Murder or Imprisonment - a High Price for “Stability” in Rwanda

 Gen. Kagame: A heavyweight criminal issuing International arrest warrants ! The Upside-down of the World !

by Carina Tertsakian
Human Rights Watch

“In turn captivating, horrifying, thought-provoking and deeply moving, this account of life inside Rwandan prisons shows how human beings can and do survive in the most extreme conditions. Listen to the prisoners speak and you will hear tales that transcend the limits of time and place.”

Alison Des Forges, historian and writer on Rwanda

Related article:
Rwanda : une étudiante emprisonnée pour «idéologie génocidaire»
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The Heavyweight Rwandan criminal
and still President of Rwanda
Criminal records:
More than 6 millions of mudered
Congolese citizens
More than 3,5 millions of Rwandans
among them around 150 thousand Tutsis
in Kagame-masterminded-Rwandan
Genocide. Interior Tutsis were used to later
become the unconditional bridge that might allow Him
to seize unshared power
in Kigali/Rwanda.

Rwandans cry Justice : Jack Chapman's Think Africa Press article "Are Kagame's human rights abuses justified?" epitomises the blinkered approach of many commentators towards Rwanda. Its principal argument is based on a fallacy: that in some contexts, human rights and economic development are antagonistic or mutually exclusive.



Children at Iwawa prison
have their moms in different
prisons in Rwanda to make
claims impossible



The genocide in which more than half a million people were killed in just three months in 1994 [Kagame's scenario of events (n.d.l.r)] undeniably makes Rwanda an exceptional case. The level of organisation of the massacres, the scale of the horror, the suffering and the devastation - all of these were exceptional. 

Me Bernard Ntaganda
Imberakuli Opposistion leader

What is not exceptional, however, is that Rwandans, like human beings in any other country, have fundamental rights and want to be able to enjoy them. These include the right to life - of which hundreds of thousands were robbed so brutally during the genocide - the right to freedom of expression, to liberty and security and a fair trial, and many other rights enshrined in
Rwandan law and in international conventions.

Rwanda has become the largest worlwide prison and the ever-untouchable human rights violations. Rwandans cry for Justice.

Ms. Ingabire Umuhoza Victoire
The would-be president
of Rwanda

Chapman's argument deprives Rwandans of those rights. His article falls into the trap, skilfully set by the Rwandan government, of using the horror of the genocide to deflect criticism of the fact that Rwandan men and women are being denied their rights to voice their opinions, participate in the political life of their country, and go about their daily activities unhindered. Those who buy into this argument fail to see that a thriving, healthy society cannot be built on a foundation of fear - as illustrated in other repressive countries, not least in parts of North Africa and the Middle East currently experiencing dramatic upheaval.
Chapman's article rightly sets out Rwanda's achievements since the genocide, but jumps to some astonishing conclusions. "Human rights violations are a small price to pay for Rwanda's remarkable progress," it asserts. For some Rwandans, that "small price" has been their life or their liberty. Consider Jean-Léonard Rugambage, the young journalist gunned down outside his home in the capital Kigali last year; or Bernard Ntaganda, the opposition party leader arrested just weeks before the 2010 elections, who is now serving a prison sentence simply for opposing the government in his public statements; or Abbé Emile Nsengiyumva, the priest who has spent six months in detention awaiting trial after criticising state policies on housing and family planning in his Christmas sermon. Would they, or their families, consider that this was a "small price to pay" for their country's "remarkable progress"?




Mr Andre Kagwa
Rwandan Democratic Green Party Vice President
murdered July 13, 2010








The assassination of Rugambage and the arrest of Ntaganda are just two of the flagrant incidents that took place in the run-up to the presidential elections. 2010 saw President Kagame re-elected with 93% of the vote. This election, like the previous one in 2003, was a contest only in name: Kagame's three "rivals" all represented parties that had broadly supported the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). None of the three new opposition parties, which had openly criticised the government, was able to stand. Two were not even allowed to register as parties. The vice-president of one, André Kagwa Rwisereka, was murdered less than a month before the elections; no one has been brought to justice for this crime. Several lower-ranking opposition party members were detained and beaten by the police.


The Rwandan media was also ruthlessly targeted. In April 2010, two popular independent newspapers, Umuseso and Umuvugizi - which often reported allegations of corruption and abuse - were suspended while their editors were charged with defamation. After receiving persistent threats, they fled the country for their safety. The fate of their colleague Rugambage, who stayed behind, sadly proved that they had made the right decision.
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The answer to your question relating to KAGAME'IMPUNITY. Watch the video:
The repression has not stopped since the elections. In February 2011, two other journalists were sentenced to 17 and 7 years respectively for writing articles seen as critical of the government and the president. A court found them both guilty of endangering public order, and also found the newspaper's editor guilty of minimising the genocide, "divisionism" and "genocide ideology" - a catch-all offence that has frequently been used to target perceived critics.

