Saturday, September 6, 2014

The Kagame dilemma.

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

The Korea Times - 14 hours ago.
By Gwynne Dyer

"Whoever betrays the country will pay the price, I assure you," Rwanda's President Paul Kagame told a rally soon after the country's former intelligence chief, Patrick Karegeya, was found strangled in a
South African hotel room last January. Karegeya had quit the government and become a leading opponent of the regime, which President Kagame would certainly see as a betrayal of the country.

It's not unusual for dictators to see their own interests and those of the country they rule as one and the same thing. It's not even uncommon for dictators to have people killed. What's really rare is a dictator who has had quite a lot of people killed, but is congratulated by other countries for his excellent administration and showered with foreign aid. That is the happy lot of President Paul Kagame.

Fewer than half of Rwanda's 12 million people have personal memories of the terrible genocide 20 years ago, but the country as a whole is still haunted by it. Kagame has ruled Rwanda for all of that time, and he is convinced that only he can stop it from happening again. It's only a small step from there to believing that he has the duty to maintain his rule by any means necessary, including even murder.

All the murders are officially denied, but nobody believes it. Last week four not very competent assassins, one Rwandan and three Tanzanians, were found guilty by a South African court of trying to kill the former Rwandan army chief of staff, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, in Johannesburg in 2010. They shot him in the stomach, but he survived after months in intensive care -- and they didn't get away.

The South African judge, Stanley Mkhair, said diplomatically that the plot to kill Nyamwasa came from "a certain group of people from Rwanda." The South African authorities even know how much the
assassins were paid: 80,000 rand ($7,500). But it was just not worth naming Kagame.

Last March, when South African Justice Minister Jeff Radebe warned Rwanda to stop after another attempt on Nyamwasa's life, the two countries went through a ritual round of tit-for-tat expulsions of
diplomats. Once a year is enough, but at least South Africa complains occasionally. Most other African countries look the other way when Kagame's hit squads turn up, people like Tony Blair accept lifts in
his private jet, and the aid agencies don't even flinch.

These people aren't fools or knaves (except Tony Blair, of course), so why are they all giving Kagame a free pass? Because they secretly suspect that Kagame is right: that only he can prevent another genocide in Rwanda. And maybe they're right.

The 1994 genocide killed an estimated 800,000 people, about 10 percent of the population. There is no reliable estimate of how many of the victims were Tutsis, who were once the dominant caste but by 1994 were a persecuted minority. A fair guess is that more than half of those murdered were Tutsis (the rest were "moderate" Hutus), and that at least half of the total Tutsi population died.

The Tutsi survivors, and more importantly the Tutsi exiles who fought their way home with Kagame's Rwanda Patriotic Front, still provide the core leadership of the country 20 years later, although Tutsis are now down to around 10 percent of the population. Kagame insists that "we are Banyarwanda" (all Rwandans), and that there are no separate tribes in Rwanda. Technically he is right. But in practice he is wrong, and he knows it.

The Tutsis and the majority Hutus both speak the same language, Kinyarwanda. Once upon a time the Tutsis were herders and the Hutus were farmers, and even longer ago they probably were separate ethnic
groups. But in the present, they are better seen as castes defined by their (former) occupations. Indeed, even the herdsman/farmer distinction no longer really applies.

Yet the "caste" distinction is just as strong, and potentially just as lethal, as it was in 1994. That's why Rwanda is a thinly disguised dictatorship, run by a man who kills people -- but only individuals who
threaten his rule, not whole groups.

Kagame has produced a very impressive rate of economic growth in Rwanda (an average of 8 percent annually in 2001-12), in the hope that prosperity will ultimately defuse the Tutsi/Hutu hostility. But he
dares not allow a truly free election, for the Hutus, still strong in their identity, would vote him out of office. And almost everybody else goes along with his behavior, because they buy into his belief in
his own indispensability.

But all his efforts may ultimately amount to no more than a finger in the dike. Rwanda was already one of the most densely populated countries in Africa in 1994, but its population has increased by half
since the genocide. There is little evidence that everybody (or even most people) thinks of themselves as "Banyarwanda." Kagame is just playing for time.

Gwynne Dyer is an independent journalist whose articles on world affairs are published in 45 countries.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Thursday, September 4, 2014

AFRICOM Go Home, Bases Étrangères Hors d'Afrique - AFRICOM GO HOME : No Foreign Bases in Africa - AFRICOM GO HOME : Alle ausländischen Militärbasen, raus aus Afrika!

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Version française

AFRICOM GO HOME, Bases étrangères hors d'Afrique est un film document dans le cadre du cinquantenaire des «indépendances» africaines, (OUA 1963 -2013). C'est un document de contre propagande et de sensibilisation, aux fins non commerciales, et d'usage d'archive et de consultation. Ce document vidéo est une interprétation personnelle de l'enjeu géopolitique africain et mondial. Il n'engage que moi et nullement la responsabilité du GRILA et de ses membres. Le film s'adresse aux dirigeants africains, aux panafricains, aux internationalistes et à la jeunesse africaine préoccupés de la condition de l'Afrique dans le système monde. Il compare la vision des pères progressistes du panafricanisme à celle des tenants de la domination et leurs alliés locaux.

L'objectif de ce document est une contribution subjective au suivi de la déclaration AFRICOM go home, signée par une cinquantaine de personnalités et d’organisations africaines et allemandes qui s'opposent à la présence de l'AFRICOM en Allemagne comme en Afrique. Ce document audiovisuel est articulé sur des images du WEB dont les auteurs ne portent aucune responsabilité dans le traitement du film.Le document audiovisuel est bâti sur les enjeux fondamentaux suivants :

Le suivi de la déclaration Africom Go home et le bienfondé de cette déclaration. L'histoire et l'évolution de la présence militaire impérialiste et néo coloniale en Afrique sur les 50 ans.
L'avènement de l'AFRICOM, son décryptage et celui des rivalités et visées impérialistes sur le continent, mais aussi leur surveillance réciproque et leurs contradictions dans la lutte contre le terrorisme.
La dénonciation de l' extension rampante et faussement humanitaire de l'AFRICOM en Afrique et sa position en Allemagne ainsi que dans toute une série de bases.
Les contradictions des africains et leurs organisations à se défendre contre les conflits liés au pillage des ressources et l'accès au territoire.
La nécessité de la résistance panafricaine et internationaliste et la repolitisation démocratique de notre jeunesse.

Le film suit la visite du président Obama en Allemagne et en Afrique, traque les positions de divers présidents européens, américains, africains et chefs militaires de l'AFRICOM, comme ceux et celles qui s'opposent à elle. Il fait le bilan de la politique sécuritaire du continent et s'attarde sur l'influence des néo-conservateurs américains et la poursuite actuelle de certaines de leurs politiques, y compris à travers des puissances régionales. Il explicite les agissements de l'impérialisme et du néocolonialisme, et les processus de cooptation de nos élites, de nos dispositifs militaires comme de nos sociétés civiles. Illustration de bavures graves auxquelles on s'expose lorsque ces bases s'installent. La responsabilité de nos élites est engagée autant que celle de leurs commanditaires. Recension de toutes les bases existantes qui ceinturent ou infiltrent le continent africain, la position de l'OTAN, la vulnérabilité et la mise en tutelle de l'Union africaine, et la montée des convoitises surgissant de la présence de pays émergents, comme les BRICS. Il creuse l'hypothèse de l'enjeu de la rétrocession de l'or de l'Allemagne détenue aux Etats Unis, en France et en Angleterre, et la prééminence de la Chine dans l'enjeu monétaire, comme un des éléments d'explication du fait accompli de l'établissement de la base militaire en Allemagne, mais aussi une des causes de la crise au Mali. Le film divulgue au monde l'existence de la base de l'AFRICOM en Allemagne. Il apporte surtout un éclairage sur les efforts courageux de citoyens et de parlementaires du parti Linke, rend hommage à la plainte en justice qu'ils ont déposée contre les frappes par drones et assassinats ciblés de l'AFRICOM.Au-delà de l'enjeu sécuritaire, le film montre comment la crise du capitalisme, et le sous-développement sont un terreau fertile pour le culturalisme, l'intégrisme, le populisme et le terrorisme qui deviennent alors autant de leviers capables de diviser le continent et freiner sa souveraineté. Les formules censées assurer la sécurité africaine sont concoctées par l'AFRICOM et l'OTAN. Le film est un plaidoyer pour un développement autocentré plus équilibré, la redécouverte de la marge progressiste de l'État et l'accélération de l'intégration panafricaine dans une perspective internationaliste et pour un monde polycentrique défendant le «bien » commun de l'humanité.

English version
AFRICOM GO HOME : No Foreign Bases in Africa is shot within the context of the fiftieth anniversary of the "Independence" of African states (OAS 1963-2013). It's an anti-propaganda, not-for-profit film dedicated to raising public consciousness by opening up a space for discussion and building a sound information base drawn from archival records.

This documentary represents my views, and my views alone, on geopolitical challenges to both Africa and the wider world. The contents of this film can in no way be ascribed to GRILA or any of its members. It addresses Africa's leaders, all PanAfricanists, internationalist and especially the African Youth caught up in the maelstrom of Africa's place in the world.AFRICOM GO HOME illuminates a vision of freedom that comes down from the mothers and fathers of panAfricanism.This documentary takes a personal look at how events have evolved in the wake of the signing of the declaration "AFRICOM Go Home" by fifty or so organizations from Africa and Germany that are united in their opposition to the presence of AFRICOM on either African or German soil. The film is a combination of images filmed or taken off the WEB . However, the authors of those images are in no way responsible for the production or point of view of this film.
This video helps us to understand events arising out of the "AFRICOM Go Home" Declaration and what has been achieved since then.It shines a spotlight on the history and evolution of imperialistic, neocolonial military forces within Africa over the last fifty years, as well as the responsibility to protect.It unpacks AFRICOM and how it came into existence, what it means and provides a way of interpreting imperialist rivalries and ambitions on the continent, including why they spy on each other and exposing the contradictions that have surfaced in the "fight against terrorism".It articulates disbelief in claims of humanitarian goals by those who established AFRICOM for Africa after building a whole network of bases stretching as far as Germany. It explores contradictions that also arise between Africans and within African organizations as they try to defend themselves within a context of conflicts tied to the pillage of their resources and the appropriation of their ancestral lands.It examines the urgent need for panAfrican and internationalist resistance as well as the re-politicization of our Youth for future democracy.The film follows President Obama when he visits Germany and Africa, highlighting the attitudes of various European, American and African presidents as well as AFRICOM's military chiefs. There is also footage on some of the men and women who make up the opposition.It takes stock of security policies on the continent, paying special attention to the influence of American neoconservatives and how regional power blocs are already putting some of their policies into practice.AFRICOM GO HOME exposes the machinations of both imperialism and neo-colonialism and shows how they operate to coopt our elites and military leaders as well as civil society organizations. It paints a picture of the damage to which Africans are exposed when these bases take up residence in their midst.Clearly, our local elites are no less responsible than their foreign bosses for has evolved.The film urges all parties to review of those bases already cached on the African continent or encircling it as well as NATO's position, the vulnerability and tutelage of the African Union and the presence of a ravenous pack of emerging nations under the rubric of BRIC.By way of explanation, this video mounts a hypothesis that takes note of the repatriation of Germany's gold which had long been held captive by the US, France and the UK; the now dominant position of China in the global monetary system as well as the reasons why the base was launched so precipitously in Germany. It then goes on to provide reasons for the crisis unfolding in Mali.This film unveils the AFRICOM base in Germany before the eyes of the world. In doing so, it also draws special attention to the heroic efforts of members of the public and parliamentary representatives belonging to the Linke Party and acknowledges their court action against AFRICOM's drone strikes and targeted killings.Beyond the security question, this video demonstrates that the crisis in capitalism as well as endemic under-development are fertile ground for culturalism, integrationism, populism and terrorism which are tools that can both create divisions across the continent and abort sovereignty.AFRICOM and NATO have concocted formulas that they claim will protect Africa.However, this film is an appeal for more self-determination and balance in Africa's development. It calls for the reemergence of progressive wings of African states as well as a plan for accelerating panAfrican integration within the context of internationalism and a polycentric world that upholds all of humanity's common "good".

German version

 AFRICOM GO HOME : Alle ausländischen Militärbasen, raus aus Afrika! ist ein Dokumentarfilm im Zusammenhang mit dem 50. Jahrestag der „Unabhängigkeit“ der afrikanischen Staaten (OAS 1963-2013).Dies ist ein nicht kommerzieller Anti-Propaganda Film, der das öffentliche Bewusstsein ansprechen und eine Diskussion anregen soll, mit soliden Informationen aus Archivmaterial als Grundlage.
Dieser Dokumentarfilm repräsentiert ausschließlich meine eigenen Ansichten über geopolitische Herausforderungen an Afrika und die weitere Welt. Die Inhalte dieses Films stehen in keinem Zusammenhang mit GRILA oder dessen Mitgliedern. Er richtet sich an afrikanische Führungspersönlichkeiten, alle Panafrikaner, Internationalisten, und insbesondere an die afrikanische Jugend, die im Strudel von Afrikas Position in der Welt gefangen ist.
 AFRICOM GO HOME beleuchtet eine Vision von Freiheit, die klar erkennbar zu den Müttern und Vätern des Panafrikanismus zurückreicht und erhält diese Sicht aufrecht gegen die dominierende Gesellschaft, die heutzutage mit lokalen Verbündeten unter einer Decke steckt.
Dieser Dokumentarfilm zeigt aus einer persönlichen Sicht die Entwicklung der Ereignisse, nachdem ungefähr fünfzig Organisationen aus Afrika und Deutschland, die gegen die Existenz von AFRICOM auf afrikanischem oder deutschem Boden sind, die Erklärung von “AFRICOM Go Home” unterzeichnet haben. Der Film besteht aus einer Kollage von Bildern aus dem Internet und Ausschnitten anderer Filmemacher. Dennoch sind die Autoren dieser Bilder auf keine Weise verantwortlich für die Inhalte dieser Produktion, oder die darin vertretenen Ansichten.
 Dieses Video wurde gemacht, um
-     die Ereignisse um die „AFRICOM Go Home“-Erklärung verständlich zu machen und aufzuzeigen, was bisher erreicht wurde.
-     Es wirft ein Licht auf Geschichte und Entwicklung imperialistischer, neokolonialer militärischer Kräfte in Afrika im Verlauf der letzten fünfzig Jahre.
-       Es entschleiert AFRICOM und seine Entstehung und erklärt seine Bedeutung, und hilft zudem, imperialistische Rivalitäten und Ambitionen zu interpretieren. Es wird sowohl erklärt, warum sie einander ausspionieren, als auch die Widersprüche enthüllt, die im “Krieg gegen Terrorismus” aufgekommen sind.
-    Es formuliert die Unglaubwürdigkeit der erklärten angeblichen humanitären Ziele derer, die AFRICOM für Afrika etabliert haben, nachdem sie ein ganzes Netzwerk an Militärbasen aufgebaut haben, die sogar bis Deutschland reichen.
-     Zudem untersucht es Widersprüche, die unter Afrikanern und innerhalb von afrikanischen Organisationen aufgekommen sind im Rahmen von Konflikten bezüglich der Selbstverteidigung bei der Ausbeutung von Ressourcen und der Beschlagnahmung des Landes ihrer Vorväter
-       Es zeigt die dringende Notwendigkeit pan-afrikanischen und internationalen Widerstandes sowie die re-Politisierung unserer Jugend für die zukünftige Demokratie.
-       Der Film folgt Präsident Obama auf seinem Besuch Deutschlands und Afrikas, zeigt die Haltungen europäischer, amerikanischer und afrikanischer Präsidenten sowie der Militärführer AFRICOMs. Außerdem gibt es Material über einige Männer und Frauen der Opposition.
-     Es nimmt Inventur von den Ausprägungen der Sicherheitspolitik auf dem Kontinent mit besonderer Aufmerksamkeit auf den Einfluss der amerikanischen Neokonservativen und zeigt, wie regionale Machtblöcke bereits einige ihrer politischen Ansätze in die Praxis umsetzen.
-     AFRICOM GO HOME stellt die Machenschaften des Imperialismus und des Neokolonialismus bloß und zeigt die Vereinnahmung unserer Eliten und Militärführer sowie unserer Zivilgesellschaft und Organisationen. Es zeichnet ein Bild davon, wie schädlich diese Militärbasen für die Afrikaner sind, wenn diese inmitten Afrikas etabliert werden.
-       Es ist klar, dass unsere lokalen Eliten dafür nicht weniger verantwortlich sind, als ihre  ausländischen Vorgesetzten.
-       Der Film regt alle Beteiligten an, die bereits auf dem afrikanischen Kontinent etablierten Militärbasen noch einmal zu betrachten, ebenso wie die Position der NATO, die Verletzlichkeit und Bevormundung der Afrikanischen Union, und die Gegenwart eines hungrigen Rudels aufstrebender Nationen, die unter BRIC zusammengefasst werden können.
-    Als Erklärung bedient sich dieses Video einer Hypothese, die sich mit der Repatriierung des deutschen Goldes befasst, das seit langem in amerikanischer, französischer und englischer Hand ist;  die mittlerweile dominierende Rolle Chinas im internationalen Währungssystem, sowie die Gründe, warum diese Militärbasis ausgerechnet in Deutschland etabliert wurde. Dann geht es zu den Ursachen der Krise in Mali über.
-       Dieser Film entschleiert die AFRICOM Basis in Deutschland vor den Augen der Welt. Wir zollen den heroischen Anstrengungen von Mitgliedern der Linken und einigen ihrer parlamentarischen Repräsentanten Aufmerksamkeit und erkennen ihre gerichtlichen Schritte gegen AFRICOM’s Drohnenattacken und gezielten Tötungen an.
-    Neben der Sicherheitsfrage zeigt dieses Video auch, dass die Krise des Kapitalismus und die vorherrschende Unterentwicklung Kulturalimus, Integrationalismus, Populismus und Terrorismus fruchtbaren Boden bieten, die als Werkzeuge sowohl für Spaltungen dienen können, als auch dazu, Unabhängigkeit zu verhindern.
-     AFRICOM und NATO benutzen beide den Vorwand, angeblich Afrika retten zu wollen.

-    Dennoch ist dieser Film ein Appell an größere Selbstbestimmung und Balance in AfrikasEntwicklung. Er fordert die Wiederentstehung progressiver Flügel Afrikanischer Staaten und eines Planes für die Beschleunigung panafrikanischer Integration im Kontext von Internationalismus und einer polyzentrischen Welt, die das allgemeine „Gute“ für die Menschheit unterstützt.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Sunday, August 31, 2014

Second Genocide in Rwanda? Slow, Silent, and Systematic? What is happening in Rwanda? And, is the UN turning away?

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

The discovery is not only gruesome but also ominous because both East African nations suffer from extremely volatile Hutu-Tutsi ethnic rivalries rooted in centuries of Hutu oppression by a feudal Tutsi aristocracy, which became a colonial elite in the 18th and 19th centuries.
Attempts to institute European democracy, between 1959 and 1961 in Rwanda, and in 1993 in Burundi, turned the existing social order upside down, giving electoral advantage to the Hutu majorities, which the Tutsi minorities refused to accept. War, genocide and massacres ensued and both nations, neither of which is yet 100 years old, are commonly described as tinderboxes awaiting a match.
Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame is a Tutsi, Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza a Hutu. Despite past alliances of convenience, they are now antagonists. In 1993, Burundi’s Tutsi military elite assassinated that country’s first democratically elected president, Hutu Melchior Ndadaye, triggering genocidal massacres of both ethnicities in Burundi and escalating fears of the same – which did indeed follow – in Rwanda.

In 1994, near the end of a four year war of aggression, Kagame ordered the assassination of both Rwanda and Burundi’s Hutu presidents by shooting their plane out of the sky on April 6, 1994, and then launched a carefully planned, U.S. backed military offensive to seize power and restore Tutsi rule in Rwanda, even as the country sank into chaos and genocidal massacres of both ethnicities.
Any conclusion that the bodies floating in the lake are victims of state execution, genocidal execution or both could be incendiary within the two countries and/or between them. That incendiary potential has been manipulated by both foreign and domestic elites, who are no doubt following this story closely, and most likely attempting to control its outcomes.
These bound and bagged bodies certainly have the look of state execution, genocidal or not, and the simple conclusion that they were state executions has incendiary potential in itself. Rwandan President Paul Kagame arrested three of his own top military officers last week, as resistance continued to rise within his own Tutsi elite.
Rwandan or Burundian bodies?
Burundian official Jean Berchmans Mpabansi told the BBC that, ‘‘The victims are not Burundian citizens because the bodies are coming from Akagera River flowing from Rwanda.”
The Voice of Burundi reported, translated here from the French: “In recent days corpses wrapped in plastic bags are found floating on Lake Rweru on the border between Burundi and Rwanda in Muyinga Province.
“More than 40 bodies floating in the Rweru Lake town of Giteranyi have been seen and counted since the month of July by the fishermen, as confirmed by the local administration and police. This week, these fishermen, accompanied by a unit of the Navy, saw two bodies on the mouth of the Akagera.”
Rwandan Police said that no one has been reported missing in Rwanda, and Burundian Police said the same about Burundi. Both claims are unlikely because the national police of any country of 10 or 11 million people is sure to have a list of missing persons at any given time.
It’s particularly unlikely in the case of Rwanda, because on May 16, Human Rights Watch reported that “an increasing number of Rwandans have been forcibly disappeared or reported missing” and that some were known to have been forcibly disappeared by Rwanda’s army, the Rwandan Defense Force. HRW detailed 14 cases of missing persons.
In mid-July HRW spoke to the anniversary of the murder of Gustave Makonene, coordinator of Transparency International Rwanda’s Advocacy and Legal Advice Center in Rubavu, Rwanda:
“The details of Gustave Makonene’s death are gruesome. His body was found outside the lakeside town of Rubavu, in northwestern Rwanda, on July 18, 2013. The police medical report indicated he was strangled. Local residents who saw his body gave Human Rights Watch more graphic detail. They believed his body may have been thrown from a car on a road above the lake and ended up twisted around a large tree, which had blocked its fall into the water.“
There have been neither investigations nor charges. Another HRW essayist asked, “Why is the whole world still silent on the murder of Rwandan activist Makonene?” On August 1 Transparency International issued a press release saying that the staff of all five of their Rwandan offices are in danger.
President Paul Kagame’s plausibility problem
Rwandan President Paul Kagame has never been noted for plausible or consistent explanation. After 18 years of Rwandan invasion, occupation, assassination and resource plunder in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, all copiously documented, he continues to tell Western television audiences that he cannot be held responsible for the problems of Congo, that Congo’s problems began with colonialism long before his birth.
And, of course, he continues to say that his destiny is to save and forever protect the Rwandan people from genocide, because, as he tells the story over and over, the world abandoned Rwanda in 1994. It’s a matter of record that Kagame himself threatened to fire on U.N. troops if they attempted to intervene in Rwanda in 1994, but that’s never been of concern to corporate broadcast anchors. Neither has Kagame’s U.S-backed invasion of Rwanda, commanding a detachment of the Ugandan army in October 1990. Nor has the four year war that those Ugandan troops waged in Rwanda between October 1990 and July 1994. Nor has the active intervention of the Clinton Administration to prevent the UN from intervening in Rwanda in 1994.
The story of four years of war and mass killing in Rwanda has instead been shortened and simplified into a 100-day morality play about genocide ending with “Never again!”  And, Kagame has been allowed to trump all evidence and reason by playing the genocide card for so long that he feels in no way compelled to offer a plausible or consistent explanation of anything.
Nearly 50,000 people reported missing in Rwanda this year

Although Rwandan officials denied, on August 26th, that anyone is missing, the government has, on other days, acknowledged that nearly 50,000 people have disappeared this year. The government says they’re missing, but dissident Rwandan refugees and exiles say they’re dead – and that they are Hutu victims of Kagame’s slow, silent, systematic Hutu genocide – genocide by exclusion, poverty, starvation, sterilization and execution.
Rwandans whom the government acknowledges are missing include 16,000 Hutu villagers from the country’s northwestern Ngororero District. Rwandan Interior Minister James Musoni acknowledged, in the country’s Kinyarwanda language, that these villagers are missing but said that the government has no idea where they’ve gone and fears they may have crossed Rwanda’s border with DR Congo to join the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).
Rwandan refugee Ambrose Nzeyimana translated the English into Kinyarwanda and posted “Kigali acknowledges the disappearance of 16,000 of its citizens” to his British-based blog, The Rising Continent. Rwandans in exile write that these people have been massacred by the Kagame regimeas part of its program to slowly, quietly, and systematically eliminate the Hutu population. Their belief is based on their own experience, their contact with extended family in Rwanda, and their attention to the Kinyarwanda press.
Rwandan prison authorities acknowledge that 30,000 Hutu prisoners sentenced to “community service” (hard labor) have also disappeared, Rwandan exiles, again, write that they’ve been executed by Kagame’s genocidal government.
It’s difficult to imagine how a government with one of the best trained, best equipped African military and security forces, including local forces everywhere, in one of the most tightly controlled, dictatorial regimes in the world, could lose track of 30,000 state prisoners. However, the government, again, and the Ibuka Tutsi survivors’ group, claim to fear that these people may have escaped across the border to join the FDLR in DR Congo, where they now constitute a threat to genocide survivors.
As with so much in Rwanda, including the history of the 1990-1994 war and genocide, there is a Tutsi version of the truth and a Hutu version, but the Tutsi version is legally enforced and championed worldwide by rich and powerful people, including Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, Rev. Rick Warren and Howard Buffett. Despite wholesale de facto discimination against Hutu people, they join Kagame in proclaiming that truth and reconciliation have been achieved in Rwanda, and ethnicity is no longer important.
Prisoners incinerated?
More Rwandan Hutu prisoners may have perished in a fire on June 5, 2014, in Rwanda’s largest prison, Muhanga Central Prison in Gitarama, and then in a second prison fire at Nyakiriba Prison in Rubavu (Gisenyi) on July 7.
Rwandan exiles write that prisoners in both Muhanga Central Prison and Nyakiriba Prison were intentionally incinerated in their cells, once again as part of a slow, silent, systematic Hutu genocide.
Is it likely that two, geographically distant Rwandan prisons would be destroyed or badly damaged by fire in barely more than one month? All we know is what Rwandan authorities say, and all they say is that there were two prison fires but no prisoners died.
Muhanga Prison, formerly known as Gitarama Central Prison, was known to be one of the most hellish prisons on earth. In 1995, a London Independent headline about it read, “Hutus held in ‘worst prison in world’: 7,000 suspects of Rwanda massacre are kept in jail built for 400.
On June 6, the International Red Cross reported that “the accommodations” of 3,500 prisoners went up in flames in Gitarama but that the Rwandan government said no prisoners were in their cells at the time.
Hard evidence?
There will be no hard evidence of the truth behind any of these missing persons reports, except perhaps those few filed by Human Rights Watch, unless the U.N. Security Council deems the situation in Rwanda so dangerous to international security and stability that an independent U.N. investigative team must be allowed in, as when U.N. investigator Hans Blix’s team was allowed into Iraq before the 2003 U.S./U.K. invasion.
Of course, the U.S. and U.K. ignored Blix’s conclusion that there were no weapons of mass destruction in Iraq, as the U.S. and allied states will ignore any evidence counter to the security interests now defined by their executive corporate, military and foreign policy elites, not by popular democracy.
However, that’s no reason not to call for investigation. It’s better that Hans Blix’s team was allowed into Iraq than not, for the sake of history and global consciousness, and we can continue to work for just outcomes. Independent U.N. investigations should be undertaken, post haste, into each instance of individual and mass disappearances in Rwanda, and into why bound, bagged bodies were found floating in Lake Rweru between the shores of Rwanda and Burundi.
Why has the U.S. renewed support for Kagame’s Rwanda?
Why did the U.S. renew its political and military support of Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s dictatorship at the U.S.-Africa Summit? Why is the U.S. threatening the Hutu refugees organized as the FDLR with military action if they refuse to disarm and surrender unconditionally?
The FDLR may be armed in self-defense, but Special Envoy to the Great Lakes Region Russ Feingold has acknowledged that they pose no credible threat to Rwanda. The majority of Rwandan Hutu refugees in eastern Congo are simply that – refugees – who dare not return to Rwanda for fear of having their names added to these long lists of missing persons that the Rwandan government says it’s unable to explain.
Rwandan opposition leaders, Hutu and Tutsi alike, and Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete have all called upon the Rwandan government to negotiate with the FDLR for safe repatriation to a Rwanda in which they will not be a de facto Hutu underclass threatened with elimination. ,
On January 4th, former Rwandan General Kayumba Nyamwasa told KPFA: “I understand the guiltiness that maybe some could be feeling about their failure to stop the genocide. But you don’t support somebody who’s in the process of creating another genocide. And I think they should be able to examine their consciences, look at what is happening in Rwanda, and see exactly what is taking place.”
Many Rwandan Hutus, refugees and exiles believe that if the regime now headed by Paul Kagame remains in power for another 50 years, there will be no Hutu people left in Rwanda.
Oakland writer Ann Garrison writes for the San Francisco Bay ViewCounterpunchGlobal ResearchColored OpinionsBlack Agenda Report, and Black Star News, and produces radio news and features for Pacifica’s WBAI-NYCKPFA-Berkeley and her own YouTube Channel. She can be reached at If you want to see Ann Garrison’s independent reporting continue, please contribute on her website,

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Saturday, August 30, 2014


  1. Kagame link to rival’s shooting - The Times
  2. Increasing arrests and disappearances rattle Rwandans
  3. Rwanda, Burundi disown Lake Rweru floating bodies

  4. Bound, bagged bodies found floating in Burundi lake

    2014-08-26 16:06


Burundi has set up an investigation after a number of dead bodies wrapped in plastic were found floating in a lake on its border with Rwanda.
Fishermen say there are reports of dozens of unidentified bodies being spotted in recent weeks in Lake Rweru.
It is not clear how they died. The regional authorities say their investigations indicate the victims were not from Burundi.
But Rwanda police say no-one has been reported missing on the Rwandan side.
''The victims are not Burundian citizens because the bodies are coming from Akagera River flowing from Rwanda,'' Burundian official, Jean Berchmans Mpabansi, told the BBC.
The latest bodies - five wrapped within two plastic bags - were discovered on Sunday and Monday.
Two other bodies were found last Tuesday.
Villagers in Giteranyi district, which borders the lake, say the bodies first began appearing in July - with some saying up to 40 have been spotted.
The BBC's Prime Ndikumagenge in Burundi says most of the bodies have been wrapped in plastic, but one fisherman said that not all of them have been - giving the example of a naked woman who was found.

The bodies are often discovered in an advanced stage of decomposition, prompting health fears as villagers in the semi-arid province of Muyingai depend on the lake for their water, he says.


