guns or just flat out lying about things (*cough* yellowcake *cough*), occasionally these scandals head into the territory of the absurd, the hilarious and the outright embarrassing. It is to these wonderful scandals that this list is devoted. What better way to bring us together as a nation than to look back and laugh at our betters? ..."

Bill Clinton has more blood on his hands as he still supports and collaborates with General Kagame, the architect of the Rwandan genocide. the former US President Bill clinton continues to build up a win-win relationship with the Rwandan dicator that antagonizes President Obama's foreign policy.
STAY OUT !
Rwandans need you out of their country



We must all ask the question: If there were no lootings of mineral resources in the Eastern region of the DRC, would we be so concerned with the region? 

A matter of fact: Foreign policy is and has always been in the best interest of the US. 

But what you see is what you get: On one hand, The White House and the state Department’s position on Rwanda’s occupation of the Democratic Republic of The Congo through different armed groups and the M23 in particular and political grievances of the former US President Bill Clinton in some key-countries in Africa should serve to draw much-needed attention to an increasingly untenable contradiction in U.S. policy toward Rwanda. Bill Clinton continues to support or encourages Kagame’s terror in the African Great lakes region. 
Bill Clinton should not interfere in the African Great lakes Region if he was not interested. Without Clinton’s involvement, the situation in Rwanda as well as in the Democratic of the Congo wouldn’t be in a much worse state. Since 1994, the region became an unstable region, of which the political and economic power is in the hands of the Tutsi minority ethnic group under the rule of bloody Tutsi dictators General Kagame of Rwanda and Museveni of Uganda.
In this context, the involvement of Bill Clinton appears in different experts’ analysis to make these countries much more economically and politically unstable. The existing Clinton organization’s interests antagonize President Obama and John Kerry’s foreign policy on Rwanda.
Clinton sees the ruin that Obama has caused the country ....., and must wail and gnash his teeth at night.

 We believe that General Kagame's prosecution will stabilize Rwanda and the African Great Lakes Region.

To make matters worse: Bill Clinton has granted a war criminal the current Kagame's regime makes it worse with it's support to the M23, responsible of rapes, assassinations and mass-slaughters in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The time has come to arrest, prosecute and indict Him. The  UN investigators saw evidence of genocide in both Rwanda and DRC against the Hutus.

The Worst Human Rights Abusers in the Western Hemisphere Are U.S. Allies.


Kagame and the Tutsi-led government is supported politically, economically and equipped with weapons by the United States and Great Britain and individuals like Bill Clinton, with full knowledge that they are used in a campaign of genocide, torture and war crimes both inside Rwanda against the Hutus and in the DRC against the Congolese people through the M23 support and ammunition.

They don't care about us!
Big money has been made in, and is still being made in this business



One of the important justifications for the  Clinton administration’s support of General Kagame may sound earily familiar: The US intervention in the 1994 RPF (to make it happen) and Ugandan invasion of Rwanda, Clinton's organization supporting Kagame's wars in the neighbouring Congo, Bill Clinton's support of the Kagame's torture, imprisonment and conducting extrajudicial killings of politcal opponents, human rights activists and journalists in an organized capacity . The former US president is not forced into supporting Kagame and the RPF dictatorship by circumstances.Bill Clinton is doing so because he's afraid the world will be knowing how he made everything to make the genocide happen in Rwanda by refusing the UN intervention in the 1994 bloody war.That made him the best friend of Paul Kagame, the Rwandan dictator. Is it necessary to prove that Bill Clinton is aside with kagame, the mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide?. No there is no need to do so, it's bloody obvious.
Bill Clinton and Paul Kagame's win-win relationship


The US government and Bill Clinton in particular does not and did not care about 8 million mass-slaughtered s Hutus in Congo, most of them children and women so long as the end result was control of the country by a U.S. ally: General Paul Kagame.


“Truth is the first casualty of war.” George Orwell

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, August 4, 2013








 

 Do we know exactly RPF and Kagame's tactics and strategies that hold Rwandans  in the RPF Autoritarianism and Totalitarianism? Deep insight.

 Once we know ALL about the RPF regime, strengths & weaknesses, then WE CAN. 

The ongoing active exclusion of the Hutu ethnic members will continue to have a strong influence and impact on the current political outcomes in Rwanda.

Kagame's criminal records is a formidable one parameter that would help the Rwandan opposition and Rwandans to oust the current regime.



Nous ne pouvons pas y arriver, s'il n'y a pas de combinaison d’efforts pour mener à bien trois importantes actions:

  1. La refondation de l’État du FPR
  2. La refondation de l’économie aujourd'hui aux mains du FPR
  3. Et enfin la refondation de l’école qui ne joue plus son rôle très important de promotion sociale remplacé par l’idéologie génocidaire du FPR.
  *** Deep insight: Kagame's distribution of Propaganda and litterature liable to intimidate and corrupt the Hutu youth. ***

  • We also need to know What the Major Obstacles are Against the Current Regime Change and the Factors that Support it.





Who is the "we," to whom specific moral obligations apply, and who is the "they," to whom they do not? What about ethnic  invisibility (all we are Rwandans !, no more ethnic groups) and ethnicity manipulation used by General Kagame and his RPF criminal organization?
The equality of all ethnic groups is a major principle provided by the ... ethnic groups in order to realize equality among all ethnic groups in the country...and ensure that all the ethnic groups in their jurisdiction enjoy equal rights.
 
  In recent years and probably in recent months or days, we saw General Kagame’s hatred speeches being based on attacks on verbal and physical attacks on the Hutu ethnic members and particularly on young Hutu children, recently born only because they have, according to the president,  to apologize for the so-called crimes of genocide committed by their parents. As a green light given by President kagame to his criminal organizations and RPF members, these hate crimes are carried out by RPF organized groups as well as by individuals, Tutsi RPF members to fulfill his mandate. General Kagame and other RPF hate speeches are aimed to lead to hate crimes by harming their victim, the Hutu, and at the same time by sending a message of intimidation and fear to the entire Hutu ethnic members. They use terrorism as a weapon to establish the Royal monotonic order , that was established 4 centuries before 1959. General Kagame, RPF organizations efforts are actually designed to prevent Hutus the young and or the oldest from exercising their human and civil rights and holding office.

The needed revolution as the response of all excluded from the RPF system to establish good governance and democracy in Rwanda should be sustained the world community so that Rwanda, instead of being the start point of all unspeakable crimes in the African Great lakes Region based on the tutsiness introduced by Kagame and RPF philosophers.
After General Kagame seized power in Rwanda, his priority was to fragment the national identity by opposing Tutsi and Hutu to cement his relationship within the Tutsi group and, at the same time by showing up there is a prone (hate speech) to violent conflict against the Hutu ethnic group.
Good governance means good conditions to build up socio-economic security and for motivating national labor forces and attract foreign investments because of its long-run stability.
Good governance, fighting corruption and discrimination must me the key responses to the multifaceted critical problem based on Kagame’s autocracy, RPF discrimination and dictatorship.
 
Rwandans need the real multiparty democracy and the system that might be established in Rwanda once General Kagame is ousted and his RPF regime dismantled to help democracy deliver in terms of reducing poverty and improving the quality of life of the majority with indeed unconditionally establishing democratic governance.Since 1994, democratic space in Rwanda has suddenly been eroded by curtailing fundamental freedoms, openly disregarding the rule of law, suppressing civil society organizations such us LIPRODOR, imprisoning the main political leader Ms Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza, the opposition leader and stifling independence of the media.
Ms Ingabire Victoire
The Would-Be President of Rwanda
now in prison
RPF institutions, organizations and RPF army, police and militias are used to frustrate, undermine, or prohibit the activities of the opposition political parties and civil society groups who refuse to serve as puppets of the RPF regime and by doing so to prevent democratic activities inside the country.
Rwanda under the RPF regime is a prominent example of this trend, where genocide ideology, ethnic hatred legacy of the ethnic majority fear of and hostility to “the RPF enemies” meaning the Hutu majority and the Tutsi who refused to follow the Kagame’s regime, reaction to the majority of Rwandans against unfair re-distribution of property actually in hands of the minority Tutsi RPF members and the growing gap between the Tutsi RPF member and  the poor and marginalized Hutu majority ethnic group in early since 1994 the year when RPF took forcibly and by a bloody coup seized power, and the continuing use of non-democratic means by democratically-elected leaders have all worked to strengthen autocracy and centralized authority of the Rwandan dictator Paul Kagame.

Today the target of Kagame , RPF and other RPF hate  groups such as IBUKA is the Hutu child.  They are using more sophistical methods such as prejudice, they forcibly send them to fight aside with the M23 in the neighboring Congo;  they continue to rely on the hate crimes as their principal weapon followed by the genocidal ideology consisting in hating their brothers Hutus known as members , FDLR, the armed group opposed to the RPF regime. As a starting point, outsiders and the United States and Europe need to understand that RPF hate crimes are extraordinary in nature and therefore require an international special response. Do US, Great Britain really understand the dimensions of the problem? For this reason, we have created an English blog that is especially aimed to explain the great critical problem for Rwandans: We need the regime change. We all need to see Kagame and RPF getting out.

During the ongoing genocide against the Hutu, and since General Paul Kagame took power in Rwanda, the Hutu ethnic members are not simply excluded from life integrity rights, but offenses against them are explicitly encouraged by the president himself, the RPF linked organizations, rewarded, and sanctioned by the regime in his government hate crime constitution, which indeed carries with enhanced penalties against the Hutu citizens. There is no need to remind our reader that the last week, RPF tried in vain to apparently change the hate crime RPF constitution, but has enriched it by defining the enemy perpetrator.

As the Rwandan dictator Paul Kagame, continues to believe that his sectarian ruling RPF party including his negative forces (  RDF, LDF and several intelligence forces disseminated across and outside the country) are strong enough to continue kidnaping and holding the majority of Rwandans, we (the real opposition and social society) will show that his pluralism political makeup sufficiently long terms of seven years for the ethnic cleansing and killing opponents of the RPF, for crimes against peace, war crimes, crimes against humanity under the guise of elections terror will no longer go unpunished and gives us reason to say NO to Kagame and his clique.
To do this will require a new revolution of all excluded from the RPF system (without ethnic distinction, racial or religious) and they are, as I said, the great majority of the Rwandan people to end the daily violence of an army, which is no longer NATIONAL but for one person and his clic (RPF), the daily violence as the police militias anchored in the totalitarianism of the RPF.
We cannot get there, if there is no combination of three important key points:
  1.   On one hand, rebuilding the state  under the RPF regime by establishing peace, pursuing state reconstruction and preventing future ethnic conflicts is no longer possible, and reconstituting the state legitimacy, re-establishing security for all Rwandans and rebuilding effectiveness on the other hand must be done after dismantling the regime.

2.       Rebuilding the economy now in the hands of one person and his own party : the RPF.  We need to invest in education so that our children will have the knowledge and skills to compete.

3.       Rebuilding the school that no longer plays its important role in promoting social development, to complete the socialization process and transmit central heritage replaced by the genocidal ideology RPF. Every child deserves to grow up in a safe and loving home.

Whether based on ethnicity or bigotry and violence, the recent Kagame’s speech pose a grave threat to the peace, the harmony of both ethnic groups, Hutu and Tutsi, as it is also accompanied by an increase pro-RPF media hatred and policymaking RPF organizations’ bias.




The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

AS International

AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.

Profile

I am Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, an Economist, Content Manager, and EDI Expert, driven by a passion for human rights activism. With a deep commitment to advancing human rights in Africa, particularly in the Great Lakes region, I established this blog following firsthand experiences with human rights violations in Rwanda and in the DRC (formerly Zaïre) as well. My journey began with collaborations with Amnesty International in Utrecht, the Netherlands, and with human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and a conference in Helsinki, Finland, where I was a panelist with other activists from various countries. My mission is to uncover the untold truth about the ongoing genocide in Rwanda and the DRC. As a dedicated voice for the voiceless, I strive to raise awareness about the tragic consequences of these events and work tirelessly to bring an end to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)'s impunity. This blog is a platform for Truth and Justice, not a space for hate. I am vigilant against hate speech or ignorant comments, moderating all discussions to ensure a respectful and informed dialogue at African Survivors International Blog.

Genocide masterminded by RPF

Finally the well-known Truth Comes Out. After suffering THE LONG years, telling the world that Kagame and his RPF criminal organization masterminded the Rwandan genocide that they later recalled Genocide against Tutsis. Our lives were nothing but suffering these last 32 years beginning from October 1st, 1990 onwards. We are calling the United States of America, United Kingdom, Japan, and Great Britain in particular, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Germany to return to hidden classified archives and support Honorable Tito Rutaremara's recent statement about What really happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994 across the country and how methodically the Rwandan Genocide has been masterminded by Paul Kagame, the Rwandan Hitler. Above all, Mr. Tito Rutaremara, one of the RPF leaders has given details about RPF infiltration methods in Habyarimana's all instances, how assassinations, disappearances, mass-slaughters across Rwanda have been carried out from the local autority to the government,fabricated lies that have been used by Gacaca courts as weapon, the ICTR in which RPF had infiltrators like Joseph Ngarambe, an International court biased judgments & condemnations targeting Hutu ethnic members in contraversal strategy compared to the ICTR establishment to pursue in justice those accountable for crimes between 1993 to 2003 and Mapping Report ignored and classified to protect the Rwandan Nazis under the RPF embrella . NOTHING LASTS FOREVER.

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Rwanda: A mapping of crimes

Rwanda: A mapping of crimes in the book "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF by Judi Rever Be the last to know: This video talks about unspeakable Kagame's crimes committed against Hutu, before, during and after the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda. The mastermind of both genocide is still at large: Paul Kagame

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Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.

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