It is unclear in Chapman's argument, and in similar ones proferred by Kagame's allies, how jailing journalists and targeting opposition party members is necessary for economic and social development. For development to be sustainable, many development experts agree, it should be participatory and transparent. Long-term economic and social stability relies on an empowered citizenry and a vibrant civil society.


Brainwashed Hutu children in
prison at Iwawa island prison and now
living in extrmely conditions
How to get them back? Wonder their parents?

 So where is the "civil society... with a staunch Rwandan national identity" that Chapman claims is emerging in Rwanda? With a few exceptions, the civil society organisations operating in Rwanda today are those that submit to the government's wishes, actively promote its programmes, or stick to uncontroversial areas. Independent human rights organisations, like independent newspapers, have been dismantled one by one or been infiltrated by individuals close to the RPF. Many leading human rights activists have been forced to leave the country. Others, worn down by constant threats to their safety, have simply opted out of the struggle. A few courageous individuals - you can count them on the fingers of one hand - continue doggedly monitoring abuses, but rarely publish their findings. Official censorship has led to self-censorship throughout much of civil society.

J. L. Rugambage, Umuvugizi Editor
murdered June 24, 2010

 Chapman talks of political "stability" in Rwanda - a term also favoured by donor governments. If Chapman scratched the surface, he would find that that stability is not quite what it seems. Human Rights Watch's field research has shown that disillusion and discontent are more prevalent among the population than is widely assumed and that they cut across political, ethnic and social lines, eating into Kagame's public support.

Agnès Uwimana Nkusi et Saidath Mukakibibi
In prison since July 28, 2010

Indeed, some of Kagame's harshest critics - and now the victims of his repression - are, like him, from the Tutsi ethnic group; they share his background, grew up in Uganda, speak English, and shared the ideals of the RPF in its early days. It is telling that one of Kagame's fiercest opponents today is his former army chief-of-staff, General Kayumba Nyamwasa, who narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in South Africa last year, and whose brother, a serving military officer, was detained incommunicado for several months before being brought before a military court in January 2011. In this context, Chapman's claim that "the whole stability of the country therefore depends on Kagame maintaining his status and so repressive political acts can be an integral part of Rwandan progress" makes little sense.
Tutsi victims - NO -Most of them: Hutus

RPF Tutsi Rebels mass-murdered hundreds of
thousands of Hutus. Hutu victims bodies were thrown
into rivers; others thrown into thousands
of common graves across the country and outside
of it: Congo, Uganda (Nile river) and Tanzania
To privent Hutu survivors to provide the
ultimate proofs that the victims are their relatives
Gen. Kagame requested exhumation for the second
and third tmes after elaborating a hoax that skulls are
of Tutsi victims. All hutu victims were said to be
assimilated to Tutsis'. The reason why Gikongoro prefecture
was erased from the Rwandan map so that
the Rwandan Auschwitz KIBEHO could
be hidden, Kagame hoping there would be
no more say about
Kibeho victims. A dream that will never be fulfilled ! !
The idea came from English well-known individuals
and organisations, the Kagame'advisers and accomplices.

(ndlr)



The impressive speed of Rwanda's reconstruction and economic growth after the genocide should not blind us to the fear and intimidation that Rwandans live with from day to day. Instead of swallowing the propaganda of "economic development first, human rights later", we should put ourselves in the shoes of Rwandans today: would we be prepared to sacrifice our right to free speech or political participation for the sake of "reasonably equitable development" or subjective "political stability"?

"Despite all proofs that Kagame masterminded the Rwandan Genocide, there is no goodwill from the world community to establish the ad hoc International Criminal Tribunal for Paul Kagame, RPF criminal organization members, RDF military officers and Kagame created armed groups and militias inside Rwanda (Intore, Local defense forces [LDF] and in the DR of the Congo as well: RCD, CNDP, etc." (ndlr)

***

Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, ASI Chairperson

July 2011.

Déo Mushayidi, a Tutsi and PDP
opposition Leader
sentenced to life imprisonment

The Rwandan government should have the confidence to offer its citizens not only economic development but also the space and the security to speak and challenge without fear. Clean streets and the absence of plastic bags will be of little comfort to those who remain behind bars for expressing their opinions. To describe Kagame as "the sort of dictator Rwanda needs" is an insult to Rwandans who have lost their lives or their freedom under his rule.

/End



To you guys-readers:



1.  If you've seriously read the article, questions to you relating to Kagame's contreversial figures:
   
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   Look ! Kagame is a Tutsi, right? But, why then General Paul Kagame, the recognized "Strategist" in combat, would "failed" to protect interior Tutsis? What was the hidden agenda?
   *
2. What should be the answer to the question why Rwanda is overcrowed than before 1994 with 12 millions of people while Rwandans were approximatively 7 millions before the Rwandan Genocide ?
   **
3. To foresee Kagame's usual lies in the upcoming Rwandan population census, what will be the main reason of the 500%  increase of the Tutsi population while Hutus number unbelievably falls from 800 to 900%?
   
   The expected faked results of the upcoming Kagame's census:
   
   Hutus: 80-70% and Tutsis: 15-20% or 30%....up to 50% ? ?

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The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine