KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much.

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

About US

AS Foundation Founder, Webmaster, Editor-in-chief and Publisher. Search and meet Libre Penseur, the Man who stands firm on his priniciples. I am working for a pro-peace humanitarian organization with no political agenda. Make your voice heard around the globe. You think it, you write it. Dear SurViVors: Nobody’s going to help you. It’s all up to you. Make it happen for yourself. However, there's a common knowledge to remember : "No man is an island". Will be possible for me to realize my dream and say : *.*The war is over, the hunting trip on Hutus comes to an end, the Evil is taken away, the reign of Terror comes to an end in Rwanda, my beloved homeland. As we stand on the precipice of Paul Kagame war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, call on the Regime change in Rwanda. Will you just sit back and watch Paul Kagame destroying the Human kind or will you stand up with African SurViVors and make your voice heard? Nothing is said about Kagame's arrest. Many are asleep, wrapped up their day to day lives. However, if and if you are awake, it is your responsibility to wake others! Spread the word, Ask for Paul Kagame's removal and indictment, take action.*.*

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the unspeakable.Two orphans, together against the world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder by Kagame & RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragment to crime. “I always think I am a peaceful person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that I would seek justice - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

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Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite.” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

  1. The people overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Malcolm X Quotes

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Wednesday, February 3, 2016




[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]


Analysis

 Génocide rwandais : Le peuple crie justice !


Something of fundamental importance happened last week in the Ethiopian capital Addis Abbeba. At the AU summit of heads of states, the AU peace and security commission’s proposal to send AU peace keepers to Burundi was unwelcome. That’s the basic message. But beneath the rejection lies a hidden message- that the world is waking up to the commercialization and politicization of a legal term “genocide”. This, assuming you know what underpinned the clamor for AU peacekeepers in Burundi, which has been aptly explained on this forum.


At the center of the trajectory lies a debate- and consequent exporting of it, of a genocide- central of which is what has been referred to as the “Tutsi genocide” of 1994. After the military 1 and 11 trials at the ICTR and the BBC’s untold story, the rejection of the AU PSC’s proposal is yet another indictment of people benefitting from the genocide currency.
In my earlier submissions, i presented a lot of legal literature on why the events of 1994 leave grey areas subject to a rational, legal inquiry. In this note, I intend to examine the events of 1994 from the RPA/F point of view.
To get to this; we need to examine the character of the RPA from the onset of the invasion. It is almost a “judicial notice” that prior to RPA invasion, there was already deadly intrigue within the military ranks of the RPF Tutsi exile community in Uganda. It was clan rivalry that would result in the murder of the first commander, Major General Fred Rwigyema at the hands of Maj. Dr. Peter Bayingana and Maj. Chris Bunyenyezi. Why is this important? It is important because, as my good friend Kalyegira put it, if there was this level of bad blood and struggle for power within the RPF and it could result in the murder of their overall commander so soon into the war, what havoc would these ruthless men inflict on the Hutu civilians they encountered in villages as they made their way into Rwanda after October 1990?
When the RPA invaded Rwanda, they made their rationale very clear. Reported the Uganda government-owned newspaper, the New Vision: “The force which invaded Rwanda on Monday [Oct. 1, 1990] has the prime aim of overthrowing the government of President Juvenal Habyarimana…They say they are not planning an immediate overthrow but a prolonged struggle which would mobilise the people…The RPF has an 8-point programme calling for, among other things, national unity, democracy, a self-sustaining economy and an end to corruption…They said they had no plans as to who should be Rwanda’s president and that the ‘people will choose”. The RPA further said they were prepared for a protracted war: ‘We don’t mind about speed, we mind about getting to the people’” (New Vision, Oct. 4, 1990, p.1, 12).
That was their first formal statement. Even the pro-RPF New Vision admitted that “its aim is to overthrow the government of President Juvenal Habyarimana.” There was no mention or allegation that the Habyarimana regime was massacring or planning to massacre the Tutsi. From there, we realize that had the RPF surely uncovered any plan by Habyarimana to exterminate the Tutsi, it would have been the number one point among the eight. Yet here was the summary of the RPF’s philosophy and goals and there was no single point on averting a genocide or even anything remotely to do with human rights.
Where then does genocide and death at a grisly, monumental level start, since we now know that at the time the RPF invaded Rwanda, there was no plan by the Hutu to massacre the Tutsi? Asks Kalyegira?
In late April 1994, a Kampala radio station, 91.3 Capital FM invited the long-serving Rwandese ambassador to Uganda, Claver Kanyarusoke as a guest on their Sunday evening programme, Desert Island Discs. Kanyarusoke, a Hutu, arrived on a Thursday afternoon for the recording, dressed in a dark brown business suit. At the time, the Rwanda genocide was underway and bodies were floating down the River Kagera from Rwanda into Lake Victoria in Uganda and during the interview, William Pike, then New Vision MD and co-Managing Editor of 91.3 Capital FM, asked Kanyarusoke to explain the massacre of innocent Tutsi civilians.
Kanyarusoke reminded Pike that under the 1993 Arusha peace accords between the Habyarimana government and the RPF guerrillas, Rwanda had been divided into two geographical areas of control, one for the Tutsi and the other for the Hutu. Since the world believed that the Tutsi-dominated RPF was a both a strong and disciplined force, fully in control of its area, Kanyarusoke asked, how were we to explain the fact that all the bodies floating down the river, without exception, were from the RPF-controlled region of Rwanda?
What happened in April 1994?
Stephen Kinzer, in his book about Rwandan President Paul Kagame, writes that the Habyarimana regime started killing opposition members and presumed RPA sympathizers; indiscriminately. May be or may be not. But the truth of the matter is that in early 1994, as Kalyegira aptly puts it, Kigali saw a sudden rise in violence and insecurity, with many people being killed. Leaders of the opposition Social Democrat Party and Liberal Party, as well as 2,300 other people, were gunned down in the months before April 6, 1994.
The Ugandan newspsper, The Monitor published an interview on March 25, 1994, with Justin Bahunga, who was the Second Counsel at the Rwanda Embassy in Kampala. Bahunga’s answers give us a clue to what the world might be missing as to what happened in 1994. “In whose interests would the government of Habyarimana cause insecurity in Kigali”?
Bahunga further added: “If you want to rule, you can’t rule by insecurity…So the only person who can cause insecurity is the one who wants to make a government fail.”Less than two weeks later, President Habyarimana was dead in an assassination after a surface-to-air missile was fired on the presidential jet. Fighting broke out in Kigali and in many other parts of Rwanda.
Let us read the news reports of the time, starting with the French news agency AFP, in a report from Kigali by Annie Thomas: “Wednesday 13 April 1994, KIGALI – Tutsi rebels fought their way into the Rwandan capital yesterday, sending the government, foreigners and thousands of residents fleeing in fear of a new wave of tribal bloodletting. Below is the whole story:
Intense fighting rocked several parts of the city.
The Hutu-dominated interim government fled its headquarters in the Hotel des Diplomates in the city centre ‘for a more secure place’, a Rwandan soldier in the hotel said. Unconfirmed reports said the week-old government had moved to the town of Gitarama, south-west of the city. As the rebels closed, residents emerged from hiding and tried to escape an expected wave of revenge killings by the Tutsi forces. ‘It’s going to be carnage,’ predicted a Nairobi-based Rwandan diplomat.
The last foreign residents seeking to leave the city were escorted to the airport by French and Belgian paratroopers. France, Russia, Germany and the United States said they had evacuated virtually all their nationals from Kigali.
In Kampala, Christine Umutoni, spokeswoman for the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), said its forces had entered Kigali and were about to join a battalion of 600 fellow rebels camped outside the city under a UN-sponsored peace plan approved by the government and the rebels in August.
She said RPF forces were awaiting instructions to seize the capital, where she said ‘government forces had dispersed, many of them surrendering with their arms to the RPF’. The rebels’ entry into the city was later confirmed by the UN in New York.
The RPF has around 20,000 soldiers, against an estimated 30,000 government troops. RPF radio said advancing rebel forces had signed an agreement with UN officials yesterday guaranteeing the evacuation of foreign nationals.”At this juncture, we pause to reflect.
Over the years, President Paul Kagame has railed against the UN and the world community for failing Rwanda in its time of great danger. “Where was the UN?” is a refrain we have heard countless times from Kagame in person and many of the top RPF leadership over the last 15 years.
…………………………………End of the story…………………………………………..
We now see, in the report, that the RPF’s own radio station broadcast a news item saying they had “signed an agreement with UN officials yesterday guaranteeing the evacuation of foreign nationals.” The UN was cooperating with the RPF, not standing by indifferently as we have been told.
Secondly, the first paragraph of this AFP report states that “Tutsi rebels fought their way into the Rwandan capital yesterday, sending the government, foreigners and thousands of residents fleeing in fear of a new wave of tribal bloodletting.”In other words, as the RPF advanced on Kigali, the former Habyarimana government fled. The second paragraph shows the government, still in disarray, fleeing to a “more secure place.”
Clearly the RPF was in a stronger position and was rapidly gaining the upper hand in the days following Habyarimana’s assassination.Thirdly, the AFP report said “In Kampala, Christine Umutoni, spokeswoman for the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), said its forces had entered Kigali and were about to join a battalion of 600 fellow rebels camped outside the city…” The RPF was in Kigali, according to its spokeswoman, within a week of Habyarimanas death.
These news reports were written in the fast-moving atmosphere of the day, and so nobody can claim that because the AFP is a French state news agency, it was somehow doctoring its reports. However, just in case some detractors might dismiss the AFP report, is there any other we can turn to for an alternative angle to this story? Indeed there is.
The Monitor, founded by Kevin Aliro, Wafula Oguttu, James Serugo, Teddy Seezi Cheeye, Richard Tebere, Davi Ouma Balikowa, and Charles Onyango-Obbo was a decidedly pro-RPF Kampala newspaper. There can be no question about it for those who know its history.
Certainly there was a pro-RPF mood in Uganda in 1994, especially in central and western Uganda. So we can now go to a lead story in The Monitor of April 12, 1994, just six days after the shooting down of the Habyarimana plane. The story was written by Monitor reporters Steven Shalita and Dismas Nkunda:
…………………………..the he story here………………………….
“As the looting, indiscriminate killing by the Presidential Guard, regular troops and rampaging Hutu vigilantes went from bad to worse, there were indications that Kigali is about to fall to the rebel Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA).
Information reaching The Monitor from Kigali said an advance RPA force which had been infiltrated into the capital earlier were poised to take the Post Office and the Central Bank…The RPA, which said it was going into the city to restore order and rescue the battalion of its 600 soldiers who had gone into Kigali as part of the peace process, had ben giving out a call for all foreigners to leave within 12 hours if they could…
Truckloads of reinforcements for RPA rebels could be seen moving to Kigali from their northern stronghold.
By day break [April 11] RPA had easy prey of the Rwanda army. The RPA commander-in-chief Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame told Voice of America (VOA) that his troops had overrun government positions in Mutara, formerly a stronghold for the government forces…
In another interview with the BBC Swahili, Maj. Gen. Kagame boasted ‘We are in Kigali and we have had very little resistance to get here.’
Hundreds of Rwanda government forces are said to be deserting to the RPA to secure positions in the subsequent government when the RPA topples the current interim government under the leadership of Theodore Sindikubwabo which was installed a few days ago. A member of the RPF Poliical Bureau (Maj.) Christine Umutoni yesterday told journalists at Speke Hotel [in Kampala] that the RPA will advance to ‘crush’ any forces which stand in defence of the ‘hoax government’ headed by Theodore Sindikubwabo, whether thos forces are local or foreign.
“If any foreign force comes our way, while we are advancing, we shall regard them as the enemy,’ she said. ‘We are going to crush them.” Though Umutoni could not commit herself to actual distances, she said the RPA forces are ‘very, very close.’ So far, RPA has faced minimal resistance and has reported 3 casualties and no deaths.
Reports from Kigali say that rampant massacres by Habyarimana loyalists have narrowed to specific targets, killing whole families of people opposed to their government. The targets include nearly every Tutsi and what has been described as ‘moderate Hutus.’ Umutoni however told journalists that Kigali remains a horror town and condemned the United Nations for their passive role. ‘The situation about massacres in Kigali now is very horrific,’ she said. ‘The UN has failed to control the situation.’ Maj. Umutoni boasted that the RPA had been capable of taking power as far back as February 8. ‘It was capable long ago…even February 8 when we were 30km from the town [Kigali].
Umutoni said the RPA was recruiting several more forces as it advanced to beef up its more than 20,000 strong man army. Commenting on the military strength of the RPA, she said their main source of armament is the Rwandese forces. “Habyarimana has always been our quarter master. Even now we are going to use those very weapons he bought.”
Once again, we stop and reflect on this story by the Monitor. It is even more revealing than the AFP story.
The reports by AFP and the Monitor showed :
1) The RPF in a position of increasing strength, advancing on Kigali and at various stages of taking control or having already taken control.
2) Hutu government troops either fleeing or surrendering to the RPF and the government in disarray.
The RPF is reported to be at 20,000-strong while the rapidly crumbling government army, the FAR, is at 30,000, so the two armies are at nearly the same strength.
We see, in fact, Christine Umutoni, the RPF spokesperson, “boasting” that the RPF was in a position to capture Kigali as far back as February 1994.
Take a careful look at this Monitor news story: “The overall RPF/RPA commander, Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame talks of the RPF overrunning government bases and positions and, according to the Monitor, boasting to the BBC World Service Kiswahili service that (in his own words) “We are in Kigali and we have had very little resistance to get here.”And then, we have the strange turnabout from Umutoni.
She was the first RPF official to accuse the UN of doing nothing, and yet all other reports, including one by the RPF’s own radio, were speaking of an agreement between the RPF and the UN to ease the humanitarian crisis. Umutoni’s comments at Speke Hotel in Kampala were the first indications of the dishonesty of the RPF. This is why it is so important for research and investigation to become a part of our societies. So much history is distorted and allowed to remain so, because we are not bothered about re-reading and re-searching what we have been told.
Having now seen, both from the AFP and the pro-RPF Monitor, that the RPF was in a position of rising strength and the remnant of the Habyarimana army and government was in disarray and either fleeing or surrendering, we come to the all-important question: What then happened? Remember, the RPF stalwarts Gerald Gahima and Claude Dusaidi had just penned an ultimatum to the UN with a clear threat: There are no Tutsis left to save and there is no need for additional UNAMIR troops to Rwanda (this writer is in possession of their letter to that effect).
It is clear that the RPF was in control, or gaining control, of Kigali and other towns and was unchallenged by the fleeing FAR government army. If, as we have seen too, the Hutu-dominated government was fleeing Kigali, the army also fleeing or surrendering, how then was this government, falling apart and fleeing, able to orchestrate a genocide that claimed more than 800,000 lives, with the 20,000-man RPF army in control or about to be, but not doing anything about it?
If Christine Umutoni told that Speke Hotel press conference that the RPF was strong enough to take power as far back as Feb. 8, 1994, what then prevented the RPA from stopping the genocide, if, as they claim, they knew of a plan by Habyarimana to exterminate the Tutsi minority? The answer begins to appear when we go to the next news excerpt from 1994.
Here once again is the The Monitor’s lead story in its April 15, 1994 edition, headlined: “RPA in trouble?”, written by Steven Shalita and Dismas Nkunda:
————————————–The story by The pro-RPF Monitor——————————–
“What is happening? Eleven days have gone and Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA) is still in a bloody battle with Rwandese government troops for Kigali.”
Parts of the Rwandese capital remain in the hands of The Presidential Guard, regular troops and paramilitary forces to former president Juvenal Habyarimana who was assassinated in a rocket attack on his plane April 6…Anxiety has gripped supporters of the RPA/F cause who view their ‘delay’ to capture Kigali as a sign of trouble.
On Wednesday afternoon an RPF official told a Monitor reporter at Mulindi, the RPF headquarters, that Kigali would fall in 12 hours, but it did not happen. The rebels have besieged Kigali for almost a week now but have failed to take full control.
There is an estimated force of 18,000 RPA men laying siege to Kigali on three fronts. Latest reports say that some strategic hills around Kigali such as Nyamirambo, are in the hands of RPF.
According to a military analyst, the RPF is being cautious about destroying down-town Kigali. The Monitor was told that RPA was surrounding Kigali leaving only one outlet through Gitarama that could be used by fleeing soldiers.
RPF spokesman Shaban Rutayisire told the journalist at Mulindi that “It is a question of time and tactics so that we rout the murderous Rwanda army.” ‘The puzzlement that Kigali has not fallen is only deepened, because the entire interim cabinet fled Kigali on Tuesday. Interim President Theodore Sindikubwabo and 19 of his ministers fled to Gitarama, 50km, south west of Kigali.
A Uganda military expert told The Monitor yesterday that with the murders of civilians estimated about 20,000 so far, most of them suspected to be pro-RPF and Tutsi, RPA has a political obligation to go in to stop the bloodletting…
Another source watching developments said “The RPA was militarily ready to enter Kigali and there is no doubt they will win the fight within the week, but they were not politically ready.
But, on the face of it, the death of Habyarimana and the blood that flowed the Kigali streets was an ‘opportune time’ for the RPF to enter Kigali.
He said that while RPA had support, it was not clear whether they had the majority of the people on their side; and now that they were bogged down in Kigali, the Hutu hardliners have been given time to mobilise the people with fears of Tutsi massacring them.”
There we have it. The story of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, in crystal clear light at last. There is no question that the RPF held the upper hand militarily by the beginning of 1994.
That much Christine Umutoni was able to tell a public press conference at Kampala’s Speke Hotel. And in case we might want to dismiss her observation as that from a junior official, we have Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame’s own direct and unambiguous words to the BBC Kiswahili service that “‘We are in Kigali and we have had very little resistance to get here.
“Crucially, according to this Monitor news report, the RPF was so comfortably in control of Kigali a week after Habyarimana’s death that they even left the road to Gitarama open so that it “could be used by fleeing soldiers.”
Far from the FAR government army embarking on a mass murder of Tutsi, they were fleeing Kigali, as we have already seen and, in fact, even being helped by the RPF to escape. The comments by the Ugandan military expert to the Monitor fill in all the remaining blanks.
Here is the critical passage in the story by the Monitor on April 15, 1994: “Another source watching developments said ‘The RPA was militarily ready to enter Kigali and there is no doubt they will win the fight within the week, but they were not politically ready.’
But, on the face of it, the death of Habyarimana and the blood that flowed the Kigali streets was an ‘opportune time’ for the RPF to enter Kigali.
He said that while RPA had support, it was not clear whether they had the majority of the people on their side…”It confirms that the RPF was militarily victorious but, being a minority ethnic group, moreover from a foreign, English-speaking country Uganda, they could have walked into Kigali, taken control, but how would they have governed politically?
They had to develop their political standing. How? By resorting to the sinister tactics their mentor President Yoweri Museveni had employed so successfully in Luwero in central Uganda — commit atrocities against the population and then blame them on your adversary and by that make the population believe it was your enemy who carried out the massacre, so that you gain the population’s support, some have argued.
And they are not entirely wrong. Many a times have I expounded Yoweri Museveni’s under-graduate thesis at the university of Dar-El-Salaam where he dwelt on Franz Fanon’s theory of violence. If you have been following, then you know what is being talked about here.
Enter Museveni Yoweri- The mentor
A simple question can answer all this: If Museveni used the tactics of causing havoc in Luwero, dressing his NRA men up in UNLA uniform, in order to convince the population that it was the UNLA killing them, and it worked, leading many Baganda to support the NRA, and we read that Paul Kagame was deeply influenced by the tactics and success of the NRA in Luwero, would the RPF, made up of commanders who had served under Museveni in Luwero, not resort to the tactics they had seen work so well in Luwero when it came to Rwanda?
Let’s get a panoramic view of events: the RPF advances on Kigali and is within distance of gaining power by early February. When Habyarimana is killed on April 6, the government and the Hutu-majority army start to fall apart as the RPF rapidly moves in.
The RPF moves in, takes control or near control, then…..silence. It does nothing. It allows the Hutu soldiers to flee by way of the Kigali-Gitarama road.
It cooperates with the UN in evacuating all foreign nationals. They leave. The RPF is now in charge of Rwanda. But they sit….and do nothing.
For three months from April to July 1994, the RPF is in total charge of Rwanda, including the capital Kigali. A genocide starts to take place.
Bodies are scatterd everywhere. Tens of thousands float down the Kagera River into Uganda.
But this force of Tutsi exiles, most of them born in Uganda, away for 30 years, this force which says it knew of a plan by the Hutu government to massacre hundreds of thousands of Tutsi, is in full control of Kigali, as its own Paul Kagame and Christine Umutoni publicly boast, but it watches…and does nothing.
It is obvious, given all this evidence, given the fact that the RPF was part of the NRA that fought in the central Ugandan region of Luwero in the 1980s, that what was going on from April to July 1994 may prolly have been war crimes by the RPF against the Rwandans so as to have it blamed on the Hutu to acquire the much needed legitimacy.
Don’t rush. Let us cast an eagle’s eye on this.
Where have we heard of this guerrilla tactic before? Certainly in Luwero Triangle in central Uganda during the NRA war.
In the aforementioned book, A Thousand Hills: Rwanda’s rebirth and the man who dreamed it, the American journalist Stephen Kinzer described Kagame’s formative years as a guerrilla in Luwero:
“Central Uganda is a good place to wage guerrilla war. Its heartland, known as the Luweero Triangle, comprises 3,000 square miles of savannah and tropical forests. Enough people live there to provide a social base for rebels, but there are also vast empty areas where fighters can move and hide…This was Paul Kagame’s home for five years. The way the NRA fought made a deep impression on Kagame. It decisively shaped his idea of what a guerrilla force should be and do. The lessons he learned proved invaluable to him when he began to forge, and later emerged to lead, the force that would liberate his homeland.”
So if “The way the NRA fought made a deep impression on Kagame” and it “decisively shaped his idea of what a guerrilla force should be and do” and furthermore “it proved invaluable to him when he began to forge, and later emerged to lead, the force that would liberate his homeland,” we must then go to Luwero to examine what these vital lessons were that left such a mark on Kagame that he would use years later in Rwanda.
For the answer to that, we go — ironically (given his fanatically pro-RPF stance) — to an interview published on April 15, 2005 in the Daily Monitor by its then Political Editor Andrew Mwenda with the former President Milton Obote as he explained the Luwero killings. Said Obote, speaking in Lusaka, Zambia in Oct. 2004:
“Museveni has for the last twenty three years [2004] fought different enemies in different parts of Uganda…In all these wars, the adversaries are different, the theatre of war different, the period different. There are only two elements that are constant: Museveni on the one hand and massive atrocities on the other….It is Museveni who employs atrocities against civilians to achieve military victory, but in a more subtle way by ensuring that his adversary instead takes blame for Museveni’s atrocities.”
This method of fighting, where you commit the atrocities in order to blame them and have them blamed on your adversary, was the central plank of the NRA war in Luwero.
A report on this was published by the Shariat newsletter, a Kampala publication edited in the mid 1990s by Haruna Kanaabi and the late Musa Hussein Njuki.
Said the Shariat, Jan. 24, 1995: “On 6 February, 1981, Yoweri Museveni and a gang of his Rwandese cousins launched a war on the Republic of Uganda. They knew quite well that the people of Ankole where Museveni comes from could never support them in their madness which was a result of Museveni’s insatiable lust for power. They went to Luwero which was a good choice because they knew it had more Rwandese than any other part of Uganda……
A few days ago through Capital Radio’s “Desert Island Program”, Lt. Col. Pecos Kutesa, Museveni’s aide de camp in Luwero, revealed that they killed thousands and thousands of Obote’s soldiers in Luwero. It is also true that they killed thousands and thousands of non-Baganda and some Baganda who could not support them. They blew up buses killing many civilians who were passing through Luwero…
…[Museveni] kept the skulls of those he killed or caused to be killed to use in his campaigns…He knew that if he could keep on telling Baganda that the skulls are the creation of Milton Obote, he could remain a hero for as long as he showed the skulls of UNLA soldiers which he now claims to be of innocent civilians — something he calls ‘heroes’”.
Obote put it more succinctly to Andrew Mwenda:
“At the burial of [UPC stalwart] Adonia Tiberondwa recently [on December 28, 2004], Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, for example, revealed that the National Resistance Army rebels used to wear UPC colours and then go into villages in Luwero and kill people in order to make the people think these were actions of the UPC government. Otafiire was boasting of the “tricks” NRA employed to win support in Luwero, but was also revealing the sinister side of Museveni and his insurgents… Each time there was a reported case of mistreatment of civilians by the army, we arrested those responsible and punished them severely.
“The truth is that most of the soldiers in the army who were committing atrocities were Museveni’s people. And whenever we zeroed in on them, they would run to join him in the bush in Luwero. Take the example of [Colonel] Pecos Kutesa. He had an interview with William Pike on Capital Radio in Kampala in [January] 1995 in a programme called Desert Island Discs. He told Pike that he was in UNLA but as an NRA infiltrator whose mission was to undermine the credibility of the army from within.
“Pecos Kutesa’s testimony is instructive of how Museveni personally orchestrated the killings of innocent people and the harassment of civilians not just in Luwero but other parts of Uganda as well during the 1980s. His testimony is also important because it fits very well with what Otafiire and Lt. Gen. Elly Tumwine have confessed. Let us listen to Pecos Kutesa, whose interview on Capital Radio Tim has kept as evidence. He told Pike that he used to be at a roadblock in Konge. As a lieutenant, he was the man in charge of that roadblock. According to Pecos Kutesa’s own testimony on Capital Radio, Konge roadblock was the most notorious in harassing civilians, robbing them of their money and killing some. Kutesa says reports reached army headquarters of his harassment of the civilians and Oyite Ojok summoned him to Kampala for disciplinary action. He ran to the bush.” (Daily Monitor, April 15, 2005).
From all the above quotes, we must ask ourselves the all-important question: If this is the way Museveni’s NRA conducted itself in Luwero and according to Stephen Kinzer’s admiring book on Kagame, the methods of guerrilla warfare in Luwero we have just read about left a “deep impression on Kagame”, is there anything more to be said about the way the RPF fought its war under the command of the now Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame between 1990 and 1994?
According to the Citizen newspaper in Jan. 1991, this is late Dec. 1990 and what do we already see, long before the 1994 genocide? Reports of bodies floating down the Kagera River from the RPF-held areas.
Why do the international media, governments, historians, the ICTR in Arusha, and others not want to listen to this side of the story? Why are the Hutu being persecuted when this report plus the one on today’s cover story clearly point to who it was who orchestrated that 1990-94 genocide in order to have it blamed on the Hutu?
Keith Harmon Snow, a controversial war correspondent who has worked in 16 African countries, including conflict areas in Congo, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda and Sudan and a former genocide and war crimes investigator for Genocide Watch, Survivor’s Rights International and the United Nations, who has worked at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, provides an insight in his essay in Global Research:
“The New York Times led the charge into Rwanda, and the Western media continued to beat the ‘Tutsis as victims’ drum roll. There was, after all, a lot of money to be made. Wall Street vultures began drooling. Military and intelligence operatives like David Kimche (Israel) and Roger Winter (USA) jockeyed for position – organizing logistics, maintaining supply chains, arranging weapons shipments – to support ‘our’ man Kagame and our proxy guerrilla army, the RPF. The Washington Post, Boston Globe, CNN, the Observer all described the RPF guerrillas as a highly ‘disciplined’ army: if any woman was raped or civilian massacred, it was an accident, a rogue soldier, and said soldier would be duly punished (of course, they never were).
Continues Keith: Paul Kagame put into practice what his teachers, the military strategists at the US Army Command and Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas (USA), taught him: psychological operations and how to overthrow a country. “As the English-speaking ‘Tutsis’ marched into Rwanda they conscripted and lured ‘Tutsi’ youth to the ‘freedom’ cause. These were young French-speaking Tutsis who were also subjected to Kagame’s ruthless modus operandi: many of them were tortured, killed, disappeared, but many survived the initiation into the RPF. Kagame and his elite Ugandan comrades didn’t trust Tutsis who had stayed behind, and they clearly sacrificed the French-speaking Tutsis of Rwanda for the cause of absolute military power.”
Just as Museveni had infiltrated, massacred and terrorized Uganda (1980-1985), the RPF infiltrated soldiers disguised as civilians into Hutu villages, Hutu political parties, even into Hutu youth groups organized to defend Rwanda from the invading terrorist guerrillas. While the RPF used the airwaves to terrorize the people, scapegoat and stereotype enemies real and perceived, and whip up fear of ‘Hutu power’ – the same kinds of nasty propaganda, often sexualized, used by the Kagame regime to demonize its detractors from the West even today – we only even hear about ‘Hutu power’ hate radio, not extremist Radio Muhabura.
Keith concludes: “No such planning or organization of genocidal intent has been proven against the Hutu government of Juvenal Habyarimana – which, in any case, was decapitated on April 6, 1994 – or against the Interim Hutu government that briefly held sway after April 6, 1994, and the judges at the ICTR have found as such. There were indeed hundreds of thousands of French-speaking Tutsis raped, brutalized and massacred in what amount to very real acts of genocide in Rwanda, and these occurred over the now sacred ‘100 days of genocide’. But there were also hundreds of thousands of Hutus killed, and far more Hutu than Tutsi.”
Don’t remind me that Keith is a genocide denier. I have already heard of that. But how about Jonathan Cook- an award winner of the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism whose latest books include “Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East(Pluto Press) and Disappearing Palestine: Israel’s Experiments in Human Despair (Zed Books)?
According to him, Paul Kagame, the hero of the official story of Rwanda’s genocide, was almost certainly the biggest war criminal to have emerged from those horrifying events. Kagame led the Tutsis’ main militia, the RPF. He almost certainly ordered the shooting down of the Rwandan president’s plane, the trigger for a civil war that quickly escalated into a genocide; on the best estimates, his RPF was responsible for killing 80% of the 1 million who died inside Rwanda, making the Hutus, not the Tutsis, the chief victims; and his subsequent decision to extend the civil war into neighbouring Congo, where many Hutu civilians had fled to escape the RPF, led to the deaths of up to 5 million more.
From his own experience covering Israel-Palestine, he says: “I can guess what happened. The reporters on the ground feared straying too far from the consensus in their newsrooms. Rather than telling their editors what the story was (the model of news production most people assume to be the case), the editors were creating the framework of the story for the reporters, based on the official narrative being promoted in political and diplomatic circles. Correspondents who cared about their careers dared not challenge the party line too strongly, even when they knew it to be a lie.”
Are we still in doubt at what happened?
The Hutus have pleaded innocence but world opinion refuses to believe them. May be the world is right. I don’t claim to be right or wrong but rather making a rational inquiry.
In Dec. 2005, a British-based team of investigators, the Sanders Research Associates, published a report that questioned the basis for apportioning blame for the 1994 Rwandan genocide. We already discussed the Stam and Davenport report about the numbers of the dead; supported by the 1991 government census that clearly make the numbers of the Tutsi dead an impossibility.
But there is as well the Sanders report, which stated thus: “There is a stunning lack of documentary evidence of a [Habyarimana] government plan to commit genocide”.
There were no orders, minutes of meetings, notes, cables, faxes, radio intercepts or any other type of documentation that such a plan ever existed. The ICTR, needless to say, confirmed this in military trials 1 and 11. In fact, the documentary evidence establishes just the opposite.” (View from Rwanda: The Dallaire Genocide Fax: A Fabrication, Sanders Research Associated Ltd., December 1, 2005).
Of paramount importance is not only the fact that this story is being revisited but the fact that its export base is declining, as we saw last week in Addis Abbeba. But how about for the sake of historical clarity for the sake of a genuine co-existence between Rwanda’s bi-polar divide? Unless the right questions are asked, the past is blurred and the future is constructed on lies. It’s nigh that right questions should be asked at 10 Downing Street and the Pentagon. Till then!
Didas Gasana

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, January 28, 2016




[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Radio CIBL Montréal : Le Béni Tazira « Selon Samantha Power, les HUTUS sont nés Génocidaires »



The Would-be President of Rwanda
Mrs. Ingabire Victoire, UMUHOZA WACU
Nobody can give you freedom. Nobody can give you equality or justice or anything. If you're a man, you take it...................................... Malcolm 




À l’Honorable Mme Fatou B. Bensouda,
Procureur,
International Criminal Court,
Maanweg, 174,
2516 AB, The Hague.
The Netherlands.
Honorable Mme Bensouda,
UN APPEL AFRICAIN URGENT!
LA Côte d’Ivoire ET L’AFRIQUE ONT BESOIN
DE L’ANCIEN Président LAURENT KOUDOU GBAGBO
POUR
RÉALISER LA PAIX ET LA JUSTICE

  1. En tant qu’Africains, nous tenons à ce que l’Afrique, notre Continent résolve ses problèmes aussi vite que possible, y compris l’ensemble des défis liés à la paix et à la justice dans les pays sortant d’un conflit.
Monday, January 25, 2016
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]


The Would-be President of Rwanda
Mrs. Ingabire Victoire, UMUHOZA WACU
Nobody can give you freedom. Nobody can give you equality or justice or anything. If you're a man, you take it...................................... Malcolm 




By Paul Craig Roberts
January 22, 2016 "Information Clearing House" - A British governmental inquiry has concluded that Russian President Putin “probably approved” the killing of Alexander Litvinenko by polonium poisoning. http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article44002.htm
As no evidence is provided for the surmise, we can conclude that this report on an unresolved event that happened a decade ago is part of the lies being used by the West to demonize Putin, just as the lies about MH-17 and “the Russian invasion of Ukraine.”
Litvinenko’s brother and father say that they “are sure that the Russian authorities are not involved. It’s all a set-up to put pressure on the Russian government.” Maksim Litvinenko dismisses the British report as a smear on Putin.
And that is what it is.
“Our” government not only lies to us about the economy and the wars, it also lies about literally everything. For example, do you remember the Rwanda genocide? The story we were told is the exact opposite of the truth. Today the perpetrator of the genocide, Paul Kagame, is the President of Rwanda.
Western governments and media have covered up his crimes and praise him as a great humanitarian who has healed Rwanda and is totally supported by the people. The truth is that Kagame has proved himself a worse totalitarian that Hitler, Stalin, and Poll Pot combined. He has turned Rwanda into a fear-ridden psychological prison. Anjan Sundaram, a journalist who ran a journalism training school in Rwanda, describes in detail Kagame’s destruction of all truth and all independent thought in Rwanda. In his just published book by Doubleday, Bad News: Last Journalists In A Dictatorship, Sundaram gives the gruesome details of how Rwandans, with the complicity of the West, have been brought more psychologically under control than Winston Smith in George Orwell’s 1984.
Kagame used murder, fear, and bribes and purges of his own supporters in order to eliminate all expression of independent thought in Rwanda. Indeed, in Rwanda the individual has disappeared. People have been merged into the state. Sundaram reports his conversation with a Rwandan who is being reconstructed along the lines of Winston Smith. This person tells Sundaram: “In this kind of country we don’t know where the state ends and where we begin. And if I don’t know where I begin I’m worth nothing. I don’t have any rights. We are not individuals, we are agents of the state.”
None of the totalitarianisms that the West ranted against during the 20th century ever got this far. There was resistance everywhere. Hitler’s own top generals plotted against him. In the Soviet Union and Mao’s China, there were dissidents, including highly placed members of the Communist Party. But in Rwanda even the concept of opposition has been erased.
Reading Bad News brings to mind parallels to the US. In Rwanda sentences result not from law but from “the word of authority. Simple words had attained such power.” This reminds us of simple words from the US president that result in indefinite detention and assassination of US citizens without trials and conviction. The subservience of Western journalism has been obtained by the state similar to the suppression of independent journalism in Rwanda. Bribes are used, both monetary and access. Fear of being fired and rendered unemployable as a journalist is used. Occasionally, perhaps even murder is used as in the unresolved case of the US journalist whose car suddenly accelerated and crashed at high speed. Other American journalists have been threatened with prison sentences.
The disturbing fact that the Anglo-Zionist Empire has supported Kagame, a genocidist who “has killed more than five times as many people as Idi Amin,” is perhps an indication of what the Anglo-Zionist Empire has in mind for the rest of us.
Dr. Paul Craig Roberts was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury for Economic Policy and associate editor of the Wall Street Journal. He was columnist for Business Week, Scripps Howard News Service, and Creators Syndicate. He has had many university appointments. His internet columns have attracted a worldwide following. Roberts' latest books are The Failure of Laissez Faire Capitalism and Economic Dissolution of the West, How America Was Lost, and The Neoconservative Threat to World Order


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, January 22, 2016

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]



http://www.nabacu.org/en/
The Would-be President of Rwanda
Mrs. Ingabire Victoire, UMUHOZA WACU
Nobody can give you freedom. Nobody can give you equality or justice or anything. If you're a man, you take it.
..................................... Malcolm 


appel a la mobilisation generale pour l’ultime combat

QUELQUE SOIT LA LONGUEUR DE LA NUIT, LE SOLEIL APPARAITRA !!!
        Au moment où le jour de la liberté profile à l’horizon, nous sommes conscients que la lutte pour la liberté n’est pas facile ; acceptons la souffrance. Nous sommes déjà conscients qu’aucun de nous ne peut réussir seul ; quelque soit la forme de ta contribution, elle ne sera jamais négligeable.
        Quand le peuple d’Israël était en désarroi se retournait à la bible. Nous aussi lisons 1Cor3 : 4-9
« Quand l’un vous déclare : « j’appartiens à Paul » et un autre : « j’appartiens à Apollos », n’agissez-vous pas comme n’importe quel être humain?
Au fond qui est Apollos ?  Et qui est Paul ? Nous sommes simplement les serviteurs de Dieu, par les quelles vous avez été amenés à croire.. Chacun de nous accomplit le devoir que le Seigneur lui a confié. J’ai planté Apollon a arrosé, mais Dieu a fait croître ; en sorte que ce n’est pas celui qui plante ni celui qui arrose, mais Dieu qui fait croître. Celui qui plante et celui qui arrose sont égaux, et chacun recevra sa propre récompense selon son propre travail. Car nous sommes ouvriers avec Dieu.
 
Rwandaises Rwandais, où que nous soyons ; quoi que nous faisons ; qui que nous soyons, hommes et femmes, vieux et vieillards, jeunes et adultes, enfants !
Debout, soldats su Christ, le maître nous appelles.
Marchons, marchons au glorieux combat.
Que dans nos rangs l’esprit Saint renouvelle le feu sacré d’un cœur qui, pour sa cause bat.
Trop longtemps désunis, affaiblis par le doute ;
Du ciel aux mondes entraînés tous les jours.
Enfin Jésus nous met sur la route où nous attend de Dieu l’invisible secours.
Si nous luttons en regardant à toi,
Tu l’as promis, il va de ta gloire
En ton fidèle augmente-nous la foi
Repos, temps et talent, santé, fortune et vie, nous donnons tous !
En priant on le peut.
Ici la croix ; demain la gloire infinie
Nous partons, Ô Jésus Dieu le veut, Dieu le veut.
 
Honneur aux vaillants et braves soldats de Dieu
Qui, mêmes chargés d’entraves, luttent en tout lieu.
Ils s’en vont,… et l’on oubli, leur noms leurs combats, mais leur sublime folie ne périra jamais.
 
Très chers compatriotes, à l’origine de ma pensée, il n’y a que la voie impérative de ma conscience et de mon désir de suivre la volonté de Dieu où qu’elle puisse conduire.
J’ai pris aussi cette décision à cause du profond souci que m’inspirent les injustices et les iniquités que mon peuple continue à subir aujourd’hui.
 
Bien entendu, je ne suis pas poussé par le désir du Martyr, car sans amour le martyr lui-même devient une forme d’orgueil spirituel.
Je viens par cette occasion pour parler et écrire au nom d’un peuple qui, sur la terre de ses ancêtres, doit choisir dorénavant de s’affirmer et d’assurer son histoire dans ses aspects tant positifs que négatifs, sans complexe aucune.
Je n’ai pas la prétention d’être un messie ou un prophète mais d’être quelqu’un qui a toujours regardé un mal de loin comme homme prudent.
 
MOBILISONS-NOUS POUR UN ULTIME COMBAT.
                                                    
Très chers semblables, il est nécessaire et il est urgent que nos cadres et nos travailleurs de la plume apprennent qu’il n’y a pas d’écriture innocente  
En ces temps de tempêtes, nous ne pouvons pas laisser à nos ennemis d’hier et d’aujourd’hui, le monopole de la pensée, de l’imagination et de la créativité.
Il faut, avant qu’il ne soit trop tard, ces élites, ces hommes de la régions des grands lacs reviennent à eux même, c'est-à-dire à leurs sociétés vouées à la division et à la misère dont nous avons hérité pour comprendre, non seulement que la bataille pour une pensée au service des masses déshéritées n’est pas veine, mais qu’elle peut devenir crédible sur le plan national, régional et international en inventant une image d’un homme véritable qui leur permettra de réaliser des changements profonds de la situation économique, sociale et politique, susceptibles de nous arracher à la domination de nos semblables et à l’exploitation étrangère qui livrent nos enfants aux guerres et combats meurtriers et sans merci.
Voici ce que moi je vois et que je propose aux autres intellectuels de la région des grands lacs à la veille des élections de nos présidents :
- il nous faut prendre la tête des révoltes qui s’annoncent dans les campagnes affolés par l’avance progressive de la pauvreté, épuisés par la faim et la soif, et sont délaissés
- Il nous faut donnés un sens idéologique aux révoltent des masses urbaines et désœuvrés frustrés et fatigués  de voir habiter des grandes villas du siècle et circuler dans les grosses véhicules ces pseudo-élites aliénés qui sont à la tête de l’état et qui leur offre rien que les fausses solutions pensées et conçues par les cerveaux  d’un groupuscule ultra fichiste et qui disposent une armée façonnée, agissant à la gestapo de l’Allemagne Nazi.
Mais à la révolte passagère, que j’appellerai simple feu de paille devait se substituer pour toujours la révolution, la lutte éternelle contre la domination d’un peuple sur un autre.
Certainement, d’autres après moi le diront à quel point s’élargit le fossé entre certains individus nanti (qui détiennent le pouvoir) et ceux qui n’aspirent qu’à manger à leur faim, boire à leur soif, survivre et conserver leur dignité.
Fort de cette certitude, je voudrai que ma pensée s’élargisse à tous ceux qui souffrent dans leurs chairs, à tous ceux qui sont bafoués dans leurs dignités d’homme par une minorité ou par un système politique qui les écrase.
Permettrez, vous qui lirez ce message ; je ne parle pas seulement au nom du peuple Rwandais tant aimé, mais également au nom de tous ceux  qui ont mal quelque part.
·                   je parle au nom de ces milliers des Congolais qui sont dans les camps de réfugiés dans leur pays ou dans les pays frontaliers et qui bénéficient d’un statut à peine supérieur de celui d’un chimpanzé protégé dans le parc des volcans
·                   je souffre au nom des réfugiés Hutus Rwandais, massacrés jour pour jour, pourchassés, humiliés et dispersés dans les forêts de l’Est du Congo à fin qu’ils n’aspirent à aucun droit et devoir civique de leur pays d’origine; et que leurs tristes sorts ne se résument qu’à la mort infligée par le gouvernement Congolais qui devrait les protégés selon le droit international.
·                   Je pleure au nom des pauvres paysans (Hutus et Tutsi) confinés et affamés dans leurs villages, sans eau ni lumière, et à qui on demande de pleurer chaque année début juillet leurs morts qui ont permis à ces ultras sanguinaires de gouverner à leurs propres destinés.
·                   Je pleure sans cesse au nom de cette femme Congolaise désabusées, violée jour et nuit par son compatriote sous l’œil complaisant de l’homme blanc, parce que sa maison, son champ, ses cultures sont implantés au-dessus du nickel, du coltan, de l’or et du diamant que cet homme blanc veut arracher de force par le truchement de nos semblables, après avoir piétiné les cadavres des frères et sœurs de cette femme.
·                   Je parle au nom des mères de toute la région qui voient mourir leurs enfants de faim à la campagne partout au Rwanda, de paludisme et d’autres maladies infectieuses, ignorant qu’il existe pour les sauver des moyens simples, que la science des pays occidentaux ne leur offre pas, par contre  préférant investir dans les guerres fratricides pour les caprices et l’égoïsme de nos chefs d’état, dont les pouvoirs sont menacés par l’excès de tyrannie et de dictature sur les peuples assoiffés de liberté et d’indépendance.
·                   Je parle également au nom de L’Enfant, L’Enfant d’un pauvre qui a faim et qui a besoin d’aller à l’école. Cet enfant grince les dents, il est rongé par la souffrance en lorgnant les camarades de son âge, belle tenue sur le corps, belles chaussures aux pieds dans les grosses véhicules sur le goudron vers l’école des grands. Cet enfant de son retour par désœuvrement il sera enrôlé de force dans les milices et groupes armés pour gonfler les chiffres des KADOGO qui vont pourchasser ses frères pour les éloignés des terres convoitées.
·                   Je parle au nom de cette journaliste Congolaise affligée par la violence faite aux femmes, essaie de donner une information juste et impartiale; fait une analyse des faits réels; de là elle propose une approche globale de solution politique concrète et vraisemblable. Malheureusement elle prêche dans le désert ; toutes ses propositions tombent dans l’oreille des sourds parce qu’ils sont acharnés à s’enrichir aux détriments de ces déshérités.
·                   Je proteste au nom de ces dirigeants locaux congolais de l’Est qui sont exploités par les systèmes politiques pourris et corrompus, et par le truchement  ces impérialistes monstrueux, sont emballés dans les projets macabres d’extermination de tout un peuple qui cherche désespérément un retour digne au pays natal pour aider à construire une Nation sans différence.
Mon peuple est un concentré de tous les malheurs des peuples, une synthèse douloureuse de toutes les souffrances de l’humanité.
C’est pourquoi je vibre naturellement au nom des orphelins et des veuves de la région des grands lacs qui scrutent avec anxiété les horizons d’une scène accaparée par les marchands de canons.
Mes pensées vont à tous ceux qui sont touchés par la destruction de la nature et de son écosystème à l’Est du Congo et les milliers de réfugiés qui vont mourir, abattus par la redoutable arme de la faim et de la maladie.
 Je ne peux pas naturellement oublier ces soldats congolais (du recru au général) obéissant aux ordres, le doigt sur la détente qui  courent derrière ces réfugiés hutus dans les forêts, et qui  savent que la balle qui va partir en appuyant sur la détente ne porte que le message de la mort.
Je m’indignerai toujours en pensant au peuple hutu qu’un certain nombre de pays occidentaux (Etats-Unis, Belgique et la Grande Bretagne) ont choisi de substituer à un autre peuple (TUTSI) hier encore martyrisé.
Je pense à ce peuple hutus c’est-à-dire à ces familles disloquées errant dans la nature en quête d’une terre d’asile ; courageux, déterminés, persévérants et infatigables depuis 1990.
Que ces réfugiés rappellent à chaque instant, à la conscience humaine la nécessité et l’obligation morale de respecter les droits d’un peuple : avec leurs frères TUTSI, ils peuvent vivre ensemble.
Aux côtés de nos frères militaires congolais qui meurent dans une guerre fratricide, suicidaire et insensée, qu’ils interpellent leur Président KABILA parce qu’il agisse contre la volonté de ses citoyens.
Je me sens également proche à nos camarades Mayi Mayi avec toutes leurs composantes, classées dans les forces négatives par les talentueux colonisateurs de la région, et  qui se battent pour la libération de leurs territoires convoités ; mais qui malheureusement leurs villages sont bombardés et pillés ; leurs sœurs et leurs femmes sont violées ainsi que leurs frères sont tués et humiliés par les TUTSI congolais soutenus par les expansionnistes avec à la tête PAUL KAGAME. Malgré tout et je les encourage,  ces camarades affrontent et affronteront avec courage et lucidité leur destin.
Enfin, par compassion je pleure aux côtés de la veuve et orphelins du feu HALYARIMANA, retranchés sur une terre d’asile qui ne leur est pas facile de s’y accrocher ; cette veuve est accusée par méchanceté de génocidaire et par conséquent, elle doit abandonner ses orphelins, aller pleurer et essuyer ses larmes en prison.
Seigneur, si les méchants de ce monde voulaient tester où arrive la résistance de l’homme, je pense qu’avec l’expérience du peuple hutu (surtout à l’Est du Congo) ils l’on déjà vu quand même !!
Cependant je me lève au nom de tous ceux qui cherchent vainement dans quel forum de ce monde, où ils pourront faire entendre leur voix et la faire prendre en considération réellement ?
Seule la lutte libère et j’en appelle  à tous ceux qui sont opprimés, à tous ceux qui sont affligés par la situation actuelle dans la région des grands lacs pour qu’ils montent à l’assaut pour la conquête de leurs droits, pour la conquête de leur dignité. 
S’il vous plait, hâtez-vous pour ne pas rater le rendez-vous de l’histoire!
 Banyarwanda banyarwandakazi, Hâtons-nous pour aller encaisser un chèque que Grégoire KAYIBANDA et ses compagnons ont signé à la première heure de l’indépendance
La lutte de notre peuple est ouverte aux malheurs de tous les opprimés. Elle doit s’inspirer de toutes les expériences des hommes depuis le 1er souffle de l’humanité.
Nous voulons être les héritiers de toutes les luttes de libération en Afrique sub-saharienne ; nous devons être à l’écoute des grands bouleversements qui ont transformés l’Afrique. Nous tirerons les leçons de la lutte de libération au Mozambique, aux Zimbabwé, à la  Namibie et en Afrique du Sud ; les leçons de leur victoire contre la domination d’une minorité blanche et leurs conséquences de ces victoires.
Ouvert  à tous les vents de la volonté des peuples et de leur révolution, nous instruisant aussi de des certains échecs quelques parts qui conduisent aujourd’hui à certains manquements de droits de l’homme (cas du Zimbabwe), à la criminalité et la pauvreté avec leurs conséquence comme la Pandémie du VIH/Sida (Afrique du sud) ; nous ne voulons une fois gagner cette lutte, que conserver le noyau du pureté qui nous interdira de nous inféoder aux réalités des autres pays, même si par la pensée nous nous retrouverons dans les systèmes d’intérêts.
Nous le savons très bien que le nouvel ordre économique international s’inscrit tout simplement à côté de tous les droits des peuples : droit à l’indépendance, droit aux libres choix des formes et des structures des gouvernements comme le droit au développement.
Tous ces droits des peuples s’arrachent dans la lutte et par la lutte des peuples. A aucun moment ils seront le résultat d’un acte de générosité.
        Chers frères et sœurs, malgré les difficultés auxquelles nous sommes confrontés aujourd'hui, nous devrons conserver une inébranlable confiance que notre mouvement de libération doit maintenir sa cohésion, renforcer son pouvoir de négociation, se trouver les alliés parmi les nations et recommencer avec ceux qui peuvent nous entendre, l’organisation sous un nouveau visage, d’un véritable mouvement politico-militaire.
        Une cause juste même s’elle ne rencontre que des revers  ou indifférence, peut à la longue trouver un écho dans le concert des nations et des peuples ; et je l’espère.
        Dès aujourd’hui, il faut à mon avis des études sérieuses prenant en compte tous les éléments qui ont conduit et qui, plus tard peut conduire d’un jour à l’autre aux calamités qui ont endeuillé notre pays.
        Sur ce, j’invite des historiens, des sociologues, des ethno- anthropologues et démographes de la région aidés par les mêmes spécialistes des pays étrangers à se pencher sérieusement sur ce problème. La conférence de la région des grands lacs basés à Bujumbura devrait apporter sa contribution.
        Ce n’est pas un secret. Aujourd'hui dans notre pays et dans les régions environnantes (MASSI – RUTCHURU) le traitement injuste infligé aux Hutus et aux autres peuples par les Tutsi est devenu une honte pour le Rwanda.
        Les hutus ne peuvent pas supporter plus longtemps en silence de telles conditions dégradantes. Nous ne pouvons pas parce que Dieu qui nous a crée tous, nous a commandé de résister au mal.
        Je me hâte aujourd'hui à réveiller votre conscience et je suis persuadé que les hutus en mettant un terme à ces conditions s’entendront aux mêmes qualités d’amour chrétien dont ils ont fait preuve pendant de longues années d’asservissement.
        Car je suis sûr qu’il y a des milliers de Tutsi de bonne volonté à travers toute la région et dans le monde qui au fond de leurs cœurs condamnent les violences populaires et le traitement inhumaine infligé au hutus. J’en appelle à ceux-la pour qu’ils s’arment de courage et qu’ils prennent la parole en faveur de la loi, de la dignité et de la moralité.
        J’ai pris cette décision à cause de mon amour propre pour le Rwanda et pour toute la région. J’écris ceci parce que mon pays  est en danger de perdre son âme et peut facilement glisser dans l’anarchie tragique et un fascisme mutilant.
       
        Il faut qu’il se produise quelque chose, dans les meilleurs délais qui éveille la conscience assoupie de notre pays avant qu’il ne soit trop tard.
       
        Si la mort est un compagnon très humble lorsqu’on n’est obligé de la côtoyer toute la vie, le temps est venu où peut-être seule l’acceptation volontaire de la souffrance par des innocents pourra inciter la nation à liquider ces fléaux qui sont le mensonge, l’injustice, l’exclusion et la dictature sur tout un peuple qui ne cherche qu’a s’avancer dans la dignité devant Dieu et devant les hommes. 
           Ce pendant, je me pose la question :
Combien d’hommes doivent mourir encore avant que nous ayons une société réellement libre, vraie et pacifique ? Cela prendra combien de temps ?
        On dit qu’on n’a pas vraiment vécu, tant qu’on n’a pas des choses à regretter (Dr Blerok).
        A mon sens si nous parvenons à comprendre et à nous imprégner de l’esprit et du sens réel de ce qui s’est passé, je crois qu’on pourra transformer notre nation en une société d’amour, de justice, de paix et de fraternité où tous les hommes (hutus – Tutsi) seront  vraiment frères, et pourront vivre côte à côte en symbiose.
        Mais la recherche de la paix va de paire avec la ferme application du droit des pays à l’indépendance, droit des peuples à la liberté et des nations à l’existence autonome. Sur ce point, le palmarès le plus impitoyable, le plus lamentable et détenu au cœur de la région des grands lacs en terme d’arrogance, d’insolence et d’un croyable entêtement par un petit pays, le Rwanda de Paul KAGAME, qui depuis plus de 15 ans, avec l’inqualifiable complicité de ses protecteurs (Etats-Unis et la grande Bretagne), continue à défier la communauté Internationale.
        Au mépris d’une histoire réelle, qui n’est pas très veille, l’histoire de l’exile des  Tutsi en 1959 et celle du fameux génocide, où les Tutsis étaient confronté à l’honneur ; Paul KAGAME et ses compagnons arrivent à infliger aux Hutus mille fois, ce qui fut leur propre calvaire.
          En tout état de cause, ces Tutsi dont beaucoup ont salué leur courage et leur sacrifice d’hier, doivent savoir que les conditions de leur propre quiétude ne résident pas dans leur puissance militaire financée de l’extérieur. On peut opprimer un peuple pendant 100 ans, il finira par se libérer et le prix à payer sera exorbitant.
        J’invite, et les autres peuvent me rejoindre, ces tutsis à commencer à apprendre à devenir un peuple comme les autres, parmi les autres. L’Afrique du Sud et le Burundi doivent leurs servir de leçons.
        Certes, ceux qu’ils étaient hier les autres le sont aujourd’hui. Ces qu’ils sont aujourd’hui, les autres peuvent le devenir demain ou après demain et eux vont repartir à la case de repart et ça sera un cercle vicieux.
        Banyarwanda  Banyarwanda Kazi à quoi serviront ces luttes sans amour ? Excellence Paul Kagome, une lutte sans amour est une lutte en vain ; le sang que tu fais couler appelle et appellera un autre sang.. A toi d’y réfléchir pour préserver le pire à vos contemporains et à vos descendants.
            Pour l’heure, je tiens à rappeler haut et fort notre solidarité militante et agissante à l’endroit des combattants, femmes et hommes de ce peuple vaillant parce que nous savons qu’il n’y a pas de souffrance sans fin.
           J’ai parcouru des milliers des Kilomètres à pied, j’ai perdu des êtres qui m’étaient chères dans des moments terribles.  Dans les durs moments que nous traversons je vous demande, à chacun de nous que nous puissions mettre ensemble nos efforts pour que :
-         cesse la morgue des gens qui n’a pas de raison,
-   s’efface le triste spectacle des femmes violées et des enfants     mourant de faim dans l’Est du Congo ;
-         disparaissent le mensonge et l’ignorance ;
-         s’arrête la traque de nos élites et leaders à l’étranger ;
-         s’arrête ces feuilleteaux politico- judiciaires et condamnations injustes      à Arusha et ailleurs ;
-         ses prisonniers de l’histoire de façon injuste trouvent leur liberté     
-         triomphe la rébellion légitime d’un peuple,
-         se taise le bruit des armes ;
Et qu’enfin, avec une seule et une même volonté, luttant pour la survie d’une partie de l’humanité, nous parvenions à chanter en cœur dans la foi :
La foi fait  tombée sous nos yeux les plus fortes murailles,
La foi nous rend victorieux et gagne les batailles,
La foi nous ouvre le trésor de la toute puissance.
Les plus faibles deviennent forts, sous sa sainte influence.
Protégés par ce bouclier, nous n’avons nulle crainte ;
Que n’ont pas souffert les héros dont noms suivons la trace ?
Que de danger, que de travaux mais quelle sainte audace ? 
Que leur victoire et leur combat enflamme notre zèle ;
Croyons et courons sur leur pas, notre chef nous appelles ;
Quand la foi vit au fond du cœur et nourrit l’espérance ;
On est pour l’amour du sauveur, joyeux dans la souffrance.
       
QUAND LE REVE DEVIENDRA REALITE,
 
        Nous chanterons en cœur avec le poète Novalis ces strophes :
-         Les astres reviendront sur terre d’où ils se sont éloignés pendant nos temps obscurs ;
-         Paul KAGAME déposera son spectre sévère et deviendra un homme parmi les hommes ;
-          Tous les peuples de la région se rassembleront à nouveau après une longue séparation ;
-          Les vieilles familles orphelines se retrouveront et chaque jour verra de nouvelles retrouvailles, de nouveaux embrassements.
-         En chaque tombe se réveillera la cendre éteinte ;
-         Partout brûleront à nouveau les flammes de la vie ;
-         Les vieilles demeures seront rebâties ;
-    Les temps anciens se renouvelleront et l’histoire sera le rêve d’un présent à l’étendue infinie.
 
« La patrie ou la mort, nous vaincrons ! 

Fait à KIGEZI
Dr. Jules MUHOZI


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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