A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes

Rwanda: cartographie des crimes du livre "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF" de Judi Rever Kagame devra être livré aux Rwandais pour répondre à ses crimes: la meilleure option de réconciliation nationale entre les Hutus et les Tutsis.

Let us remember Our People

Let us remember our people, it is our right

You can't stop thinking

Don't you know Rwandans are talkin' 'bout a revolution It sounds like a whisper The majority Hutus and interior Tutsi are gonna rise up And get their share SurViVors are gonna rise up And take what's theirs. We're the survivors, yes: the Hutu survivors! Yes, we're the survivors, like Daniel out of the lions' den (Hutu survivors) Survivors, survivors! Get up, stand up, stand up for your rights et up, stand up, don't give up the fight “I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom". Malcolm X

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Interior Tutsis, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg


Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

Inzira ndende

About US

AS Foundation Founder, Webmaster, Editor-in-chief and Publisher. Search and meet Libre Penseur, the Man who stands firm on his priniciples. I am working for a pro-peace humanitarian organization with no political agenda. Make your voice heard around the globe. You think it, you write it. Dear SurViVors: Nobody’s going to help you. It’s all up to you. Make it happen for yourself. However, there's a common knowledge to remember : "No man is an island". Will be possible for me to realize my dream and say : *.*The war is over, the hunting trip on Hutus comes to an end, the Evil is taken away, the reign of Terror comes to an end in Rwanda, my beloved homeland. As we stand on the precipice of Paul Kagame war crimes, crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide, call on the Regime change in Rwanda. Will you just sit back and watch Paul Kagame destroying the Human kind or will you stand up with African SurViVors and make your voice heard? Nothing is said about Kagame's arrest. Many are asleep, wrapped up their day to day lives. However, if and if you are awake, it is your responsibility to wake others! Spread the word, Ask for Paul Kagame's removal and indictment, take action.*.*


Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.


Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents inside and abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite. What you see is not what you get: A FAÇADE” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.

Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
  1. The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority


Friday, November 26, 2021

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Western-backed Kagame´s terrorism and atrocities has led up to war crimes crimes against humanity and crimes of genocide inside and outside Rwanda? CRIMES AGAINST PEACE WORSENED by the current silence and hesitation to take thouther measures against the bloody dictator and his bunch of RPF criminals and Terroists  indicate either cynical bias or "ignorance of what really is going on in Rwanda".The RPF authorities, The RPF government,The Rwandan directory of military intelligence DMI in collaboration with INFAMOUS RIB, The RPF police force, The RPF Death Squads, The RPF INTORE ,DASSO, ABAKADA, RWANDAN EMBASSIES'EMPLOYEES trained for killings of Hutus and some interior Tutsis  masterminded the conspiracy to indict and eliminate political opponents, critics, dissents, independent journalists with charges of participating in subversive activities and denial of Genocide. Mr. Rusesabagina's kidnapping is an exemplative

African Survivors International (IASBL) REITERATES Our Demand for Their Unconditional Release. https://www.rwandanlivesmatter.site/  

THE Censorship Repression on Dissent, THE escalation of repression against independent media and ordinarlily rwandans inside and outside of Rwanda

Rwandans cry to the international community to intervene and stop the ongoing senseless RPF killings, arbitrary arrests and imprisonments, kidnappings and torture.

The RPF criminal organization and government carried out selective killings of Hutus, extensive of repression through kidnappings, enforced disappearances, prisoners’ killings arrests and imprisonments against the opposition through the well-known Rwandan state media and social media using RIB and Police persecutions. Here after we truly urge the World community to apply sanctions that must be complied by all countries against General KABAREBE, General IBINGIRA, General MUNYUZA, General NZIZA, Tom NDAHIRO, Jean Damascene BIZIMANA, MUGESERA Antoine, Tito RUTAREMARA, Marie Immaculée Ingabire, RIB, DMA RPF Representatives for their criminal financing of terrorist activities, hate-mongering and the prejudice against the majority Hutu, indoctrination and aiming to raise the RPF genocidal ideology against the Hutu majority and interior Tutsis.
Mr. Paul Rusesabagina, A Human Rights Activist has been abducted by the RPF criminal and terrorist organization and government and now he’s illegally imprisoned despite the RPF minister of Justice has been removed. Mr. PAUL RUSESABAGINA should unconditionally and immediately be released.

Members of DALFA PARTY HEADED by Mrs. Victoire INGABIRE UMUHOZA arrested and thfrown into prison

1.       Mr. Sylvain SIBOMANA, member of the DALFA party

2.       Mr. Alexis RUCUBANGANYA, Deputy of DALFA Party in the East of RWANDA

3.       Mr. Marcel NAHIMANA, Secretary General of the DALFA party resident in RUBAVU

4.       Mr. Alphonse MUTABAZI, Representative of the DALFA Party in the West of RWANDA

5.       Mr. Emmanuel MASENGESHO, Representative of the DALFA Party in the North of RWANDA

6.       Mr. Hamad HAGENIMANA, party member resident in NYARUGENGE, Kigali

7.       Ms. Joyeuse UWATUJE, Personal Assistant to the President of DALFA Party

Mrs. IDAMANGE IRTAMUGWIZA Yvonne arrested and thrown into prison for having shared on her Youtube channel the Truth on the RPF crimes , which are taking place and going on in Rwanda during the Peace time.

Journalistes arrêtés au Rwanda pour avoir donné la parole à la population, victimes des actes criminels du FPR

1.       Mr. KARASIRA  Aimable, University lecturer and Journaliste, chaine Youtube UKOMBIBONA TV

2.       Mr. Théoneste NSENGIMANA, Journaliste, chaine Youtube UMUBAVU TV

3.       Mr. CYUMA HASSAN Dieudonné,  Journaliste investigation, chaine Youtube ISHEMA TV

Mr. HAKUZIMANA Abdul Rachid, independent political opponent Arrested for having revealed the Rwandan genocide in the North western region of Rwanda and denounced the daily hate speech of the RPF Neo-Nazi organization of TERRORISTS since October 1st, 1990 the RPF-UGANDA invasion of RWANDA.

The arrested, DALIFA Party, The Independent Journalist and other political opponents should be unconditionally released. The International Community would be legally obligated to intervene and stop the RPF horrific crimes, which are taking place in Rwanda.

Done in Brussels, November 15th, 2021

"Judi Rever's account of the Rwandan genocide and its aftermath challenges the official narrative"
"At the end of May 1997, one week after President Mobutu was toppled in a military coup, Judi Rever, a Canadian reporter for RF, arrives in the Democratic Republic of Congo—then Zaire—to cover the unfolding humanitarian crisis. She travels south of Kisangani to refugee camps where Hutu refugees have sought safety after a series of attacks. Here, in the eery quiet of a clearing in the forest, she comes across “dozens and dozens” of survivors. Some have lost their families and others look as though they are “on the verge of death.” They all say they are escaping attacks by the RPF, the Rwandan Patriotic Front, part of the rebel alliance that has overthrown Mobutu (today, the ruling party in Rwanda). Across the border in Rwanda, in a transit camp where Hutus returning from Congo are being registered by the UN, refugees say the same thing: that they fled Rwanda to Congo because the RPF was killing Hutus.

Back in Paris where she lives, Rever tries to piece together what she has seen. In the media and in political and humanitarian circles, there is one narrative: that “an African renaissance” is beginning in the Congo, heralding a “new age of peace and security.” Rever herself believes, like most people, that during the Rwandan genocide the RPF “swooped in and routed Hutu extremists responsible for killing Tutsis and moderate Hutus.” Yet this narrative is “diametrically opposed” to what she has seen in both Congo and Rwanda. Her interviews lead her to question everything she has read about the genocide. What unfolds in the remainder of her book, In Praise of Blood: The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, is a detailed account of the RPF and their crimes before, during and after the Rwandan genocide.

Drawing from reports by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), which was set up in the aftermath of the genocide to try Rwandans accused of human rights violations, as well as from select interviews with former intelligence officers and RPF defectors who used to work for Kagame, Rwandans in exile, survivors of massacres, former investigators, academics, and others, Rever’s account reveals the RPF’s methods of operation. It says how they carried out massacres against Hutu civilians “with great precision,” “leaving barely a trace,” what motivated them, and how they managed to evade justice for so many years. Although these crimes have been documented for many years and as early as 1994 by groups including The Human Rights Commission on Rwanda, Amnesty International, the UN, MSF, and a number of notable scholars, In Praise of Blood is notable for providing more information, both “qualitative and quantitative,” about the RPF’s crimes.

A key element to understanding the RPF’s operations during and after the genocide, is its intelligence wing, the DMI (Directorate of Military Intelligence), which Rever describes as the “main instrument through which crimes were inflicted on Rwandans during the genocide” and the “continuing source of control and violence against Rwandans and Congolese.” Investigators for the ICTR found that while the RPF had killed civilians, it was DMI representatives under orders from Kagame who initiated massacres. A controversial revelation in the book, based on the ICTR report and on interviews with former RPF officials, is that a covert group of “technicians” trained by DMI before 1994 were trained to, among other things, infiltrate Interahamwe Hutu militias and incite them to commit massacres against Tutsi civilians. In some cases, she writes, the RPF even actively killed Tutsi villagers in staged attacks that were blamed on Hutu mobs.

Byumba, Giti and ‘claiming land’

Among the many grisly incidents of violence that Rever documents in her book is one which became the “trademark” method that RPF used for killing Hutus: the massacre at Byumba stadium in April 1994, two weeks into the genocide. Thousands of Hutu refugees had fled to Byumba from camps bombarded by Kagame’s forces. After three days without food, RPF soldiers urged them to go to the football stadium of the town, promising food, drink and cooking supplies. After the peasants filed into the stadium and settled down for the night, RPF officers opened fire, killing everyone inside. Bodies were buried, but later dug up and incinerated under Kagame’s orders; Kagame feared that France’s satellite surveillance would find evidence of mass graves. Rever writes that this method of controlling access to an area, luring in large groups of Hutus with promises of food and safety, and then killing them or taking them away to be killed elsewhere, was used across the country during the genocide. The RPF’s success in hiding these crimes depended on concealing the “the evidence by turning human beings into ash.” Sometimes, she writes, the RPF “buried the Hutu dead in graves with Tutsis who had been murdered by Hutu militia.”

In Praise of Blood details several other massacres by the RPF, including at Karambi trading center, where the RPF killed an estimated 3000 people before President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down, at Ruhengeri where DMI units with civilian cadres massacred Hutus in July and August of 1994, at Gabiro in a guest lodge that had once been the home of Rwanda’s king, and at Giti. Giti stands out as a “startling use” of RPF “propaganda” where RPF forces massacred Hutu civilians at a primary school in Giti and then agreed with the town’s mayor that in return for RPF protection, he would be known as the only mayor in Rwanda who had ensured that no genocide against Tutsi took place in his commune.

Why would Kagame’s forces undertake such widespread, targeted and horrific killings? Concerning Byumba, a number of people in the book assert that the RPF’s actions were about “claiming land in Byumba, the breadbasket of Rwanda,” for thousands of Rwandan Tutsis who had grown up in Uganda. Indeed, the narrative thread of RPF’s crimes must be placed in the context of their origins in Uganda, their invasion of Rwanda in 1990 and the decision to shoot down the plane of Rwanda’s president, Juvenal Habyarimana, widely seen as the event that sparked the beginning of the genocide. Although most mainstream accounts of the genocide attribute Habyarimana’s death to Hutu extremists, In Praise of Blood explains through first hand testimonies how RPF engineered the downing of the plane. As soon as it was shot down, between 25,000 and 30,000 RPF troops moved into position to launch an offensive “which would have required weeks of preparation.” Several people interviewed in the book believe that the RPF had one main objective which was to “seize power” and use the “massacres as stock in trade to justify its military operations.”

If indeed that was true, it worked: while international organizations and the UN were aware of some of the massacres by RPF, including at Byumba, the international community viewed these events through a “different moral lens” than they applied to the Hutu génocidaires. Kagame’s killings were seen as “reprisal killings” or “collateral damage.”

Counter insurgency and justice denied

While one might categorize the 1994 killings by the RPF as specific to the violence unfolding in the context of genocide, what happened after the genocide during the counter-insurgency when Kagame sent his troops into the DRC under the pretext of hunting down Hutu génocidaires is arguably more disturbing, perhaps for the simple reason that unlike the genocide, Rever states, it went on with “little outcry from the world,” reaching its peak in 1997.

The 1996 invasion of Zaire forced hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees to return home and “face a new round of ethnic cleansing.” Rever writes how during this period, RPF killed Hutu civilians in areas under their control “hill by hill,” including near military bases, and in caves where thousands were hiding from Kagame’s soldiers. Meanwhile, Hutu officials who were unwilling to support the Hutu insurgency and joined the RPF were also killed, along with their families. Some of these massacres have been confirmed in reports by Amnesty International.

Among the RPF’s actions in this period included “false flag” operations. In one incident, based on interviews with former RPF intelligence officers, Rever describes how RPF staged an attack on a refugee camp in Mudende, killing hundreds of Tutsis. This helped to demonize Hutus by putting the blame for the attack on Hutu guerrillas and persuaded the US to “continue training RPF soldiers and supplying Rwanda with military material.”

Although the killings in these years targeted not only Hutu and Tutsi civilians, but also UN observers, Spanish aid workers and a Canadian priest, no action was taken against the RPF internationally. As early as May 1994, during the genocide, a UN refugee agency report documented killings by the RPF. After the genocide, in 2006, a French judge, Jean-Louis Bruguière issued arrest warrants against those involved in the shooting down of Habyarimana’s plane and in 2008, Spain issued arrest warrants for 40 of Kagame’s senior commanders, but these did not result in any arrests. Rever writes that authorities in Europe, North America and Africa refused to extradite those implicated. In 1997, when the Canadian priest was killed by RPF and a witness flew to Nairobi to give a statement to the Canadian embassy, there was no follow up.

The latter chapters of In Praise of Blood offer startling explanations of what was happening in the higher echelons of institutions tasked with pursuing the RPF and the “enormous lobbying, money and influence” Kagame used to “penetrate institutions and people in power.” Rever exposes how a clandestine unit, the Special Investigations Unit, which was set up by the ICTR in 1999 specifically to investigate crimes by Kagame’s army and relied on testimonies from Rwandan witnesses in exile, found that their sources were being intimidated and disappeared. The ICTR suspended investigations against Kagame’s commanders in order not to lose the cooperation of the Rwandan government in investigating Hutu génocidaires. Eventually, Rever writes, the SIU was hijacked by Paul Kagame himself, and the Chief Prosecutor, Carla Del Ponte removed from her position “at the behest of the US” after she made it clear that she intended to indict RPF commanders.

In a stunning revelation that demonstrates just how intertwined the relationship between Rwanda and the US was, In Praise of Blood demonstrates how Kagame and the US Ambassador at the time agreed to a deal whereby, rather than going through the ICTR process, the government of Rwanda would have the “opportunity” to prosecute massacres by the RPF. In other words, “the killers would investigate themselves.” Rever writes that the ICTR became essentially “a surrogate of Washington and by extension, Kagame.” The UN tribunal closed in 2015, having convicted 61 people, all of them linked to the former Hutu regime. The trial that Rwanda eventually carried out on its own was seen as a “political whitewash,” even by Human Rights Watch, which Rever demonstrates was primarily interested in massacres of Tutsis in the genocide.

It was not only international institutions and western governments that became intertwined with the powerful interests of the RPF, but also NGOs—specially the London-based organization African Rights which defended the RPF against reports that they had engaged in violence, and was eventually found, according to the book, to be on the RPF payroll. The other organization singled out for their refusal to give adequate weight to the RPF killings is Human Rights Watch which documented RPF killings, but downplayed them as “generalized violence.”

For those implicated in massacres, not only were they not prosecuted, but several moved onto high positions in UN peacekeeping operations; Patrick Nyamvumba who allegedly gave the orders for massacres during the genocide and was in charge of creating units to “screen, mop up and otherwise rid the hillsides of Hutu civilians,” was appointed as Head of UNAMID, the UN-African Union peacekeeping operation in Darfur in 2009. Another man, Jean Bosco Kazura, allegedly in charge of soldiers who killed civilians east of Kigali at the height of the genocide and at Gabiro, became the peacekeeping chief of the UN’s force in Mali in 2013.

The struggle of memory against fear

Any attempt to uncover the carefully buried secrets of a powerful regime is likely to result in reprisals. In Praise of Blood describes what happened to Rwandans who came forward to testify against Kagame and the RPF. While some managed to escape into exile, others were killed, disappeared or imprisoned. Rever writes how she too became a target, not only in Europe where she travelled for interviews, but also in Canada where she received threatening calls singling out her children.

At the end of her book, Rever writes that she chose to focus on the crimes of the RPF and not on the genocide against Tutsis since there already exists a plethora of material about Hutu-on-Tutsi violence. However, for this reason, it is sometimes difficult while reading In Praise of Blood to keep the two narratives in mind and to understand how both unfolded simultaneously within the same time period. Some parts of the book raise questions. For instance, Rever writes that eight per cent of the Hutu population actively engaged in killings against Tutsi and that “the majority of Hutu civilians did not kill their neighbours.” Others, including Mahmood Mamdani, whose book When Victims Become Killers tries to make sense of the killings, assert that contrary to Rever’s claim, hundreds of thousands of ordinary people participated in the genocide.

Other claims in the book which may require further substantiation include a citation from the University of Rwanda which estimates that forty thousand civilians had been killed by the RPF in two regions of the country by early 1993. That is a colossal number by any standard and difficult to understand how such a large number of killings could go unnoticed well before the genocide began. Disputes over numbers are common in the divergent accounts of the Rwandan genocide. Rever estimates that based on her evidence and that of the ICTR investigators, the RPF killed between several hundred thousand and one million people.

In Praise of Blood claims that a parallel genocide against Hutus took place in Rwanda, a claim which has elicited substantial debate from scholars including Claudine Vidal and Filip Reyntjens. Vidal argues that Rever’s book “blurs the line between investigation and indictment” and describes the massacres in such a way as to “classify them as genocide.” Rather than “doing the work of judges” and trying to apply the legal classification of genocide onto the crimes of the RPF, she writes that “journalists and social scientists should be calling for investigations equivalent to those carried out into the Tutsi genocide.” In other words, “There is no need for it to be genocide to justify investigation into these massacres.”

A proper judicial investigation would be required to determine whether or not a genocide against Hutus did take place. Filip Reyntjens at the University of Antwerp argues that although he is not one to advance the thesis of double genocide, the massacres may indeed demonstrate an intention to destroy Hutu, a strong indicator being the separation of Tutsis and Hutus, and the use of help from Tutsis in killing Hutus and sparing Tutsis. Given that the crimes of the RFP will likely go unpunished, and that the judicial truth will not be established, he says, “the historical truth can and must be sought.” To this end, Rever’s work remains significant.

In his book, Mamdani writes that “Violence cannot be allowed to speak for itself, for violence is not its own meaning. To be made thinkable, it needs to be historicized.” In her final chapter, Rever quotes an opposition Tutsi activist who argues that the RPF killings are not reprisals for the 1994 genocide against Tutsis, but rather, revenge for 1959, when waves of Tutsi were forced to flee during the 1959 revolution and the country transitioned from a Belgian colony with a Tutsi monarchy to an independent Hutu dominated Republic. Likewise, in Mamdani’s work, he makes the claim that “The failure to address the citizenship demands of the ‘external’ Tutsi marked the single most important failure of the Habyarimana regime.” There is no doubt that understanding the deeper roots of RPF violence, and by extension, the regime in place today, requires venturing back into the complex and difficult history of Rwanda and the region.

The official narrative of the genocide, which claims that Tutsi victims were rescued from Hutu killers by the RPF, has persisted for decades, rendering the stories of one side continuously visible and subject to official commemoration while actively silencing the memories and stories of the other. This narrative has no doubt served Kagame’s regime extremely well as he continues to receive awardsadulations, over 984 million dollars in aid in 2015/2016 and unwavering support from the likes of Howard Buffet and Tony Blair. Even his decision to rule until 2034, Rever notes has drawn “only tepid criticism” from Washington and London.

In the words of Theodore Rudasingwa, Kagame’s former Chief of Staff, who spoke in the BBC documentary, Rwanda, The Untold Story, “Kagame’s impunity has reached scandalous proportions,” and the cost in terms of lives destroyed in both Rwanda and the DRC has been colossal. In Praise of Blood is a courageous, powerful and meticulously documented work that counters the narrative on which Kagame’s impunity rests, resurrects the memories of countless people, and brings their stories out from the silence and the intricate machinery of fear that the Rwandan regime has worked so hard to maintain".

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, October 27, 2021

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

"Years after Panama Papers, the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists remains committed to exposing those who exploit tax havens — a long list that also includes corrupt politicians, mobsters, drug traffickers and other criminals who launder cash and assets through offshore companies to throw law enforcement off the scent. The easy movement of illicit money destabilizes governments and helps despots stay in power".


Wealthy criminals such as Paul Manafort have been found to have over 30 different offshore accounts with undeclared money spread throughout them. This has given such accounts a widely negative reputation in the media.

IncorporationJurisdictionLinked ToData From
ROKA RWANDA S.A.01-FEB-2008PanamaSwitzerlandPanama Papers
ROKA RWANDA WOLFRAM CORP.09-SEP-2008PanamaSwitzerlandPanama Papers
DelAgua Health Rwanda Limited17-MAY-2012BahamasBahamas Leaks
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, June 26, 2021

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

For years, UN investigators secretly compiled evidence that implicated Rwandan President Paul Kagame and other high-level officials in mass killings before, during and after the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

The explosive evidence came from Tutsi soldiers who broke with the regime and risked their lives to expose what they knew. Their sworn testimony to a UN court contradicted the dominant story about the country’s brutal descent into violence, which depicted Kagame and his RPF as the country’s saviours.

Despite the testimonies, a UN war crimes tribunal — on the recommendation of the United States — never prosecuted Kagame and his commanders. Now, for the first time, a significant portion of the UN evidence is revealed, in redacted form.

The redacted witness testimonies are available here.

In early July 1994, as the genocide in Rwanda was nearing its end, Christophe, whose real name and location are being withheld for safety reasons, was recruited by the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). 

Christophe, a medical student before the war, was assigned to care for wounded RPF soldiers in Masaka, a neighborhood in the southeast of Rwanda’s capital, Kigali.

The RPF was on the brink of winning the war. It was the culmination of a bloody campaign that began in 1990 when its forces invaded Rwanda from their base in Uganda, where their Tutsi families had been forced into exile for three decades.

Their struggle for political power in Rwanda took a drastic turn on 6 April 1994, when a plane carrying Rwanda’s then president Juvénal Habyarimana, a Hutu, was shot down in Kigali, killing everyone aboard, and abruptly ending a power-sharing deal that was supposed to end three-and-a-half years of violence. The plane attack set off a killing spree that left hundreds of thousands of Tutsis dead, mostly at the hands of their Hutu countrymen. By mid-July, the RPF had routed the former Hutu government, and purportedly put an end to the massacres.

Blame game: RPF soldiers investigate the site of the plane crash that killed then Rwandan president Juvénal Habyarimana in 1994. One theory suggests that Hutu hardliners shot down the plane, but RPF informants have told the ICTR that the RPF planned and executed the attack. (Photo: Scott Peterson/Liaison)

From his battle clinic in Masaka, though, Christophe saw that the killings were continuing. “People were disappearing,” he recently told the Mail & Guardian. Many of the new recruits Christophe treated began to share sobering details about what they were being ordered to do to Hutu civilians — men, women and children who had no apparent connection to the killing of Tutsis. These Hutus were being arrested in different areas of the capital by RPF officials, they said, and brought to a nearby orphanage called Sainte Agathe, where they were summarily executed. 

The young recruits told Christophe that they were being forced by their RPF superiors to tie up civilians and kill them with hammers and hoes, before burning the victims on site and burying their ashes. It was grisly, traumatising work conducted daily, they told him. 

Many of the soldiers asked Christophe to provide them with a sick leave note to avoid taking part in the killings. “They didn’t want to kill anybody,” he said. One of the recruits told Christophe that over a mere five days, more than 6 000 people were slaughtered at the orphanage.

In late July, the RPF sent Christophe and thousands of other recruits to Gabiro, a military training camp located in eastern Rwanda, on the edge of the vast wilderness that made up Akagera National Park. The rebel army had established a base there earlier in the war, and it was off limits to international nongovernmental organisations, United Nations personnel, and journalists.

The RPF had begun to recruit Hutu men, promising them safety if they joined the RPF cause. Many heeded the call. But at Gabiro, Christophe saw that these new Hutu recruits had been deceived. Instead of receiving training, on arrival they were screened by military intelligence agents, taken to a field and shot. 

Even Tutsi recruits from Congo, Burundi and Uganda, whom military intelligence considered disloyal or suspect, were disappearing, he said.

Even more chilling, though, were the truckloads of Hutu civilians Christophe witnessed arriving in another part of the camp, in an area he could see from a distance. Every day, for months on end, he said, RPF soldiers killed these Hutus and then burned the bodies. Backhoes — which Christophe referred to by their brand name, Caterpillar — worked day and night burying their remains. “You could see the trucks, you could see the smoke. You could smell burning flesh,” Christophe told M&G. “All those lorries were bringing people to be killed. I saw the Caterpillar and could hear it. They were doing it in a very professional way.”

As the massacres continued, Christophe became worried that as a witness he, too, could be a target. Some soldiers, traumatised by what they were forced to do, tried to escape Gabiro. But they were caught and executed, he said. To his relief, in April 1995, he was transferred out of Gabiro, and a week later, he fled Rwanda and never returned.

