A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much.

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

About US

AS Foundation Founder, Webmaster, Editor-in-chief and Publisher. Search and meet Libre Penseur, the Man who stands firm on his priniciples. I am working for a pro-peace humanitarian organization with no political agenda. Make your voice heard around the globe. You think it, you write it. Dear SurViVors: Nobody’s going to help you. It’s all up to you. Make it happen for yourself. However, there's a common knowledge to remember : "No man is an island". Will be possible for me to realize my dream and say : *.*The war is over, the hunting trip on Hutus comes to an end, the Evil is taken away, the reign of Terror comes to an end in Rwanda, my beloved homeland. As we stand on the precipice of Paul Kagame war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, call on the Regime change in Rwanda. Will you just sit back and watch Paul Kagame destroying the Human kind or will you stand up with African SurViVors and make your voice heard? Nothing is said about Kagame's arrest. Many are asleep, wrapped up their day to day lives. However, if and if you are awake, it is your responsibility to wake others! Spread the word, Ask for Paul Kagame's removal and indictment, take action.*.*

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the unspeakable.Two orphans, together against the world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder by Kagame & RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragment to crime. “I always think I am a peaceful person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that I would seek justice - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur



Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.


Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite.” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.

Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

  1. The people overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Malcolm X Quotes

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Saturday, August 15, 2015

 [Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Revenons en au procès engagé dans cette affaire concernant le meurtre de Feu Ndadaye …
President Ndadaye
Killed by Buyoya and Bikomagu
Both  Tutsi extremists

  • Le vendredi 23 février 1996, le Burundi,  sous la Présidence de M. Ntibantunganya Sylvestre, alors que la Commission des Nations Unis enquête (2) sur la mort de Feu Ndadaye, ouvre à Bujumbura le premier procès sur coup d’Etat du jeudi 21 octobre 1993.  Les choses s’accélèrent au niveau politique car dès le mercredi 5 juin 1996, où  la Commission d’enquête de l’ONU sur l’assassinat du président Feu Melchior Ndadaye quitta le Burundi pour déposer son rapport – conclusion aux Nations Unies et sa publication, le jeudi  25 juillet 1996, vers 17 h, le Major Pierre Buyoya avait déjà réalisé son Coup d’Etat militaire qui le propulsa à la tête du pays pour la 2ème fois … Désormais, il faudra attendre septembre 1997 pour que le procès puisse poursuivre.

Écoutez la célèbre chanson du Colonel Jean BIKOMAGU: "IL EST MORT, ON N'A RIEN DIT"

  • Le vendredi 19 septembre 1997, le procès relatif au putsch du jeudi 21 octobre 1993 continua, dirigé désormais de la tête aux pieds par le le Major Pierre BUYOYA -lui-même –. La Cour continua l’audition des prévenus qui s’étaient présentes car il y en a qui étaient en Ouganda et d’autres qui se s’étaient déjà évadés. Parmi les prévenus, il y avait le colonel Jean Bikomagu, ancien chef d’état-major de l’armée, le colonel Charles Ntakije, le colonel Nibizi, porte-parole de l’armée et le député Francois Ngeze. Il y avait également le lieutenant Ngomirakiza et des caporaux et sergents. Le président de la Cour Suprême avait tenu à indiquer que la séance était exclusivement réservée à l’audition des faits et non à la confrontation ou à l’administration des preuves. Cela n’avait cependant pas été compris par Me Fabien Segatwa, avocat du Frodebu, des ayant- droits de feu Ndadaye, de la veuve Karibwami et de la veuve Bimazubute, qui ne comprenait pas la démarche prise par le ministère public dans l’instruction de ce dossier. La préoccupation de Me Fabien Segatwa demeura de savoir quand le putsch a eu lieu. Pour lui, un putsch avait lieu quand on le déclarait au public et que jusqu’ici, rien n’était fait pour poursuivre ceux qui avaient fait le putsch. Le président de la Cour Suprême précisa qu’il jugeait les dossiers lui soumis avec des infractions précises et individuellement. Le prévenu lieutenant Ngomirakiza se plaignit au ministre de la justice dans une lettre largement diffusée avec objet « j’accuse » ou il remettait en question le procès en cours. Il trouvait anormal qu’il était le seul officier le plus gradé emprisonné avec des charges importantes pour une affaire aussi sérieuse que le putsch où les hauts gradés avaient les charges moins importantes.
  • Le lundi 20 octobre 1997, poursuite du procès relatif au putsch du 21 octobre 1993, l’audience à la Cour Suprême était consacrée à l’administration des preuves. La défense des prévenus avait remis en question les procès-verbaux de l’auditorat militaire ainsi que les rapports sur le déroulement des faits dans les camps avant et pendant le putsch établis par les commandants des camps. Elle avait également soulevé la question de la responsabilité dans le putsch. Me Segatwa en avait profité pour demander que celui qui avait lu le communiqué sanctionnant le putsch soit entendu. Me Segatwa intervenait en effet pendant la plaidoirie du lieutenant Ngomirakiza Jean, accusé d’avoir joué un rôle important auprès du lieutenant Kamana, réfugié en Ouganda, dans le renversement du régime constitutionnel. Pour Me Segatwa, avocat de la partie civile, le famille de feu Ndadaye notamment, il n’était pas normal que dans une armée de « Colonels », il n’y avait qu’un officier lieutenant qui soit accusé de tentative de putsch. Cependant, Me Segatwa n’avait pas accepté la proposition de l’avocat du lieutenant Ngomirakiza, Me Déo Ndikumana qui demandait à la cour d’acter que Me Segatwa reconnaissait l’innocence de son client puisqu’il plaçait la responsabilité du putsch au niveau de la hiérarchie supérieure. D’autres prévenus étaient déjà entendus aux environs de 13h 30 notamment le sergent Major Bamporiki, accusé d’avoir mobilisé d’autres militaires pour tirer sur le palais présidentiel. Celui-ci réfuta cette accusation. Il y avait aussi le cas du caporal NDUWUMUKAMA Philibert, surnomme KIWI, accusé d’avoir tué le président Ndadaye au bataillon para. Celui-ci avait un témoin à charge, codétenu, 1ère classe Kamangaza, qui avait eu l’ordre du lieutenant Kamana, de garder Ndadaye dans un bureau du bataillon para le 21 octobre 1993. Kamangaza témoigne que KIWI était parmi les quatre personnes qui sont entrés par force dans le bureau où se trouvait Feu Ndadaye et que quand ils sont sortis, Feu Ndadaye était mort. Me Deo Ndikumana exigea qu’il y ait d’autres témoins à charge tout en se demandant si Ndadaye était encore vivant ou mort au moment où Kamangaza gardait le bureau sur ordre de Kamana. Ni le colonel Bikomagu présent, ni le colonel Nibizi, personne ne reconnaît, devant la cour qui leur demandait de témoigner, avoir vu Feu Ndadaye dans ce bureau du fait qu’ils n’y  avaient pas été.
  • Le lundi 17 novembre 1997, le lieutenant Kamana révéla à l’opinion que c’est le dictateur Buyoya qui avait été le cerveau du coup d’Etat de 1993 dont il avait été acteur … Avec des détails, le lieutenant Kinama expliqua le complot, orchestré au sein de l’armée burundaise par le Dictateur Major Buyoya, qui avait conduit à la mort de Feu Ndadaye …
  • Le lundi 19 janvier 1998, au palais de la Justice de Bujumbura,  les juges de la Cour Suprême demandent à auditionner les putschistes de 1993, s’appuyant sur un rapport fourni, par le Ministère Public, produit par le commandant du bataillon para en 1993. C’est cela qui rendit dès le départ cette affaire judiciaire RPS38 caduque.  L’auteur du livre cité in-supra  M. Jean-Marie SINDAYIGAYA parle lui d’une insulte au Droit et d’un simulacre de procès manipulé par le Major Buyoya, président de la République  à cette période (1998) suite à un putsch militaire. A ce procès, beaucoup de militaires à Majorité des caporaux et  des sous-officiers, les Colonels Bikomagu Jean, Ntakije Charles, Isaie Nibizi et M. Ngeze Francois devaient être écoutés. Tous ne l’avaient pas été.  Seul les petits couteaux parmi les militaires déjà détenus en prison dont le sergent Nibaruta, les caporaux Niyonkuru Didace, Nahigombeye, …  furent entendus. Ces derniers plaidèrent non coupables car ils affirmaient avoir obéi aux ordres de leurs supérieurs, dont le lieutenant Kamana. Pour ces derniers, le coup d’Etat  et la mort du Président NDADAYE Melchior avaient été préparé au plus haut niveau du commandement de l’armée. Lors de ce procès, le caporal Ndayizeye fut accusé d’avoir participer directement à l’assassinat de Ndadaye mais il réfuta cette accusation arguant qu’il assurait la garde à l’extérieur du camp. Le sergent Nibaruta reconnut avoir exécuté les ordres du Lieutenant Kamana en allant libérer Lieutenant-colonel Ningaba qui était en prison à Rumonge.  Le lieutenant Ngomirakiza lui plaida non coupable prenant pour argument qu’il avait été contraint par des militaires insurgés à monter dans un véhicule alors qu’il était avec d’autres officiers au quartier Kigwati. Interrogé à propos des réunions qui se seraient tenues à l’Etat-Major et les responsables qui les présidaient, M. Ngeze François ( Patron de l’UPRONA et Président du Comité de Salut Public qui a revendiqué le Coup d’Etat en 1993 )  affirma qu’il ne connaissait personne. Il aurait été contraint de s’y rendre et il y aurait vu des gens de l’Etat Major mais qu’il ne savait pas pourquoi ils étaient là. Interrogé à ce sujet, le colonel Bikomagu ( chef d’Etat-Major de l’Armée en 1993 et bras droit du Major Pierre Buyoya) affirma qu’il n’y avait pas eu de réunions à l’Etat Major mais qu’il voyait des gens aller et venir. Le colonel Ntakije (Ministre de la Défense en 1993)  ne plaida pas, le témoin n’étant pas venu. Une autre audience fut fixé le vendredi 20 mars 1998.
  • Le vendredi 20 mars 1998, – à l’audience, M. Ngeze François se sentant seul accusé dans l’affaire du Coup d’Etat de 1993, pour avoir « Porté atteinte à la sûreté intérieure de l’Etat, en agréant, dans le but de changer la régime constitutionnel, l’offre qui lui avait été faite de devenir Président de la République », décida de demander la comparution de ses proches collaborateurs, parmi lesquels des membres du Comité Exécutif de l’UPRONA  et  des membres de l’Etat-Major militaire. C’est à dire  Alphonse KADEGE, Libère BARARUNYERETSE, Jean-Baptiste MANWANGARI, MUKASI Charles, et 13 hauts officiers du COMITE DE SALUT PUBLIC. M. Ngeze demanda aussi les témoignages de Mgr Bernard BUDUDIRA, Evêque de BURURI ; Mgr Rino PASIGATO, et de l’ancien Premier Ministre Sylvie KINIGI. Selon M. NGEZE,  Mme Sylvie KINIGI l’aurait aidé à rédiger le Discours qu’il aurait prononcé en sa qualité de Président du COMITE DU SALUT PUBLIC.   Déterminé à ne pas être condamné seul, M. NGEZE reçut l’appui du rapport de sécurité du 18 octobre du Lieutenant – Colonel LAMBERT SIBOMANA qui venait d’être versé au dossier sous la note N°9  (encore un élément qui corromp le procès ).   Ce dernier précisait que M. NGEZE allait être Président mais que le Putsch serait conduit par le Bureau Exécutif de l’UPRONA  avec citation des noms. Etaients présents : MM. KUBWAYO, BOYI, NDAYIRAGIJE, KABURA, HAKIZIMANA, HATUNGIMANA, CIZA, MASABO, et NYABIROMBO.  Suite à cette demande, une autre audience fut fixé le vendredi 10 avril 1998.   Entre le vendredi 20 mars 1998 et le  vendredi 10 avril 1998,  M. NGEZE subit 2 attentats. A Kampala en Ouganda, 2 Burundais meurent et le Lieutenant KAMANA échappent à 1 attentat.  M. KAMANA dans The East African accuse le régime putschiste BUYOYA[2] « Un gouvernement de tueurs ». KAMANA demande au « de dire la vérité sur le déroulement de l’assassinat du Président Melchior NDADAYE ».  Par la suite, le Lieutenant – Colonel LAMBERT SIBOMANA meurt dans un accident de roulage.
  • Le vendredi 10 avril 1998, – à l’audience, surprise générale pour la Cour, la salle était pleine. Un fait rare ! Cela était certainement dû au fait que l’accusateur principal le Lieutenant – Colonel LAMBERT SIBOMANA n’était plus.  Étaient présents : Alphonse KADEGE, Libère BARARUNYERETSE, Jean-Baptiste MANWANGARI, MUKASI Charles, Raphaël HORUMPENDE, le Col. Charles NTAKIJE [ancien ministre de la Défense], le Col. BIKOMAGU [ancien chef d’Etat Major], et les autres colonels NDAYISABA, DARADANGWA, NIYOYUNGURUZA, SINARINZI, NIBIZI, BUGEGENE. Ainsi quand la Cour demanda aux complices civils du COMITE EXECUTIF DE L’UPRONA comment le jour de l’assassinat du Président NDADAYE ils avaient fait pour arriver à l’Etat –Major militaire … Ils répondirent tous la même chose … La Cour n’insistera pas … Quant aux témoignages de Mgr Bernard BUDUDIRA, ce dernier déclina  pour cause de Vendredi Saint.  L’ancien Premier Ministre Sylvie KINIGI, devenu fonctionnaire internationale, n’avait pas pu intervenir. Le Col. Charles NTAKIJE fera porté la patate chaude au subalterne –le Capitaine MUSHWABURE- qui avait conduit Feu NDADAYE au Camp MUHA. Le Col . BUGEGENE révéla que NGEZE avait demandé aux officiers de se mettre ensemble pour calmer la situation. Le Col. Mamert SINARINZI expliqua que le Communiqué qui avait été lu lors du Putsch lui avait été remis par le Col. DARADANGWA. La Cour ne demanda pas à ce dernier qui lui avait rédigé ce document… Le Président de la Cour  M. Salvator SEROMBA ( qui avait commencé sa carrière de juriste en 1972 -année du Génocide au Burundi-  par un décret présidentiel du Dictateur sanguinaire Michel Micombero ) suspendit la séance, et annonçait la reprise pour le vendredi 24 avril 1998.
  • Le vendredi 24 avril 1998, – La séance n’eut pas lieu. Pour cause, tous les témoins s’étaient rendus saluer le Major putschiste Pierre BUYOYA qui se rendait à l’aéroport  pour KIGALI. Puis, en décembre 1998, le Président de la Cour  M. Salvator SEROMBA décéda ce qui permit encore plus que jamais d’oublier …
  • NDUWUMUKAMA Philibert, alias KIWI (Un Muhima burundais), arrêté à l’Est de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) en 2012, au moment où il cherchait à rejoindre le M23. NDUWUMUKAMA Philibert est l’assassin de Feu Président Melchior NDADAYE en 1993 et est connu comme un proche du Dictateur Pierre BUYOYA et de l’ancien chef d’état Major sous la dictature Jean BIKOMAGU (reconnu par un rapport de l’ONU comme un des principaux acteurs de l’assassinat du Président feu NDADAYE). Cet meurtre a plongé le Burundi dans une guerre civile qui a duré une décennie.Voilà, grosso-modo,  où en est le procès NDADAYE aujourd’hui en 2014.  Depuis avril 1998 on y est plus réellement revenu…   En septembre 2012,  NDUWUMUKAMA Philibert, alias KIWI, qui était l’homme qui avait étranglé le Président Feu Melchior NDADAYE, dans la nuit fatidique du 21 octobre 1993, était arrêté à l’Est de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) au moment où il cherchait à rejoindre la force négative M23.  Pour le confort du procès en cours entre 1996 et 1998, le caporal NDUWUMUKAMA Philibert et 12 autres petits mains parmi les militaires, qui avaient assassiné physiquement (de leurs mains) le président NDADAYE, avaient été arrêtés et incarcérés jusqu’en 2006.  C’est dans le cadre de la mesure prise de libérer les prisonniers politiques que ce dernier était sorti de prison grâce à l’UPRONA.DAM, NY, AGNEWS, le jeudi 23 octobre 2014[1] « Burundi : Histoire d’un coup d’Etat sanglant -Dix ans après c’était le 21 Octobre 1993″-   Honorable JEAN MARIE  SINDAYIGAYA.
    [http://burundi-agnews.org/2.57/index.php/societe/histoire/guerre-civile/1260-burundi-histoire-dun-coup-detat-sanglant-dix-ans-apres-cetait-le-21-octobre-1993 ][2] Burundi: L’assassin de Feu Ndadaye accuse Buyoya [http://burundi-agnews.org/sports-and-games/?p=2920 ][3] Burundi : Ndadaye est mort … [ http://burundi-agnews.org/societe/?p=1015 ][4] Burundi: Ndadaye Melchior, 19 ans déjà [http://burundi-agnews.org/sports-and-games/?p=2874 ]Rating: 10.0/10 (2 votes cast)Burundi: 2014 - Les assassins de Ndadaye Melchior échappent encore à la justice, 10.0 out of 10 based on 2 ratings

    The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

CANADA - Rwandan intelligence agents have been harassing suspected government opponents living abroad, including in Canada, according to a "secret" Canada Border Services Agency report disclosed in Federal Court.
The report by the CBSA National Security Screening Division described "a well-documented pattern of repression of Rwandan government critics, both inside and outside Rwanda" involving threats, attacks and killings.
Image result for Rwandan intelligence agentsThe document said Rwanda had attempted to organize "indoctrination training" for youths in Canada but the event was cancelled following a Canadian intelligence investigation into the harassment of Rwandans by spies loyal to President Paul Kagame.
While it said the Rwandan intelligence services were particularly active against Kagame's critics in neighbouring Uganda, the report went on to say that "attacks on opponents and critics have also taken place farther afield."
In South Africa, a prominent government critic escaped an assassination attempt in 2010 while, in the United Kingdom, police warned two exiles in 2011 about "threats to their safety emanating from the Rwandan government," it said.
The allegations of Rwandan intelligence activities are contained in an Inadmissibility Assessment report on Dick Patrick Muhenda, whom the CBSA alleged was involved in the Rwandan spy program. Last month, a judge called that "pure speculation."
An ethnic Tutsi and Rwandan citizen educated in Uganda, Muhenda arrived in Canada in 2000. Weeks after his refugee claim was denied in 2001 he married a Canadian. Her application to sponsor him as a spouse was approved in principle in 2002 and sent for a security assessment. It languished for a decade until the CBSA War Crimes Unit determined there was insufficient evidence he had committed war crimes.
But then in January 2014, the CBSA national security screening division recommended that Muhenda be declared inadmissible to Canada "for membership in an organization known to have engaged in acts of espionage against a democratic government, institution or process."
The assessment was based partly on information provided by the Canadian Security
Intelligence Service, which interviewed Muhenda about his possible ties to the Rwandan government, Rwandan Patriotic Front and Rwandan Intelligence Service.
"We also have received information about the fact that you are working for the government in Rwanda, acting as a spy for denouncing people who don't support Kagame," he was told during a February 2014 immigration interview.
"Not true," he replied. "Never."
His immigration application was denied the following month. He appealed to the Federal Court, which recently ruled the government's decision was unreasonable. The judge wrote that while Muhenda had initially lied to Canadian authorities (he said he was living in Tanzania prior to the 1994 genocide when he was really in Uganda), he had later owned up to his misrepresentations and they were not relevant to his security assessment.
"In addition, the officer's conclusions regarding the likely involvement of the applicant and his family with the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front) are based on pure speculation, centred on nothing more than presumptions about Rwandans of Tutsi ethnicity of apparent means that were part of the diaspora in Uganda," wrote Justice Mary Gleason.
Mitchell Goldberg, Muhenda's lawyer, said Thursday his client had three Canadian-born children and drove a bus for a living. He said an immigration officer "threw the kitchen sink" at him but the judge had properly recognized the speculative nature of the allegations. The spying allegation appears to have originated with a former girlfriend, he said.
"As far as I could see, it comes from a bitter ex-girlfriend who was trying to denounce him, hurt him in any way she could. I guess she was trying to take revenge against him, that's all you can see from what is available in the file."
The Rwandan High Commission in Ottawa could not be reached for comment about the CBSA allegations. The judge, who was privy to an unredacted version of the report, wrote that it "comments at length about the subversive actions of the Rwandan Intelligence service taken abroad, including in Canada."

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, August 8, 2015

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

“Eén miljoen dollar. Zoveel kreeg ik aangeboden om twee tegenstanders van de Rwandese president Paul Kagame in Zuid-Afrika te laten ombrengen.” Op aanraden van de twee potentiële slachtoffers, in ongenade gevallen bondgenoten van Kagame, besloot Robert Higiro (43) het spel even mee te spelen met de andere man aan de lijn, de gevreesde Rwandese kolonel Dan Munyuza, de directeur van de Rwandese militaire inlichtingendienst.
Higiro woont nu ergens in Vlaanderen en zou graag een baan vinden. Maar dat valt niet mee, net zo min als het makkelijk is om met hem een afspraak te maken. Tot drie maal toe geven we elkaar rendez-vous in een Belgisch station, want hij wil zijn verhaal kwijt. De baseballpet diep over het hoofd getrokken, schichtige blikken links en rechts, een strategisch gelegen plek in een triest cafetaria.
In ongenade
Robert Higiro, die opgroeide in een Ugandees vluchtelingenkamp, sloot in 1990 aan bij het Rwandees Patriottisch Front waarvan Paul Kagame de onbetwiste leider was en dat in 1994, na de volkerenmoord in Rwanda, de macht overnam. Higiro klom op tot majoor in het Rwandese leger, maar “ik viel in ongenade omdat ik terloops kritiek had geuit op twee Rwandese officieren.” In 2010 kreeg hij zijn ontslag uit het leger en trok eerst naar Uganda en nadien naar Senegal. “Daar kreeg ik na verloop van tijd te horen dat kolonel Munyuza een baantje voor me had, namelijk het zoeken van huurmoordenaars om in Zuid-Afrika kolonel Patrick Karegeya en generaal Faustin Kayuma Nyamawasa om te brengen - beiden waren in ongenade gevallen.”
Higiro vroeg 1,5 miljoen dollar om de klus te klaren. Munyuza stelde voor om tot 1 miljoen te gaan en voegde eraan toe: “Als we erin slagen beiden te doden, dan zullen de andere hun mond wel houden.”
Uiteindelijk ging het plan niet door en Robert Higiro vluchtte via Kenia naar ons land. Patrick Karegeya werd op 1 januari 2014 gewurgd in zijn hotel in het Zuid-Afrikaanse Johannesburg aangetroffen Eerder dit jaar getuigde Higiro voor de Commissie Buitenlandse Zaken van het Amerikaanse Congres, dat de wantoestanden in Rwanda onderzoekt. Higiro is ongelukkig, niet alleen omdat hij zijn in Uganda achtergebleven vrouw en kinderen mist: “Waarom zet België, een van de voornaamste donoren van Rwanda, niet een dergelijk parlementair onderzoek op? België heeft toch het grootste aantal Rwandese expats.”
Lange lijst moorden
Het aantal politieke moorden in Rwanda en in het buitenland groeit met de dag. De Rwandese president Kagame, die openlijk werkt aan een derde mandaat, heeft het hierbij vooral gemunt op zijn voormalige bondgenoten, die een voor eenin ongenade vallen. Alles wijst erop dat Kagame een paleisrevolutie vreest - een aanslag uit eigen (Tutsi-)kring.
Een beperkte greep uit de steeds langer wordende lijst:
16 mei 1998: voormalig minister van Binnenlandse Zaken Seth Sendashonga wordt vermoord in het Keniaanse Nairobi.
19 juni 2010: voormalig generaal Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, ooit een van de kopstukken van het RPF, krijgt in Zuid-Afrika enkele kogels in de buik, maar overleeft de aanslag. Van de zes verdachten zijn drie Tanzanianen en een Rwandees veroordeeld.
24 juni 2010: Journalist Jean Leonard Rugambage, die lang geschaduwd werd door de geheime diensten, wordt in zijn huis inKigali gedood. De moord vindt plaats meteen na het verschijnen van zijn artikel over de mogelijke Rwandese betrokkenheid bij de aanslag op Nyamwasa.
12 juli 2010: het onthoofde lijk van Andre Kagwa Rwisereka, de vicevoorzitter van de Democratische Groene Partij en ex-lid van het RPF wordt teruggevonden.
30 november 2011: de gevluchte journalist Charles Ingabire wordt in de Ugandese hoofdstad Kampala afgemaakt. Hij schreef kritische artikelen over het Rwandese regime.
1 januari 2014: in een hotel in Johannesburg wordt kolonel Patrick Karegeya gewurgd teruggevonden. Karegeya was hoofd van de externe inlichtingendienst onder Kagame, maar viel in ongenade.

De Rwandese president Kagame doet weinig moeite om zijn leedvermaak bij de moorden te verbergen. Bij de dood van Karegeya zei hij: “Ik wens dat Rwanda het zou gedaan hebben. Ik wens dat echt.” Zijn Defensieminister James Kabarehe, verantwoordelijk voor de twee oorlogen in Congo (1996 en 1998) klonk nog duidelijker: “Als je leeft als een hond, dan sterf je als een hond.” 
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, July 31, 2015

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

  1. Libye : ils vont déposer plainte contre Sarkozy pour "crimes contre l'humanité"
  2. Scandale en Belgique : Plus de 300 millions d’euros détournés par le Commissaire européen Louis Michel


Ejo tariki ya 30-07-2015, nibwo abanyapolitiki benshi b’abarundi bari basesekaye Addis Abeba, mu murwa mukuru wa Ethiopiya, aho bari bagiye gukora inama ikomeye cyane yo gushinga umutwe wo kurwanya leta y’Uburundi, bise « CONSEIL NATIONAL DE TRANSITION ». Amakuru yageze ku IKAZE IWACU, yemeza ko iyi nama itabaye, ahubwo inzego z’umutekano za Ethiopiya zirukanye kitaraganya abo barundi bari bamaze kugera Addis, babwirwa ko iyo nama yabo itemewe n’amategeko

Aya makuru akomeza avuga ko bamwe muri abo banyapolitiki b’ababarundi bangiwe kwinjira muri Ethiopiya, bageze ku kibuga, ejo ku wa kane mu gitondo, abari baturutse mu Bubiligi nabo bahise basabwa kuva ku butaka bwa Ethiopiya. Ariko ngo bigeze ku mugoroba, nibwo abayobozi ba Ethiopiya bafashe icyemezo gikomeye, cyo guhagarika burundu iyo nama yo gushinga Conseil National de Transition.
Abayobozi ba Ethiopiya bamenyesheje abo banyapolitiki b’abarundi bari bacumbitse muri Hotel Hilton ko Ethiopiya ihagaritse inama bari bajemo, kubera ko itemewe n’amategeko, maze babasaba ko baba bavuye ku butaka bwa Ethiopiya bitarenze mu gitondo cyo ku wa gatanu, tariki ya 31-07-2015. Ikindi bababujije ni ukudakora itangazo na rimwe cyangwa ngo bahure n’abanyamakuru, bakiri muri Ethiopiya.
Iki cyemezo ngo cyahise kigezwa vuba no ku buyobozi bwa Hotel Hilton, yari icumbikiye abo banyapolitiki bageraga kuri 20. Mu bari bacumbitse muri Hotel Hilton twavuga nka:
  1. Ambasaderi Hassan Rukara
  2. Léonce Ngendakumana
  3. Domitien Ndayizeye
  4. Marina Barampama
  5. William Munyembabazi
  6. Manasse Nzobonimpa
  7. Jérémie Ngendakumana
  8. Gervais Rufyikiri
  9. Issa Ngendakumana
  10. Pompon Mudugu
  11. Julien Nahayo
  12. Jean Paul Nyirubutama
  13. Nephtalie Ndikumana
  14. Pie Ntavyohanyuma
  15. Frederic Bamvuginyumvira
  16. Audifax Ndabitoreye
  17. Pancras Cimpaye
  18. Felix Ndayisenga
  19. Jean Minani
  20. Fred Ngamiye
  21. Geneviève Kanyange
  22. Onésime Nduwimana
  23. Sylvestre Ntibantunganya

Iki cyemezo Ethiopiya yafashe cyo kuburizamo iyi nama cyongeye kwerekana ko aba banyapolitiki b’abarundi barwanya leta iherutse gutorwa n’abaturage nta mpamvu ifatika bafite yo gukora intambara, ahubwo bo n’ibikoresho by’abazungu bashaka gusenya Uburundi no gusahura umutungo kamere wabwo ndetse n’uw’akarere k’ibiyaga bigari. Aha twavuga cyane nka Louis Michel wagiye avuga kumugaragaro ko atazigera yemera leta izava mu matora yo mu Burundi.
Iyi Conseil National de Transition bashaka gushinga kandi inerekana ko aba banyapolitiki bose ntacyo bahuriyeho mu ngengabitekerezo, ahubwo n’imyanya y’ubutegetsi bakeka ko bazahabwa nyuma yo kurangiza ikiraka cya ba mpatsibihugu. Iri burizwamo ry’iyi nama kandi rije mu gihe za nyeshyamba za Gen Niyombare zimaze iminsi zicengera mu Burundi zinyuze mu Bugarama no mu Bweyeye, zahuye n’isanganya zikicwamo nyinshi none ubu abaziyoboye bakaba barazihaye amategeko yo kugaruka mu Rwanda. 
Amakuru agera ku IKAZE IWACU avuga ko ubu zuzuye mu Bugarama, aho zimwe ziri kuvurwa ibikomere, izindi zirunze muri Nyungwe hafi yo mu Bweyeye. Iyi ntambara bashaka izabagora cyane.

Ibi byabaye kuri bariya banyapolitiki b’abarundi, byari bikwiye kubera isomo abanyapolitiki b’abanyarwanda barwanya leta ya FPR, birengagiza kwegera abanyarwanda, ahubwo bakirirwa bicaye mu byumba bya ba LOUIS MICHEL na BILL CLINTON, basaba ngo bazabahe ubutegetsi. Baribeshya kuko ibihe byarahindutse, ntabwo abo bazungu bagipfa kugera ku byo bashaka byose nka cyera. Icyo abo bazungu bazabafasha gusa ni ukwica benewanyu, noneho nyuma namwe bakazabakanira urubakwiye.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, July 20, 2015

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Ms. Ingabire Victoire is tortured and kept confined to her dark cell twenty-four hours =>  Sick torture Kagame's tactics


This story is included with an NYT Opinion subscription.

Gen. Emmanuel Karenzi Karake, the head of the Rwandan intelligence services who is now free on bail in London pending an extradition hearing in October, is an exemplar of the tightly knit group of diaspora Tutsis that ousted Rwanda’s Hutu-dominated government and rose to power during the 1994 genocide. Once a victim of human rights abuses, he now stands accused as a perpetrator. He is also a hostage — not of any justice system, but of an increasingly lone and erratic dictator, President Paul Kagame, who uses and abuses his inner circle as he grows more desperate to stay in power. General Karake was arrested on June 20 at Heathrow airport on charges brought by a Spanish investigative judge, who accuses him of crimes against humanity and war crimes committed between 1990 and 2002 in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. In particular, he is suspected of ordering the killing, in 1997, of three Spanish nationals working for the relief organization Medicos del mundo.

The fact that General Karake was arrested in Britain, a country he has visited with impunity for years, and hitherto one of post-genocide Rwanda’s staunchest allies, suggests that Mr. Kagame himself is no longer beyond the reach of international justice. It also shows that the fate of the two men, so close for many years, is inextricably linked. General Karake has nothing to gain from a break with Mr. Kagame, beyond a stiff sentence from a foreign tribunal. But the reverse is equally true. Both men can only be free and powerful in Rwanda. The arrest was only the latest twist in the wandering life of Mr. Kagame’s spy chief. Both men were raised in Uganda, where their parents sought refuge after a revolution in 1959 led to the creation of a Rwandan “Hutu Republic.”

The young Mr. Karake earned degrees in business and international studies from universities in Uganda and Kenya, and an M.B.A. from the University of London before joining the Rwandan Patriotic Front, fighting to reclaim power in Kigali. The civil war, started in 1990 by the RPF, culminated in the massacre by Hutu extremists in 1994 of an estimated 800,000 civilians — mainly Tutsis but also Hutus who opposed the killing.

After the rebels took Kigali, Mr. Karake became a member of Mr. Kagame’s inner circle — mostly English-speaking Tutsi returnees from Uganda — that now rules Rwanda. But even as the new government won the favor of a Western leadership riddled with guilt for failing to halt the genocide, Mr. Kagame and his men orchestrated revenge killings. During the second half of 1994, at least 40,000 Hutus were killed inside Rwanda. Between October 1996 and May 1997, another 200,000 perished as they fled across Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Many died of hunger or disease or at the hands of RPF fighters and their Congolese rebel allies, whom a U.N. investigation accuses of crimes against humanity and possibly “acts of genocide.” 

In 2007, General Karake was appointed deputy commander of the African Union peacekeeping force in the Sudanese province of Darfur. Though he was promoted deputy commander of the larger U.N. mission in Darfur in January 2008, the United Nations was embarrassed by allegations by Human Rights Watch that forces under his command had massacred Congolese civilians in the battle for Kisangani in 2000. Nevertheless, the U.N. extended the general’s tenure beyond its expiry in October 2008 after Mr. Kagame threatened to pull the Rwandan contingent out of Darfur. Both the United States and Britain, which have praised Mr. Kagame for his efforts to lift Rwanda out of atavistic poverty, also exerted pressure on the United Nations.

 Ms. Ingabire Victoire
regularly tortured and brutalized
in her dark and dirty cel
Since then, in the face of an increasingly vindictive and megalomaniac leader, the phalanx controlling Rwanda has broken up. Many of Mr. Kagame’s closest supporters have opposed the president’s iron-fisted methods on the grounds that they jeopardize not only their own future but the future of the minority Rwandan community. Rebuked and punished by Mr. Kagame, several of his former associates have fled into exile. Some have been assassinated, including one of General Karake’s predecessors, Col. Patrick Karegeya, who was murdered in a Johannesburg hotel room on Jan. 1, 2014. General Karake fell from grace in April 2010 when he was arrested for “immoral conduct.” Like many colleagues, he was cashiered and detained, but eventually rehabilitated after he was made to understand that his destiny is entangled with that of his boss.

Mr. Kagame can’t leave office without risking arraignment by the International Criminal Court, a threat from which even a trusted successor could not shield him — and Mr. Kagame no longer trusts anyone. Ignoring constitutional limits, he is orchestrating a “popular” movement to seek another term in 2017. Another election “victory” lies ahead, unless justice catches up with him. Thus the president is defending General Karake as if he himself were being forced to remain in London. He has denounced his spy chief’s arrest as a continuation of “colonialism” and accused the British of “arrogance and contempt” for complying with what is in fact a legal obligation. Mr. Kagame has also called on his foreign allies for support. Cherie Booth, former Prime Minister Tony Blair’s wife, leads the Karake defense team. Two of the Rwandan leader’s most steadfast supporters have been Mr. Blair and Bill Clinton, who has said that one of his greatest regrets as president was not intervening to stop the genocide in 1994.

The post-genocide regime in Rwanda has many friends around the world for understandable — and in most cases, honorable — reasons. Horrified as we were by the bloodbath in 1994, and ashamed by our inability to prevent or stop it, who would want to believe that the good face Mr. Kagame has put on Rwanda — creating an image as a prospering and healing nation — is in fact a lie? Today, opposition voices in Rwanda have been completely silenced.
Yet, it is precisely the outside world’s need for a soothing moral tale — for a Manichean narrative to believe in — that betrays the reality in post-genocide Rwanda and renders us complicit, yet again, in more bloodshed. In a place where the absence of democracy and gross violations of human rights have already led to the ultimate collective crime, we simply cannot afford to continue to avert our gaze from Mr. Kagame’s violent and arbitrary rule.

General Karake’s case is a searing reminder of the need to hold Mr. Kagame accountable. He too belongs in the dock, standing trial before the International Criminal Court in the Hague.

Stephen W. Smith, is professor of African studies at Duke University and a former Africa editor of Le Monde and Libération.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, July 18, 2015

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Ibuka nanjye Nibuke


Now Cherie says Rwandan client accused of war crimes is a hero: Mrs Blair heads battle to stop intelligence chief being deported to Spain to face charges he arranged massacres.

·         Karenzi Karake is battling extradition to Spain for alleged war crimes
·         Accused of ordering massacres while head of military intelligence
·         Top barrister said the charges he is facing as 'outrageous' and 'inaccurate'
·         Mrs Blair claimed 54-year-old was a 'hero' to his people in Rwanda. Cherie Blair described the Rwandan spy chief who was arrested in London for alleged war crimes as a ‘hero’ to his people last night.
Cherie, the wife of of former
prime minister Tony Blair and 
current Rwandan Kagame's top advisor
She is spearheading Karenzi Karake’s battle against extradition to face charges in Spain that he arranged massacres 21 years ago in which three Spanish aid workers were murdered.The wife of former prime minister Tony Blair is representing Karake, the head of Rwanda’s intelligence service, in a lucrative deal with her private firm Omnia Strategy.
Her involvement came to light last month when she secured £1million bail for her client at Westminster Magistrates’ Court when Karake, wearing his prison jumpsuit, appeared in the dock following his arrest at Heathrow airport on June 20.Last night, Mrs Blair told BBC Radio 4’s The Report programme the charges were politically motivated, adding:

‘To the Rwandan people and government, the general is a hero. They see this very much as a personal attack on Rwanda itself and they very much want him home as soon as possible. He’s had to surrender his passport, he can’t go beyond the M25 boundaries, he has to stay at a particular address between 8pm and 8am every day and he has to report to a particular police station every day and he has to wear an electronic tag.
Will Rwanda try to close BBC Radio 4 after another damaging report broadcasted on 7/16/2015?

The 54-year-old is accused of ordering massacres while head of military intelligence following the Rwandan genocide in 1994, and ordering the killing of three Spaniards from the charity Medicos del Mundo. But Mrs Blair insisted that the charges were ‘outrageous and inaccurate’ and ‘a bloated political tract’. Referring to the Spanish indictment, she said: ‘I hesitate to call it a legal document actually; it is in fact a political tract. She said the proper place for Karake’s alleged crimes to be investigated was not in Britain or Spain, but in Rwanda itself – even though he is the country’s spy chief and a close ally of President Paul Kagame. Tony Blair has been one of the strongest supporters of Rwanda and its autocratic president, but Gordon Brown and David Cameron have also cultivated close ties with the country. Britain gives Rwanda £90million a year, despite documented allegations that Mr Kagame sends hit squads to murder opponents around the world.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, July 4, 2015
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Judi Rever, Montreal journalist and author

RWANDA - Over the last two decades, Emmanuel Karenzi Karake has cut a striking figure in the world of Rwandan intelligence, having navigated the corridors of power with intellectual prowess.
His former colleagues describe him first and foremost as a master at exploiting weakness, a man able to target enemies with astounding precision and never missing his mark. He understood on a visceral level what Paul Kagame wanted to accomplish in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide and knew on a cerebral level how it should be done.
“Quite simply, Karake is the most brilliant officer that Kagame has ever had,” said an ex-colleague now in exile.
“He is observant and careful. Kagame trusted him most of the time…except when he suspected Karake might be building his own power base,” the officer explained.

Another officer who worked with Karake for years said his boss excelled in organizing “abductions, targeted killings and mass killings.”
“At the planning and killing level, he is more shrewd than most. It is hard to escape his traps. Karenzi doesn’t miss a target,” the source explained.
Raised by Tutsi refugee parents in the Congo, Karake was schooled in Uganda and underwent military training in Tanzania before becoming a civil intelligence officer at Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s office following the ouster of dictator Idi Amin in the 1980s.
In the early 1990s, after Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) invaded Rwanda and unleashed a civil war, Karake became a member of an African Union military observer group before becoming a key liaison officer for the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in its dealings with the United Nations peacekeeping mission, UNAMIR.
Lt Gen. Karenzi karake
Kagame's Spy chief
and mass-murderer
Karake’s ability to move freely throughout Rwanda with internationally sanctioned military missions enabled him to gather crucial information at opportune moments: “It was a golden opportunity to see every corner of the country. He gathered really good intelligence for the final assault on Kigali.”
The experience put Karake in good stead when the RPF swooped into the capital, swore in a new government and promised to rebuild Rwanda from its ashes.
Having a predilection for socializing and enjoying the company of women, Karake is the polar opposite of socially austere Kagame. Unlike his boss, he is actually popular with Tutsi officers and soldiers, even among the lowest rank.
His only real nemesis, colleagues pointed out, was Kayumba Nyamwasa, his predecessor who headed the notorious Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) before and during the genocide.
Just what was the role of DMI, an institution led by Karake for nearly three years after the genocide? Rwandans have variously described DMI as a repository of malevolence and pain.
Investigators at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) set out to discover what DMI did during and after the genocide. Their findings were compiled in a confidential report submitted to Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow and accessed by this journalist.
“The Directorate of Military Intelligence was created in late 1990 as part of the RPA military structure. From its creation and until the end of the war in 1994, Colonel Kayumba Nyamwasa was in charge of this directorate. The DMI is hated and feared by most of the Rwandan population, inside and outside of Rwanda due to its reputation for cruelty and killing operations. Most of the massacres attributed to the RPA were committed by the DMI,” the document states.
The report emphasizes that Nyamwasa was DMI chief until the formation of the RPF government and “‘nothing was done without his knowledge.” Investigators later state that Nyamwasa “was replaced by Lt Colonel Karenzi Karake.”
The report—written by the ICTR’s Special Investigations Unit that looked into crimes committed by the RPF—goes on to say that DMI representatives were in every military unit, and that special DMI forces were under the control of DMI headquarters, and special agents called ‘technicians’ were part of DMI operations.
The report states that technicians were trained to use pharmaceutical products to kill and poison water; they were given courses on how to murder with ropes and hoes, how to smother people with plastic bags, how to inject oil from syringes into victims’ ears, and how to tie people’s elbows behind their backs and bind their feet as a means of torture. The technicians were also instructed to use bayonets, guns and grenades, in addition to laying landmines.

Karake’s reign of terror at the helm of DMI

Immediately after Kagame’s troops seized the capital and in the smoky weeks before being named DMI chief, Karake directed a series of operations from all over Rwanda that lured and screened young male Hutus into the RPA, in schemes that brought them to killing centers, mainly in remote areas of Akagera Park which was off limits to the UN and NGOs, sources said. He worked closely at the time with Patrick Nyamvumba, who headed the Training Wing and is now Rwanda’s chief of defense staff.
The practice of screening Hutus and transporting them to execution sites started during the genocide but was implemented in earnest afterward, entrenching a deadly policy that continued, in varying degrees, for years to come.
From testimony collected from witnesses, investigators stipulated that “after the war, the Hutu population were arrested by DMI agents in given places and eliminated at a great rate. The bodies were incinerated and ashes were buried.” Sports grounds and military camps were often created over common graves.
“Places where massacres executed by agents of the DMI sometimes with the assistance of soldiers were: Gabiro, Kami, Masaka, Giti, Nyamirambo, Kidaho, Butaro, Kirambo, Ruhengeri city, Kinihira, Nyungwe Forest, Kabutare, Butare Aboretum, Save, Gikomero, Ndera, Runda, Musambira City, Rambura, Muhura-Buyumba City,” investigators wrote.
“It appears that the principal heads of the DMI are responsible not only because of their personal actions but also because of the orders given. They are also accountable on the basis of the responsibility of the superior hierarchy,” the investigators concluded.

Camp Kami: a slaughterhouse

One of the preferred killing grounds under the authority of DMI was Camp Kami, a sprawling base on the outskirts of Kigali adjacent to bush. ICTR investigators discovered that “thousands of civilians who had taken refuge in the camp were executed. In May 1994, military prisoners would dig graves during the day, and during the night the bodies of the executed persons would be buried in these mass graves. For many years Camp Kami continued to be used by the DMI as an execution site.”
One of Karake’s close colleagues confided that while Kayumba held sway at Kami for two months, it was Karake that transformed the military camp into “a true slaughterhouse.”
“No one knows how many Hutus were slaughtered at Kami. Those who returned from Zaire and others were killed there,” the Tutsi officer said. “Even Tutsis were slaughtered at Kami, but for Tutsis there had to be a reason for being killed.”
He said one day in August 1994, at about 5:30 pm, he was heading to Kami just as a soldier was leaving. The soldier said he was exhausted after killing Hutus for eleven hours straight. “There are still many and Afandi KK (Karenzi Karake) wants the job to be completed before tomorrow,” the soldier told him.
The Tutsi officer arrived on site and found hundreds of Hutu men “screaming and agonizing,” their arms tied behind them and legs bound. “It was horrible,” he recounted, adding that soldiers were looking for hoes to bury them alive.
He said Karake visited the camp that night, was pleased with the scene and quickly retreated to DMI headquarters, which was called Ku Kabindi (the Calabash) because it was next to a building with a calabash and straw.
Karake’s Achilles Heel, shared by many upper echelon members of the RPF, was his antipathy toward Hutus.
“He hated Hutus. He would kill a person just because he or she was Hutu,” the officer said.
And yet many years ago, Karake fell in love with a Hutu girl who was very beautiful. But for a senior ranking Tutsi officer it was unheard of—and even dangerous—to contemplate marrying a Hutu woman.
“He had to drop her and it killed his heart. He became emotionally challenged after that.”
Another colleague had a different view. “It wasn’t so much that Karake hated Hutus more than other RPF officers did. It was just that killing Hutus was the policy. It was part of the program.”
The RPF’s Hutu extermination policy reached its apotheosis under Karake’s tenure, when DMI supervised with great precision the 1996 invasion of Zaire and the mass killings of Congolese and Rwandan Hutu refugees.
The killing squads in Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of Congo, were supervised by DMI and instructed by Karake, according to an officer involved in operations.
“No intelligence officer could operate without orders from KK. All intelligence officers from all units and sub-units were provided by DMI and could be replaced by DMI,” he said, adding that DMI worked closely with the gendarmerie, military police and external intelligence.
In an interview, a former soldier from a mobile DMI unit recounted killing Hutus in the Congo in November 1996.
“We stopped in Kasindi (in Zaire) and conducted ‘clean up’ operations throughout the area. We got rid of everyone considered an enemy: that meant all Hutus. We found the refugees in the forest. There were starving and sick. There was no water or food for these people. But we were told to eliminate them. So we killed them all. We even killed those who were dying, with perhaps only a few minutes to live. We didn’t use guns on the weakest. We used traditional weapons like agafuni (hoes) to finish them off.
“Most of the killings of refugees took place in the jungle. But if refugees tried to hide in towns, we went after them and identified them.
“At this stage, there were no ex-FAR (Hutu soldiers) in the area. There were only civilians.”
By the time Rwandan troops reached Bafwasende near Kisangani in January 1997, many refugees, more than ten thousand, were killed, the soldier said.
“I was part of a team that unearthed corpses from mass graves. We worked day and night for a long time to take bodies to other locations to be incinerated. It was about the time when people were calling for an investigation to confirm whether indeed there had been massacres of Hutu refugees in the area. Rwanda of course was denying the allegations and we had to destroy the evidence. We needed to hide the proof.
“Bodies were decomposing. It was shocking to be forced to carry out such operations. We did this with our own hands, with no protection or gloves. Our superiors were behind us. These commanders hit us from time to time. It’s hard for you to imagine but we had to put corpses on our backs and dump them onto trucks. When we were discouraged they would beat us and force us to carry on. It was forced labor. I became ill afterward.”
In 2010, an investigation by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights concluded that Rwandan troops committed crimes against humanity and possibly genocide in the former Zaire.
The author of that report, a war crimes prosecutor from Montreal named Luc Coté, said that Rwandan Tutsi troops and their rebel allies targeted, chased, hacked, shot and burned Hutus—men, women and children—in the DRC.
Coté previously worked in the ICTR’s Office of Prosecutor and was responsible for indicting Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, considered the architect of the 1994 genocide against Tutsis.
In the first disordered weeks of the Rwandan invasion of Zaire, several hundred thousand Rwandan refugees headed eastward back home, while another mass of humanity fled deeper west into the jungle, chased by RPA forces. Mainstream media, channeling officials in Kigali, declared the forced return of Hutus as a victory against genocidal forces that had used the camps in Zaire as rear bases to mount attacks against Rwanda. What journalists did not say was that thousands of Hutu men were systematically separated from their families after crossing the border in late 1996, only to be transported in trucks and killed in Nyungwe Forest, Akagera Park, Camp Kami and other execution sites, according to dozens of Tutsi officers familiar with operations and families of Hutu men who disappeared.
The coordinated killings of Hutu refugees inside Zaire and the elimination of Hutu men that returned home also coincided with a brutal counterinsurgency campaign the RPA had begun to wage in areas along the western border, particularly in Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. The RPA was accused of going house-to-house, slaughtering civilians, burning huts, and of targeting local critics who dared to raise their voices.
It was during that time that Kagame and Karake made a strategic error of epic proportions, their critics say. They decided to target witnesses—several of them foreign nationals working for NGOs—who knew what was going on in the area. On January 18, 1997, three Spanish nationals working for Doctors of the World were murdered in Ruhengeri. The Spanish court holds Karake responsible for the massacre.
General P. Kagame
The Rwandan Genocide
Mastermind but Still
President of Rwanda
An individual who worked with Karake said he indeed organized and monitored the killings of the Spanish humanitarian workers and the murder of Guy Pinard, an outspoken Québecois priest who openly condemned RPA atrocities against civilians during his sermons.
According to a source with knowledge of the operations against the Spanish and the priest, which occurred within two weeks of each other, the killings were organized by DMI in conjunction with the Gendarmerie. The DMI departments involved were Counter Intelligence led by Charles Karamba and the Criminal Investigation & Prosecution, led by Joseph Nzabamwita.
Father Guy Pinard was shot in the back on February 2, 1997 in front of parishioners while giving communion. His attacker, a Tutsi with connections to the RPF, fled the scene and was never charged. Unlike Spain, Canada did not investigate or seek justice.
ICTR investigators collected testimony indicating that RPA troops had temporarily occupied the Catholic Church in Ruhengeri, Father Pinard was in charge of the church when 20 bodies were found in a latrine pit on the premises, after the RPA vacated the site. Pinard was killed shortly thereafter. The priest who was in charge of exhuming the bodies was also murdered, according to the ICTR document.
Absent from the Spanish indictment is the role that DMI, under Karake, played in the murder of another Canadian priest, Claude Simard on October 17, 1994.
Simard, who was beaten to death with a hammer in his home in Butare, had been gathering evidence of RPA killings in the form of audio recordings that he planned to hand over to the international community.
A UN civilian police report concluded that the army had learned of Father Simard’s plans to give the recordings to the United Nations.
“From all indications, Father Claude Simard was murdered by the RPA,” the UN report said. “The image of the RPA was at stake and they could not simply sit by. Father Claude Simard was about to expose them with a recorded cassette of their crimes.”

Spain demands justice

Karake is currently director general of Rwanda’s National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS), an umbrella spy agency that oversees intelligence gathering in civilian and military spheres.
Karake’s formidable and horrifically violent reign as military intelligence chief after the genocide, and his role in murdering three Spanish nationals led to his arrest on June 20 in London under a European Arrest Warrant issued by the Spanish government. He faces an extradition hearing in October.
In 2008, Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles indicted Karake and 39 other RPA commanders on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and other offenses that include terrorism in a case of universal jurisdiction. Since then, the Spanish court has collected additional evidence against Karake and other RPF officers, a Spanish lawyer handling the case confirmed.
If the 1994 genocide against Tutsis stands as the most depraved and tragic chapter in Rwanda’s history, its corollary is certainly the three years that followed in which a slower, largely hidden campaign of abject cruelty was meted out against Hutu civilians in Rwanda and the DRC, with barely a whimper of international outcry.
If extradited to Spain, Emannuel Karenzi Karake could become the jewel in the crown of witnesses against Kagame’s two-and-a-half decades of crime. He was, by all indications, the most successful of Kagame’s willing executioners.
And yet Karake’s friends insist his culpability is complex. “Yes he was at the center of killing operations in Rwanda for years. But he’s been humiliated too, and was aware that things were not going well,” said one friend.
“Many bad decisions were taken. But what Kagame wants, Kagame gets,” the friend said.
“If Karake is as smart as we think he is, he will not save Kagame this time. He’ll tell the truth. It’s what Rwanda needs.”

Judi Rever

Judi Rever is a Montreal-based freelance journalist, formerly with Agence France-Presse and Radio France Internationale. She has reported from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast and the Middle East. She specializes in human rights issues, and is currently doing research for a book that would explore war crimes committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front and its army. 

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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