The Kagame regime began this year by assassinating Patrick Karegeya in South Africa. It moved on to “disappearing” citizens all over the nation, and then there were strange fires that burned down prisons. Now there are arrests of leading regime generals and other figures as the totalitarian regime eats its own, and there are also bodies turning up on a lake in Burundi. This story, translated from French, says:
In recent days corpses wrapped in plastic bags are found floating on the lake Rweru on the border between Burundi and Rwanda in the province Muyinga.
More than 40 bodies floating in the lake town Rweru Giteranyi were seen and counted from the month of July by the fishermen, as confirmed by the local administration and police. This week, these fishermen accompanied by a unit of the Navy, saw two bodies on the mouth of the Kagera. It was a woman without clothes and a man wrapped in a bag. One of the dead was identified by Rwandan fishermen, they immediately rushed to repatriate the dead body.
The report goes on to says that Burundi had not reported any disappeared, and that Burundians:
…indicate that such carcasses are thrown into the river Akagara the Rwandan side, that comes pouring into the lake Rweru: “In the neighborhood, we deplore any loss, unless they are brought from other regions and thrown in the lake, “they say.
The lake in question borders Rwanda and Burundi, as you can see from this map:
Lake Rugwero
Lake Rugwero with Rwanda on the North
The case made headlines Burundian newspapers for two days: the fishermen said they saw dozens of bodies floating on the Rweru Lake in northeastern Burundi, on the border with Rwanda. They are bodies of men, women and youth, some tied up.

Fishermen Lake Rweru say they would have seen since early July between six and forty bodies floating in the waters of the lake, located in the northeastern Burundi. Several private radio stations in Bujumbura, the alarm was given it a week ago.
Contacted by RFI yesterday, Sunday, the representative of the fishermen of the town Giteranyi shoreline of the lake, said he went near the mouth of the Kagera River with soldiers from the Burundian Navy. They then discovered there two bodies, one still wrapped in a big burlap bag. ” We unfortunately could not bring them back to the mainland because the bodies were in an advanced state of decomposition , “said the representative of the fishermen. They then drifted the body along with the current like other fishermen did with the body they discovered earlier.… Fishermen are, claim that these bodies would be carried by the Kagera River which originates in neighboring Rwanda. Prudente, the Burundian government would not confirm or deny.
There have been widespread disappearances, such as this:
Rwandan opposition politician Damascene Munyeshyaka, who went missing on June 27, is just one in a growing list of people who have not been heard of over the past few months and who rights activists believe have been forcibly disappeared. 
 Munyeshyaka, the organisational secretary of the Democratic Green Party, was at a meeting in the eastern district of Bugesera, when he received a phone call.The caller said he had an urgent message to deliver, according to the party. Munyeshyaka didn’t know the caller but left to meet him. He has not been seen since.
And there are mass arrests of high ranking regime members, in moves reminiscent of purges after the French Revolution. See hereherehere, and here.Finally, look at this appalling picture from inside a Rwandan prison:

Gitarama Prison
Prisoners tortured in Rwandan prisons.
This article, whose truth I cannot verify,1 says:
To understand how furious and systematic Hutus extermination is, Tutsis RPF regime has nowadays chosen a plan to blaze prisons and more than thirty thousand (30,000) Hutus perished in this process of prisons blaze where they were abducting prisoners to massacre in name of transfers to other prisons so that other fellow prisoners cannot question what happening and try to claim. The recent prisons set on fire are two prisons of Muhanga central prison in Gitarama and Nyakiriba prison in Rubavu (Gisenyi) respectively on 5 June 2014 and 7 July 2014, i e within one month. This happened following 1 or 2 months more than sixteen thousand (16,000) Hutus massacred in Northern West province in Nyabihu district and the RPF regime said they don’t know their whereabouts, and simply said that they disappeared.
The above picture is Muhanga prison in Gitarama set on fire on 5 June 2014 and this happen alongside the slow systematic massacres of these Hutus prisoners where they are daily beaten, killed abducted, starved and poisoned. More than 80% of Hutus who terminated their sentence when they come out for normal life, consequently they cannot pass 1 or 2 years alive, they die.
Conditions in the open-air prison that is Rwanda are horrible,  and yet we continue to only see the sanitized, mission-trip version of reality in PEAR USA publications. Speaking of another appalling situation, that of Christians in Iraq, PEAR Bishop Breedlove says:
The silence of the US and Canadian media and government is unconscionable, and we need to call them to account and ask for a change of behavior. “Never Silent” is part of our story. We need to bring that legacy to this critical issue happening right now. We must never be silent while Christians are slaughtered for nothing more than being Christians.
He is right for once, and yet the hypocrisy is more than a little thick given the outrages in Rwanda that have been happening for two decades now, with the increasing complicity of Westerners, who choose to see no evil and hear no evil.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine