You can't stop thinking

“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones.

A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

R.E.M. – “Everybody Hurts” “Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

About US

AS Foundation Founder, Webmaster, Editor-in-chief and Publisher. Search and meet Libre Penseur, the Man who stands firm on his priniciples. I am working for a pro-peace humanitarian organization with no political agenda. Make your voice heard around the globe. You think it, you write it. Dear SurViVors: Nobody’s going to help you. It’s all up to you. Make it happen for yourself. However, there's a common knowledge to remember : "No man is an island". Will be possible for me to realize my dream and say : *.*The war is over, the hunting trip on Hutus comes to an end, the Evil is taken away, the reign of Terror comes to an end in Rwanda, my beloved homeland. As we stand on the precipice of Paul Kagame war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, call on the Regime change in Rwanda. Will you just sit back and watch Paul Kagame destroying the Human kind or will you stand up with African SurViVors and make your voice heard? Nothing is said about Kagame's arrest. Many are asleep, wrapped up their day to day lives. However, if and if you are awake, it is your responsibility to wake others! Spread the word, Ask for Paul Kagame's removal and indictment, take action.*.*

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the unspeakable.Two orphans, together against the world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder by Kagame & RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragment to crime. “I always think I am a peaceful person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that I would seek justice - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

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Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite.” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

  1. The people overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
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Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Friday, April 22, 2016




[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]


Dictator in Disguise

Dictator in Disguise. By Ari Berman

Kagame speaking at the World Economic Forum on Africa in Cape Town in 2009

Upon initial inspection, he’s unassuming: tall, thin as a rail, with large glasses dominating the frame of his face. His voice is neither powerful nor commanding. He’s quite the opposite of the burly, hardened, Stalin-esque impression many have of a dictator. Perhaps that’s why it’s surprising that he holds an autocratic grip on Rwandan “democracy.”

Paul Kagame is known for having led the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front, which took control of Kigali in 1994. Kagame first served as vice president and then was elected to the presidency in 2000. Ever since then, he has been taking steps to bring Rwanda’s economy up to higher standards while simultaneously consolidating power in his own hands.

In contrast with much of Central-East Africa, Rwanda’s government remains relatively stable. Its immediate neighbors, Burundi and the DRC, continue to suffer from civil wars and unrest over upcoming elections, and in both countries, warlords harvesting raw minerals dominate the economy. By comparison, Rwanda is vastly more institutionalized, with no recent violent grabs for power and a functioning government, including a supreme court and parliament. Rwanda’s economy is growing as well: Rwanda sold 400 billion dollars in bonds to foreign investors in 2013 and has experienced an average GDP increase of 8 percent since 2001. The number of Rwandans living in poverty has decreased 6 percent in 10 years.

It may seem perplexing to many, especially in the West, that the otherwise successful country could currently be under a dictator’s thumb. Indeed, despite his campaign of countrywide modernization, Kagame has centralized political power by repressing opposition, limiting free press, and diminishing civil liberties, all the while using the memory of the Rwandan Genocide to legitimize his actions.

Rwanda’s Dictator

Rwandan leadership falls into a continuum of dictatorial relativity. Compared to its immediate, warlord-plagued neighbors, it is a thriving democratic state. But this relatively “democratic” character should not excuse Kagame and his government from criticism. In fact, Rwanda is following a dangerous road to authoritarianism. At the end of 2015, Rwanda’s senate approved a constitutional referendum to allow the president to run for three additional terms, effectively allowing him to remain in office until 2034. Kagame has been president since 2000, and should have completed his last allotted term this year. Nevertheless, he has declared his candidacy for a third term in next year’s election, a decision that has already sparked criticism from the international community.



Kagame, on a visit to Harvard, defended himself in a public address. He argued that part of what makes a democracy is having a constitution, which presents the possibility of occasional amendment. While this may be true, another central part of democracy is peaceful turnover of power. By preventing the transfer of the nation’s highest office to a successor, the constitutional amendment limits Rwanda’s democratic viability.

However, President Kagame continued to justify his decision to run again by explaining that his country has asked him to do so. Rwanda, he explained, simply is not ready for a new leader. However magnanimous his justification, no one is forcingKagame to run for a third term. If his country is as free as he proclaims it to be, he should easily be able to decline another term with confidence that another capable politician would step into his role. Kagame’s refusal to turn over power not only limits democracy now, but also inhibits the chance of a stable transition in the future. His country may become accustomed to the idea of extended executive rule, and naturally, people will fight for a shot at the throne. Rwanda could follow in the footsteps of the DRC, where after Mobutu’s 32 year reign, oppositions groups spiraled into violence and vied for control of the country.

Additionally, Kagame’s decision to run fundamentally contradicts a previous statement made when he announced his campaign for his third term. He noted, “I don’t think that what we need is an eternal leader.” But the recent amendment and his decision to run provide for exactly that.

 Civil Liberties in Rwanda

The central irony in Kagame’s address to the JFK Forum lay in his discussion of his country’s progress. He inspirationally proclaimed that there can be “no progress without empowerment of the individual,” citing the majority-women Rwandan parliament as an example of exactly that. He also mentioned the Africa 2020 plan, set by coalition of 26 developing African nations intent on creating a free trade block by 2020.

However grand this talk may be, it is at odds with the situation emerging on the ground in Rwanda. Fundamentally, individuals cannot be fully empowered if they cannot speak their minds. Kagame’s praise of his country’s freedom is inconsistent with the concerning state of affairs regarding civil liberties in his country.

While the country’s constitution provides that “Freedom of the press and freedom of information are recognized and guaranteed by the State,” those words do not seem worth the paper they are written on. According to Freedom House, Rwanda scores 6 out of 7 (7 being the worst) on an index of civil liberties, the same level as Iran. This rating’s veracity was reflected in legislation passed in 2009 by the RPF (Kagame’s party). The “divisionist law” allows punishment for “the use of any speech, written statement, or action that divides people, that is likely to spark conflicts among people, or that causes an uprising which might degenerate into strife among people based on discrimination.”

A 2013 media law allows the state to determine the operational rules for media outlets and journalist standards. As a result of these loopholes, out of 50 print publications registered with the government in 2013, only 10 published regularly, and of the country’s 26 radio stations, six are government owned. Self-censorship is frequent, as journalists fear being harassed or maligned. Stanley Gatera, editor of the newspaperUmusingi, was arrested for attempted extortion under the divisionist law on account of an article he wrote about how men who marry Tutsi women just for their beauty may have regrets.

A street in Kigali, Rwanda’s capital and largest city.

This intensely restrictive law stems from the fact that one of the main sources of genocide ideology in 1994 was print and broadcast media. In Rwanda, the Hutu power movement took to controlling the Radio RTLM and the newspaper Kangura to oppose the Tutsi RPF, telling citizens that the RPF would return the Hutus to the oppressive socioeconomic status they experienced under colonial rule. Naturally, there is fear amongst Tutsis that press freedom would regress into another spell of ethnic conflict. It is this lingering thought—that genocide ideology is intrinsically connected to free media—that propels legislation like the 2013 media law.

In light of Rwanda’s speech-restrictive reality, President Kagame’s comments to the HPR in a post-speech interview were surprising. Although he mentioned in his speech that prosperity could not be achieved without empowering citizens, his government has failed to empower its citizens through free press. President Kagame responded to this incongruence first through denial, then by alleging media bias, stating, “if you also read different surveys carried out by different international organizations … in terms of freedoms and how citizens relate to leaders and institutions, we rank very high.” He then remarked that international polls only talk about the “lack of freedom in our country.” By contract, within his own country, he claimed, “There are reports—if you will—that show freedom prevails.”

Kagame chose to deflect blame onto international organizations and the phrasing of the question instead of providing concrete counterevidence from unbiased sources.

The claim that the bias of international organizations led to the reports on lack of freedom is especially problematic. Part of the reason why there are no domestically produced reports on the lack of freedom in Rwanda is because the RPF’s 2013 media law and the divisionist law prevent such speech from being published. It is likely for this reason that Rwanda’s English-language daily newspaper, the New Times, shows no sign of any recent Kagame criticism.

Moreover, the “reports” that Kagame alludes to that demonstrate Rwanda’s press freedom clash with existing evaluations from Freedom House and the U.S.Department of State describing the lack of free speech in the country. It seems that the evidence Kagame cites to urge re-evaluation of Rwanda’s free speech is shaky at best and contested by several reputable sources.

Rwanda’s Leadership and Legacy

Kagame is likely to be elected to his third term with an overwhelming majority, much like his 2010 election, in which he won with over 90 percent of the vote. Under Kagame’s continuing rule, Rwanda will be faced not only with repressed civil liberties, but also reduced likelihood that the country will escape the shadow of its 1994 genocide in the foreseeable future.

Because of the genocidal atrocities to which Rwanda’s Tutsis were subjected by the radical Hutu militias, Kagame (a Tutsi) and his government have visceral reactions to any opposition parties that resemble the Hutu Power party of 1994. This fear is evident in Rwanda’s lack of a proper opposition party. In the aforementioned interview with the HPR, Kagame defended the lack of opposition parties by highlighting his country’s progress, arguing that “the administration we [have today] is not the administration we had ten years ago … it’s not the same we will have ten years from now.”

But while it is true that Rwanda has changed since 1994, its ruling party has not, and the RPF continually invokes the genocide as justification for one-party rule. The country’s primary opposition party would be the Democratic Green Party, registered in 2014. But Kagame’s government often uses memory of the genocide as a tool to undermine dissent, and repeated reports have exposed the intimidation and oppression of potential opposition parties. Victoire Ingabire and Bernard Ntaganda, two opposition party leaders, have been arrested and imprisoned for creating divisionism.

These intimidation tactics extend beyond just opposition parties to people in the administration as well. In a testimony before the Congressional Subcommittee on Africa, David Himbara, who was the principal private secretary to Kagame, head of strategy, and chairman of the Rwandan Development Board, reported on the state of Kagame’s rule. He suggested that before 2012, the targets for human rights abuses were political opponents and journalists; but afterwards, these attacks broadened to people such as Patrick Karegeya, a former intelligence chief; Assinapol Rwigara, a leading businessman; and Dr. Emmanuel Gasakure, the personal physician to Kagame—in other words, former Kagame allies. Increasingly few people, it seems, are outside the reach of the president’s iron fist.

This intimidation and violence, propelled by genocidal fear, is allowed through the2008 genocide law, which outlaws all “genocide ideology” terms and any speech that involves:

1. threatening, intimidating, degrading through defamatory speeches, documents or actions which aim at propounding wickedness or inciting hatred; 2. marginalizing, laughing at one’s misfortune, defaming, mocking, boasting, despising, degrading creating confusion aiming at negating the genocide which occurred, stirring up ill feelings, taking revenge, altering testimony or evidence for the genocide which occurred; 3. killing, planning to kill or attempting to kill someone for purposes of furthering genocide ideology.

The broad language of the law leaves the Rwandan government excessive room for punishing citizens. Kagame asserted in 2014 “Anyone who betrays our cause or wishes our people ill will fall victim. What remains to be seen is how you fall victim.” Kagame reinforced the fact that the 2008 genocide law is used for punitive purposes, and is likely related to recent deaths and disappearances of dissenters and journalists.

But to justify censorship and one-party rule on the unlikely renewal of ethnic violence is to doom Rwanda to remain a competitive authoritarian nation—a dictatorship hiding behind a democratic façade.

With the ghosts of the 20th century constantly following Kagame, his motivations—and justifications—for restricting free speech and civil liberties are clear. Even though the genocide is over, Kagame is ruling as if he were still in a war and the people of his country were still in need of martial law.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, April 14, 2016



 [Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]


African voices or Dictators voices in accordance with

Sponsorships policy ??? 




Col MARCHAL écrit à Hérvé Féron sur la commémoration du génocide rwandais
Monsieur le Député-Maire,

Le-colonel-en-retraite-Luc-Marchal-en-2010-
Col Luc Marchal
commandant du Secteur Kigali
Mission des Nations unies
Pour le Rwanda
Dans le contexte de la commémoration annuelle du génocide de 1994, vous avez récemment effectué une visite au Rwanda. Soyons clair, par votre présence vous avez cautionné le système de pensée unique que le pouvoir en place à Kigali tente, depuis 1994, d’imposer à la communauté internationale et à sa propre population, en excluant du devoir de mémoire collectif les innombrables victimes n’appartenant pas à la communauté des Tutsis.
Herve FERON
M. Hervé Féron
Député-Maire
C’est, précisément, pour avoir rappelé cette réalité que Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, candidate à l’élection présidentielle en 2010, a été condamnée à 15 ans de réclusion et ce, à l’issue d’une parodie de justice, ce que n’a pas manqué de dénoncer la Fondation Jean Jaurès.Je tiens à préciser, sans la moindre ambiguïté, que je considère le génocide des Tutsis comme un fait incontestable. Cette matérialité ne peut, toutefois, servir d’épouvantail et occulter les massacres à grande échelle perpétrés par le Front patriotique rwandais, au Rwanda et dans le Congo voisin, à l’égard des Hutus et des Congolais.Je prends l’initiative de vous exprimer mon sentiment parce que si certains ont pu être abusés en toute bonne foi au début, quant à la nature exacte du régime de Paul Kagame, par contre, ensuite et depuis de nombreuses années, les preuves objectives se sont à ce point accumulées que toute compromission avec ce régime liberticide et mortifère ne peut être considérée que comme un appui, si pas un encouragement, à ses multiples dérives totalitaires.Je citerai comme éléments objectifs : les rapports Hourigan, Gersony, Garreton, Pillay, ceux relatifs au pillage des richesses de la République démocratique du Congo. Cette liste est malheureusement loin d’être exhaustive. Je suis convaincu que vous en connaissez la teneur.Tout comme vous n’ignorez sans doute pas les diverses résolutions prises par le Parlement européens au sujet du Rwanda. Notamment celle du 23 mai 2013, prise en session plénière à Strasbourg. Celle-ci était présentée par cinq groupes parlementaires européens dont deux groupes de gauche : les Socialistes et démocrates au PE et la Gauche unitaire européenne/Gauche verte nordique.

Tout lecteur du texte de la résolution notera que son contenu et les termes utilisés sont sans la moindre ambiguïté à l’égard de Paul Kagame et de son total mépris pour la démocratie et les droits de l’homme. Nous sommes très loin du politiquement correct, style généralement adopté par ce genre d’assemblée.En guise d’illustration, voici quelques-unes des formulations utilisées dans la résolution :
(…) le FPR demeure le parti politique dominant au Rwanda sous le président Kagame et contrôle la vie publique dans le contexte d’un système de parti unique où les personnes formulant des critiques à l’encontre des autorités rwandaises font l’objet de harcèlements, d’intimidations et sont mises en prisons.
(…) le droit et le système judiciaire rwandais enfreignent les conventions internationales auxquelles le Rwanda est partie (…) notamment ses dispositions sur la liberté d’expression et de pensée.
(…) le respect des droits de l’homme fondamentaux, y compris le pluralisme politique et la liberté d’expression et d’association, sont gravement restreints au Rwanda (…).
(…) le procès en première instance de Victoire Ingabire qui ne respectait pas les normes internationales, en premier lieu en ce qui concerne son droit à la présomption d’innocence, et était basé sur des preuves fabriquées et des aveux de co-accusés qui ont été placés en détention militaire au Camp Kami où on aurait eu recours à la torture pour leur extorquer lesdits aveux.
(…) la nature politiquement motivée du procès, la poursuite d’opposants politiques et l’issue décidée à l’avance du procès.
(…) les libertés de réunion, d’association et d’expression sont des composantes essentielles de toute démocratie, et estime que ces principes font l’objet de graves restrictions au Rwanda.
(…) condamne toute forme de répression, d’intimidation et de détention à l’égard de militants politiques, de journalistes et de défenseurs des droits de l’homme ; demande instamment aux autorités rwandaises de libérer immédiatement toutes les personnes et tous les militants emprisonnés ou condamnés pour le seul exercice de leurs droits à la liberté d’expression, d’association et de réunion pacifique.
(…) rappelle que les déclarations obtenues en employant la torture et autres formes de mauvais traitements ne sont admissible dans aucune procédure.
(…) rappelle aux autorités rwandaises que la démocratie se fonde sur un gouvernement pluraliste, une opposition effective, des médias et un système judiciaire indépendants, le respect des droits de l’homme et des droits de réunion et d’expression (…).
Monsieur le Député-Maire, je suis intiment convaincu que vous ne partagez en aucune façon les principes de gouvernance stigmatisés par le Parlement européen. Pourtant par votre récente démarche au Rwanda, vous vous faites complice d’un régime qui n’a de cesse de reléguer la grosse majorité de sa population à l’état de citoyens de seconde zone et ce, au mépris le plus total des droits les plus élémentaires de la personne humaine.Je me permets, au nom des millions de victimes rwandaises et congolaises pour lesquelles justice n’a toujours pas été rendue, de vous présenter mes salutations distinguées.


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, April 9, 2016




J’ai beaucoup écrit sur le Rwanda. Trop, peut-être. Ce pays est largement présent dans quatre de mes livres. C’est d’ailleurs en grande partie ce que j’ai vu dans l’est du Congo/Zaïre, alors sous occupation rwandaise, qui m’a amené à écrire mon premier ouvrage, « Kadogo, enfants des guerres d’Afrique centrale[1] ». Cependant, il me faut avouer une certaine lassitude. Lassitude d’avoir à réagir au début de chaque mois d’avril, pour réfuter les mensonges, les approximations, les simplifications et mêmes les accusations qui fleurissent autour de la date du 6 avril. C’est en effet ce jour-là qu’en 1994 l’avion qui transportait les présidents rwandais et burundais fut abattu par un missile, à proximité de l’aéroport de Kigali. Cet évènement déclencha, dès le lendemain, de terribles massacres de civils dans la capitale puis dans tout le pays. Avant cela, dans les heures qui suivirent l’attentat qui coûta la vie à deux présidents, à leur entourage respectif et à l’équipage français de l’avion, le Front Patriotique Rwandais rompit le cessez-le-feu en vigueur depuis l’année précédente en lançant une offensive généralisée sur tous les fronts, depuis les territoires qu’il contrôlait dans le nord du pays.
Ce mois d’avril 2016 ne fait pas exception. On assiste à nouveau, 22 années après ces terribles évènements, à un florilège de contre-vérités et de commémorations à sens unique, en plus des habituelles accusations venant du dictateur rwandais, Paul Kagame. C’est ainsi que j’ai découvert que la ville de Paris avait transformé l’un de ses jardins publics en « Jardin à la mémoire du génocide des Tutsi au RWANDA ». Comme si cela ne suffisait pas,  la plaque qui porte cette appellation indique, en sous-titre, que « en 1994 au Rwanda, plus d’un million d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants ont été exterminés en trois mois car nés Tutsi ». Les édiles parisiens ont-ils choisi cette terminologie par ignorance ou par volonté délibérée de transformer un mensonge mille fois répété en vérité officielle ? Me voici donc contraint d’informer Madame Hidalgo et ses collègues que :
  1. Les massacres, au Rwanda, n’ont pas débuté le 7 avril 1994 et ils ne sont pas achevés trois mois après cette date. Ils débutèrent peu après l’attaque lancée contre le Rwanda par des éléments de l’armée ougandaise, le 1er octobre 1990. Il est vrai qu’ils connurent un paroxysme durant les terribles cent jours qui suivirent le 7 avril 1994. Mais ces massacres ne touchèrent pas les seuls Tutsi : de nombreux Hutu, opposés au pouvoir en place, en furent aussi les victimes. Alors que se déroulaient ces atrocités à Kigali, sous le regard de journalistes étrangers, des massacres de grande ampleur étaient perpétrés par les troupes du FPR, au fur et à mesure de leur avancée victorieuse. Ils se poursuivirent encore longtemps après la prise de Kigali au début de juillet 1994. Se souvient-on du massacre de la population du camp de déplacés de Kibeho des 22 et 23 avril 1995 ? Au moins 5000 hommes, femmes et enfants  furent massacrés par les soldats du FPR, sous les yeux des casques bleus australiens. A-t-on oublié les massacres, en particulier dans le nord du pays, qui ponctuèrent le règne du FPR jusqu’en 1998 ? Enfin que dire de la chasse aux réfugiés rwandais à laquelle se livra l’armée du FPR en territoire congolais à  partir de septembre 1996 ? Au moins 200 000 de ces réfugiés en furent les victimes.
  2. Le nombre des Tutsi du Rwanda était généralement estimé à environ 12 % de la population totale, soit environ 840 000 personnes. Si « un million » de Tutsi avaient été assassinés durant les terribles trois mois de 1994, cela signifierait que 14,3% de la population rwandaise aient été exterminés et qu’aucun Tutsi n’aurait survécu. Or, une bonne partie de la communauté tutsi a fort heureusement survécu. Cette froide démonstration mathématique prouve donc que nombre de non-Tutsi furent également victimes des massacres.
La Ville de Paris n’aurait-elle pas mieux fait d’honorer la mémoire du million d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants rwandais qui furent massacrés pendant la guerre du Rwanda en nommant son jardin public « jardin de la mémoire du génocide rwandais » ? Ou bien son maire et ses conseillers municipaux pensent-ils, comme Dominique Sopo, qu’ « évoquer le sang des Hutu, c’est salir le sang des Tutsi[2] » ?
Ensuite, je suis tombé sur une tribune de Sylvie Brunel[3] intitulée « Génocide du Rwanda : cessons le double standard ! », parue dans l’édition du 6 avril du quotidien « Le Monde ». Dans sa diatribe, l’auteur utilise le « nous », prétendant sans doute parler au nom de tous les Français. Elle évoque « une nation émergeante, dont la corruption et la haine sont bannies ». Comment peut-elle affirmer que la corruption n’existe pas au Rwanda, alors même que l’affaire des « Panama papers » a révélé que l’entourage de Paul Kagame est derrière certaines de ces sociétés-écran qui ont permis la dissimulation de capitaux dans des paradis fiscaux ? Comment peut-elle prétendre que la haine a été bannie alors que la majorité de la population a subi la « justice » du vainqueur, puisque toutes les personnes condamnées tant par les tribunaux rwandais que par le TPIR[4] appartiennent au camp des vaincus et que les bourreaux issus de celui des vainqueurs bénéficient tous de l’immunité ? Enfin, peut-on vraiment qualifier le Rwanda de « nation émergente » quand l’immense majorité de la population des zones rurales survit dans une abjecte pauvreté alors qu’une petite minorité urbaine rentrée d’exil affiche une insolente prospérité ? Sylvie Brunel rappelle que les casques bleus furent évacués alors que le génocide débutait, oubliant d’indiquer que cette évacuation fut le résultat de la demande des États-Unis et du Royaume-Uni aux Nations Unies, alors même que la France préconisait une augmentation du nombre de soldats onusiens sur le terrain. Elle poursuit en « rappelant » que la zone contrôlée par les soldats français de l’Opération Turquoise a servi de « sanctuaire » aux génocidaires, ce qui constitue une contre vérité flagrante : la majorité des massacreurs interahamwe[5] gagna le Zaïre en passant par Gisenyi, au nord-ouest du pays, ville qui n’a jamais été sous contrôle français. Elle omet par contre de révéler que la présence française dans le sud-ouest du pays a permis de sauver la vie à des dizaines de milliers de Rwandais, essentiellement des Tutsi. Sylvie Brunel va encore plus loin dans le mensonge et la calomnie, puisqu’elle affirme que l’armée française « a concrètement offert un sanctuaire aux génocidaires, avec l’espoir que le Hutu power, qu’elle avait largement appuyé, pourrait reconquérir le pouvoir ». Faut-il lui rappeler que le gouvernement français entretenait des relations avec le gouvernement internationalement reconnu du Rwanda depuis fort longtemps et que ce gouvernement ne peut certainement pas être qualifié de « hutu power ». Ce terme, apparu après l’introduction du multipartisme en 1991, désignait les franges extrémistes hutu de certains partis politiques. Il ne pouvait certainement pas servir à désigner le gouvernement rwandais avant le 7 avril 1994. Sylvie Brunel poursuit son propos en insinuant que la vérité sur l’attentat contre le Falcon présidentiel ne pourrait être révélée car elle « serait insoutenable pour notre pays ». Ne sait-elle pas que de nombreux témoignages et preuves matérielles convergent pour que l’on puisse avancer que c’est Paul Kagame lui-même qui a donné l’ordre à ses hommes d’abattre l’avion, et ce à l’aide de missiles soviétiques fournis par l’armée ougandaise ? Quel intérêt aurait eu le gouvernement français de provoquer la mort du président Juvénal Habyarimana (et de son collègue burundais), fidèle allié de la France ? Dans sa conclusion, Sylvie Brunel s’indigne de « notre ignorance, notre inculture, notre stupidité » qui ferait que « nous ne cessons de bafouer » la souffrance des Rwandais. Elle exige que l’on mette « fin au double standard et de comprendre que les morts non européens méritent autant de respect et de mobilisation que « les nôtres » ». Je suis entièrement d’accord avec cette demande. Encore faudrait-il que tous les morts rwandais bénéficient de ce respect. Il convient absolument de reconnaître et d’honorer la mémoire de toutes les victimes du génocide rwandais, quelle que fut leur origine, et quelle qu’eut été l’identité de leurs assassins.
Enfin, j’ai découvert hier le dernier numéro de « Jeune Afrique », dont la couverture est ornée d’une grande photo du dictateur rwandais avec l’énorme titre : « Kagame contre-attaque ». Ce magazine contient en effet une nouvelle interview de Paul Kagame, réalisée par François Soudan. Cet entretien est précédé par une introduction où le journaliste ose affirmer que Kagame « jouit d’un bilan incontesté et la grande majorité des Rwandais n’est manifestement pas prête à affronter le vide de son absence ». D’où tire-t-il une telle certitude, dans un pays où les opposants véritables sont soit morts, soit emprisonnés, soit en exil ? Dans un tel contexte, on se demande qui aurait pu être assez fou pour oser lui confier qu’il souhaitait le départ de Kagame !  Dans sa complaisante  interview,  François Soudan dit au dictateur « Il n’y a pratiquement aucune opposition en mesure d’émerger aujourd’hui au Rwanda » avant de lui demander candidement « Est-ce sain pour la démocratie ? » Pourquoi n’a-t-il pas interrogé Kagame au sujet de l’opposanteVictoire Ingabire ? Rappelons que cette mère de trois enfants languit en prison depuis 2010. Alors qu’elle poursuivait une brillante carrière aux Pays-Bas, elle avait courageusement décidé de rentrer au pays afin de tenter de se présenter aux élections présidentielles, défiant ainsi Paul Kagame. L’interview évoque aussi les – mauvaises - relations entre la France et le Rwanda. Depuis six mois, Paris n’a toujours pas d’ambassadeur à Kigali, le gouvernement rwandais ayant refusé de donner son agrément à la nomination du diplomate Fred Constant. Kagame se contente d’indiquer que la France doit d’abord « clarifier sa position sur le Rwanda » avant de se lamenter au sujet des génocidaires qui se seraient réfugiés en France et à qui la justice française aurait délivré des non-lieux. Il se garde bien de mentionner que nombre des prétendus génocidaires étaient en fait des victimes de cabales calomnieuses montées par son régime et relayées en France par ses zélés partisans, tant Rwandais que Français. Il semble aussi oublier que si la justice française a bien des défauts, elle n’est pas autant « aux ordres » que celle qui tient lieu de justice dans son propre pays. Kagame va jusqu’à annoncer à François Soudan qu’au cas où Alain Juppé serait élu président de la République en 2017, cela « risquerait fort de signifier la fin de toutes relations entre la France et le Rwanda » ! Il est regrettable que devant une telle ingérence dans les affaires intérieures de la France, François Hollande n’ait pas immédiatement pris la seule décision qui s’impose, celle de rompre les relations diplomatiques avec le Rwanda en indiquant qu’elles pourraient éventuellement être rétablies le jour où Paul Kagame aurait quitté le pouvoir !
Le régime de Kagame est de plus en plus isolé internationalement. Ses alliés autrefois inconditionnels comme les États-Unis ou le Royaume-Uni sont de plus en plus critiques à son égard. Les violations des droits de l’homme, la modification de la constitution permettant au dictateur de se représenter à volonté jusqu’en 2030, la déstabilisation en cours du Burundi, orchestrée depuis Kigali, tout cela a sérieusement écorné l’image de marque de Kagame chez les Anglo-Saxons. La France de François Hollande s’est quant à elle prudemment abstenue de toute critique, ne voulant sans doute pas alourdir le contentieux entre Paris et Kigali.
Je vais pour ma part retourner à d’autres sujets d’actualité, avant d’être à nouveau forcé de réagir lors de la prochaine éruption médiatique de mensonges et de calomnies, en avril 2017…
Hervé Cheuzeville

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, March 26, 2016



[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

In her remarks at a UN Security Council Open Debate on Prevention and Resolution of Conflicts in the Great Lakes Region, U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Samantha Power had this to say about Rwanda:

“Unfortunately, despite Rwanda’s progress on economic rights, on women’s rights – on so many development axes – its record on protecting and promoting civil and political rights is less impressive. The United States remains deeply committed to our partnership with Rwanda, but the continued absence of political space – the inability of individuals and journalists to discuss political affairs or report on issues of public concern – poses a serious risk to Rwanda’s future stability. Rwanda can achieve lasting peace and prosperity through a government centered on the principle of democratic accountability, not centered on any one single individual.”
In his arrogant and discourteous response to Ambassador Power, Rwanda’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Eugene Gasana, launched an uncalled for attack against the United States, Ambassador Power, and the United Nations itself.
Excerpts:
“Ms. Power should not confuse her name with her assignment”
“Ms. Power does not have power on Rwanda”
Image result for Arrogance of ambassador gasana rwanda
Ambassador Gasana
 full of verbal violence, finger wagging,
disdain, and utter arrogance
“You (U.S.) somehow want to occupy our political space. And this, never, ever, will anyone come and occupy our political space”.
Rwanda’s Opposition Political Platform (FDU-Inkingi, AMAHORO-PC, PS-Imberakuri, PDP-Imanzi, and Rwanda National Congress-RNC) is not surprised by the low down etiquette from Ambassador Gasana, as President Kagame himself has notoriously engaged in similar outbursts in the past vis-à-vis the US. We estimate Ambassador Samantha Power’s remarks to be right on point, constructive, measured and respectful. Ambassador Power demonstrated diplomatic and leadership skill in articulating the U.S. policy on a difficult subject about a volatile region. Her remarks were directed to four countries in the Great Lakes region that have enjoyed cordial relationships with the United States.
It is our opinion that Ambassador Gasana had no ground to reprimand the U.N. Security Council for its failures in the 1994 Rwanda genocide and to point an accusing finger at Ambassador Power and the United States. He shamelessly glorified President Paul Kagame as the sole “hero” and “precious” man of Rwanda. Against all evidence, he had to lie that Rwanda has deepened democratic governance and pluralism, and that Rwandan citizens have freely chosen Paul Kagame as their president for life!
Ambassador Gasana demonstrated in form and substance the character of the regime and the Head of State he represents at the United Nations: intransigence, belligerence, impunity and the arrogance that comes with absolute power.
After such an arrogant attitude, one must wonder how ordinary citizens in Rwanda are treated if its rulers have no regard whatsoever of how they behave publicly towards other sovereign nations and multilateral institutions, including those who generously allocated significant taxpayer money in form of grants and aid to his heavily aid-dependent Rwanda.
Rwanda’s Opposition Political Platform condemns the disrespectful and shameful behavior of the Kigali regime and its Ambassador at the United Nations. Such a low etiquette runs contrary to the norms of international practice. Most importantly, it is a blatant violation of African values of respect and tolerance.
We commend the efforts of Ambassador Samantha Power and the U.S. Government in adding a consistent voice, as early warning in prevention, for galvanizing national, regional and international action against recurrence of past tragedies.
The Opposition Political Platform strongly believes that human, civil and political rights are the cornerstone of a durable peace and prosperity for Rwanda and the Great Lakes region.
President Kagame and Ambassador Gasana should take heed when citizens and the world at large insist that the current governance deficit and lack of democracy in Rwanda put at great risk its future stability.
Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa
Chair,
Platform
E-mail:ngombwa@gmail.com
Tel:001-240-477-9110
26/3/2016
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.