Several years after leaving, Christophe began speaking to investigators from the UN International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). The tribunal, set up in the aftermath of the genocide, was tasked with prosecuting the most serious crimes committed in 1994. Publicly, the tribunal focused exclusively on prosecuting high-level Hutu figures suspected of organising and committing genocide against Tutsis. But privately, a clandestine entity within the ICTR, known as the Special Investigations Unit (SIU), gathered evidence of crimes committed by the RPF. By 2003, investigators at the SIU had recruited hundreds of sources, with dozens giving sworn statements. 

According to a summary report submitted to the ICTR’s chief prosecutor in 2003, the SIU’s investigative team had gathered explosive evidence against the RPF. Numerous witnesses corroborated Christophe’s testimony that the RPF had engaged in massacres of Hutu civilians in Gabiro and elsewhere before, during, and after the genocide. Sources testified to the SIU that the RPF  was behind the 6 April 1994 attack on Habyarimana’s plane. 

Former soldiers even told investigators that RPF commandos undertook false flag operations. Some commandos, operating in civilian clothes, had allegedly infiltrated Hutu militias, known as Interahamwe, to incite even more killings of Tutsis in a bid to further demonise the Hutu regime and bolster the RPF’s moral authority in the eyes of the international community.

In the report, UN investigators listed potential RPF targets for indictment, including President Paul Kagame himself. But when the tribunal officially wound down in 2015, the more than 60 individuals who were convicted and jailed for genocide and other war crimes were all linked to the former Hutu-led regime. Not a single indictment of the RPF was ever issued by the UN; all evidence of RPF wrongdoing was effectively buried. 

Christophe met with investigators three times, and provided a written, sworn testimony to the tribunal, but for nearly two decades, his testimony, together with that of dozens of other RPF soldiers who witnessed RPF crimes, have remained sealed in the tribunal’s archive. 

Behind bars: A crowd of prisoners stand at mealtime in the Giterama prison in Rwanda. The prison, 50km outside Kigali, was built to house 1 000 people, but in 1995 held 6 000 men and women accused by the RPF of complicity in the 1994 genocide. (Photo: Malcolm Linton/Liaison)

In this exclusive report, the Mail & Guardian is publishing 31 documents based on testimonies the witnesses provided to UN investigators. The documents were leaked to M&G by various sources with extensive experience at the tribunal. The witness statements, which contain identifying information, have been redacted by the tribunal and by the M&G to protect the informants’ privacy and safety. 

The informants who testified against the RPF to the tribunal faced serious risks, and some were kidnapped, according to the investigators. However, it is widely believed by our sources that the unredacted witness statements are already in the possession of the RPF. One statement is unredacted because the witness died in 2010.

Since 1994, many human rights researchers, journalists, academics and legal experts at the ICTR have contended that the crimes committed by the RPF were not comparable in nature, scope, or organisation to the Hutu-led atrocities against Tutsis. 

The Rwandan government has asserted that any crimes committed by members of the RPF were only acts of revenge that have already been tried by the competent Rwandan authorities. 

These testimonies, which include gruesome details about RPF massacres — often from soldiers who directly participated in the killings — challenge that understanding. Although these accounts do not in any way prove culpability, they may constitute prima facie evidence needed for indictments. 

Taken as a whole, the evidence collected by the SIU suggests that RPF killings were not a reaction to the killing of Tutsis but instead were highly organised and strategic in nature. If proven by a court, the RPF not only played a seminal role in triggering the genocide by shooting down Habyarimana’s plane; its senior members also engaged in widespread, targeted massacres of civilians before, during and after the genocide.

Many of the RPF commanders implicated in the crimes documented by the SIU have held, or continue to hold, important positions in the Rwandan government and military. Kagame, who was the leader of the RPF at the time of the 1994 genocide, has been the president of Rwanda since 2000 and remains a close ally of the United States. 

General Patrick Nyamvumba, who was head of the Gabiro training camp, served as the head of the Rwandan military from 2013 until 2019, and before that, from 2009 until 2013, as commander of Unamid, the joint UN-Africa Union peacekeeping force in Sudan. He was also minister of internal security until April 2020.

Lieutenant Colonel James Kabarebe, whom witnesses cited for his leading role in massacres in northern Rwanda and in planning the assassination of Habyarimana, was Rwanda’s minister of defence from 2010 until 2018 and remains a senior adviser to Kagame. General Kayumba Nyamwasa, who was head of the RPF’s military intelligence during the genocide, is alleged to have conceived and organised the RPF infiltration of Hutu militia and the mass killings of Hutu civilians throughout Rwanda. Nyamwasa fled the country in 2010 and is a major figure in the Rwandan opposition in exile.

Neither the RPF, the Rwandan president’s office, the Rwandan Media High Council, nor Nyamwasa responded when asked for comment on the documents. On Twitter, Yolande Makolo, an adviser to Kagame, dismissed an M&G query about the documents and called the questions “ridiculous”. 

Filip Reyntjens, a Belgian political scientist who has spent decades studying Rwanda and provided expert testimony to the ICTR, said the RPF’s legitimacy is based on saving Tutsis and stopping the genocide, and that any critical examination of its real record would undermine that official narrative. 

“The legitimacy of the RPF is in large part based on its image as representing and defending the victims of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. They are the ‘good guys.’ Any evidence that points to the RPF committing massive crimes or having a role in shooting down the presidential plane, an act that sparked the genocide, challenges that legitimacy, which is why they have to fight it tooth and nail,” Reyntjens told the M&G.

Christophe, whose statements and interviews with the M&G are corroborated by other witnesses who offered similar testimony, said he believed the killings that he witnessed at Gabiro could not have been carried out as revenge for the crimes individual Hutus committed during the genocide. 

The killings by the RPF  went on “for too long [ and] were too programmed and well organised,” to amount to retaliation, he said. 

The Gabiro massacres

Other witnesses bolstered Christopher’s account, providing testimony that the RPF began killing at Gabiro in April 1994, shortly after Habyarimana was assassinated. Speaking to investigators in French, one witness, a former soldier who joined the RPF in 1992, told investigators that displaced Hutu civilians from villages in northern Rwanda were brought to Gabiro aboard tractor-trailer trucks, and left at a residential complex called the House of Habyarimana, 3km from the military camp. 

The intelligence officer selected the intelligence staff and instructors to execute the people brought by trucks … The soldiers tied their elbows behind their backs, and one by one, made them walk to a ‘grave site’ above the House of Habyarimana, where they were shot … These summary executions were done day and night between four and five weeks that I was there … By the end of April, early May, after two weeks of summary executions, the smell of corpses reached the Gabiro camp. Two bulldozers were used to bury the bodies.


The witness said he participated in burning bodies using a mixture of oil and gasoline to turn the corpses into ash in a forest near another training camp called Gako. The soldier in question said a lieutenant called Silas Gasana who was in charge of security for a man referred to as “PC-Afandi”, oversaw the killings at Gabiro. “PC-Afandi” is a military moniker for  Kagame, according to former members of the RPF who were separately  interviewed on the topic. 

The witness told investigators that Gasana was in communication with Nyamvumba, who at the time was the operations commander and chief instructor at Gabiro.  

Another former RPF soldier who was sent to Gabiro in mid-April 1994 told the tribunal:

Many trucks came from different regions around the camp. Recruits who went to get firewood could see these trucks pass. In two instances, while I was about a kilometre from our camp looking for wood, I personally observed these trucks. They were tractor-trailers, or semi-trailers. The vehicles had 18 or 24 wheels with no licence plates. They drove past me, very close. They were full of men, women, children and old people. They were brought to an area near the houses of the former head of state,  near the Gabiro airstrip, and massacred.

The witness said the victims were from northern areas of Rwanda and were killed so that Tutsi refugees living in Uganda could acquire their land. The testimony highlighted the RPF’s alleged practice of falsely blaming Hutus for atrocities they didn’t commit.

The main objective of these massacres … was to prepare the land and pastures for the people who had been [Tutsi] refugees in Uganda and who were repatriated. Until today, anyone [that is Hutus] who might think of living there without having returned from Uganda, would run the risk of  being accused of being an Interahamwe.

Other witnesses spoke of killings at the military camp on the edge of the park. A former intelligence officer described Gabiro as a main “killing hub”.

 The officer took part in operations in Giti, in northern Rwanda, from April 1994, in an area where no Tutsis had been killed during the genocide. Despite the commune being safe for Tutsis, RPF special forces killed up to 3 000 Hutus there, he testified.

Between two and three thousand [civilians] were executed in the commune of Giti, and were buried in mass graves and latrines. Thousands of other victims were brought to Gabiro. It was a killing hub, above all isolated and near Akagera Park … At one point, victims from areas surrounding Giti began to arrive in military trucks, on their way to Gabiro, where they were simply eliminated.

Massacres in northern Rwanda before the Genocide

Anumber of former RPF soldiers testified that Hutu civilians were attacked prior to the genocide, in particular in northern Rwanda. 

One soldier said that as soon as the RPF seized an area — which he referred to as a “liberated zone” — Hutus living there were systematically slaughtered.

The [RPF] was convinced that Hutus were uncontrollable, so it was better to get rid of them. That’s why a systematic ethnic cleansing was organised in these ‘liberated zones’. Two methods were used to achieve this goal. The RPF would organise murderous attacks, where hundreds of Hutu peasants were killed. The survivors would then flee and empty the zone. The RPF would also spread rumours about imminent attacks, a tactic that would cause peasants to flee.

A RPF soldier who served in the northwestern region near Ruhengeri testified that in 1993, the purpose of his unit was to “kill the enemy and bury or burn their corpses.” The soldier said he was part of this unit until August 1994. 

The goal of our group was to kill Hutus. That included women and children. We killed many people, maybe 100 000. Our unit killed on average between 150 and 200 people a day. People were killed with a cord [around their neck], a plastic bag [over their head], a hammer, a knife, or with traditional weapons [machete, panga]. The bodies were then put into mass graves or sometimes burned.

In their summary report, SIU investigators cited a host of methods used by the RPF to kill victims, including strangling them with cords, smothering them with bags, pouring burning plastic on their skin, and hacking Rwandans with hoes and bayonets.

The RPF infiltration of Interahamwe 

According to three testimonies, RPF soldiers wore uniforms seized from the [Hutu government] Rwandan Armed Forces (FAR) and used government-issued weapons to commit crimes in false flag operations. One former RPF soldier described the logic behind RPF attacks against civilians in a demilitarised zone before the genocide:

The most important task was to destabilise the regime by killing civilians. Once they [the RPF] withdrew, they spread the rumour that the [Habyarimana] regime was incapable of protecting civilians.

These RPF commandos, known as “technicians”, embedded within the Interahamwe, were stationed in zones controlled by the Interahamwe and participated in killing civilians at road blocks during the genocide, according to the witness. “They even killed Tutsis,” said one former RPF soldier.

Coalition: Then Rwandan president Pasteur Bizimungu and his deputy, Paul Kagame, in July 1994. Photo: Alexander Joe/AFP/Getty Images

Another former RPF soldier, who was based in Kigali from April to July 1994, witnessed similar events. He told investigators that RPF commandos dressed up as government soldiers or disguised themselves as members of the Interahamwe, and used machetes to kill Tutsi civilians at roadblocks. The witness claimed the RPF deployed more than two battalions of these commandos in the capital alone

They checked IDs [and] killed people by machete exactly like the Interahamwe, so no one would be suspicious.

False flag operations continued until well after the end of the genocide, according to various testimonies. 

Triggering the bloodbath

Early on in the genocide, it was widely believed that Hutu hardliners were responsible for shooting down the president’s plane in a bid to hold on to power. The belief in this hypothesis remains widespread. However, RPF informants told the tribunal that the RPF planned and executed the attack on Habyarimana’s plane. 

A number of former RPF soldiers said the RPF unearthed secret weapons caches immediately preceding the 6 April attack to prepare for battle. Sources told the SIU that Kagame and his senior commanders held three meetings to prepare the attack. In the summary report, UN investigators “confirmed” the existence of a RPF team in charge of surface-to-air missiles, which were allegedly transported to Kigali from the RPF’s military headquarters in northern Rwanda, near the Ugandan border. SIU documents named the individuals who allegedly brought the missiles into the capital, hid them and fired them on April 6, 1994, and included Kagame and Nyamwasa as potential targets for indictment.

One witness testified that before the attack on the plane, on the night of 6 April, RPF soldiers were told to get ready:

On 6 April 1994 at 19:00 hours, the order was received from Kayonga to be on ‘stand-by one’. This meant to be in full battle dress and ready for an attack. All the companies moved outside the camp into the trenches … At approximately 20:30 hours, I saw the president’s plane crash.

Another witness was later told by an intelligence agent that the RPF was indeed behind the plane attack:

He told me that it was the RPF who shot down Habyarimana’s plane. When he realised his indiscretion, he threatened me with reprisals if I didn’t keep it to myself.

The testimonies support the work of an earlier investigation undertaken in 1997 by the ICTR, by a lawyer called Michael Hourigan, who collected evidence indicating that the RPF was behind the plane attack. Louise Arbour, the UN tribunal’s chief prosecutor at the time, shut down the probe and told Hourigan that she did not have the mandate to investigate acts of terror, according to a number of interviews Hourigan gave after he quit his job in frustration with her decision. In later years, Arbour told The Globe and Mail newspaper that Kagame’s government blocked efforts to investigate RPF crimes and the tribunal did not have the resources to carry out such an inquiry safely.

In 2000, Carla Del Ponte, who took over after Arbour, made it clear she intended to indict the RPF.  “For me, a victim is a victim, a crime falling within my mandate as the [Rwanda tribunal’s] prosecutor is a crime, irrespective of the identity or ethnicity or the political ideas of the person who committed the said crimes,” she said in a speech in 2002. “If it was Kagame who had shot down the plane, then Kagame would have been the person most responsible for the genocide,” she later said at a symposium organised by the French Senate.

But in 2003, the US government warned Del Ponte that if she went ahead with her plans to indict the RPF, she would be fired, according to her memoir. Within a few months of a tense meeting she had with Pierre-Richard Prosper — then US Ambassador for War Crimes Issues, who had served as a prosecutor for the ICTR from 1996 to 1998 — Del Ponte was removed from the ICTR. 

According to this leaked memo, dated 2003, Prosper struck a deal with the court to transfer jurisdiction for prosecuting RPF crimes — and evidence of RPF crimes collected by UN investigators — from the UN tribunal to the Rwandan government.

Prosper is currently a partner at Arent Fox, where he advises and represents the Rwandan government in international arbitration and litigation, according to the firm’s website . Prosper did not respond to our request for comment. 

Hassan Jallow, Del Ponte’s successor, who oversaw the court’s prosecution until it closed in 2015, was ultimately unwilling to indict the RPF. In 2005, he defended the ICTR’s decision not to prosecute the RPF, writing that Kagame’s army had “waged a war of liberation and defeated the Hutu government of the day, putting an end to genocide.”

Since 1994, several other UN agencies have investigated RPF attacks on Hutu civilians, both inside Rwanda and in neighbouring countries. These reports were also suppressed, or became the focus of vigorous denials from Kigali. Although they address other alleged crimes of the RPF, they corroborate the SIU’s general findings that the RPF committed widespread, targeted crimes against Hutus. 

Robert Gersony, a US consultant, was hired by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in the summer of 1994 to assess whether it was safe for Hutu refugees who had fled Rwanda to neighbouring countries to return home. Gersony’s 1994 report was never officially made public, but according a version that was leaked in 2010, investigators concluded that the RPF killing of Hutus during the genocide was “systematic” and resulted in the death of tens of thousands of civilians. 

Taking the capital: RPF soldiers gather on a road on 26 May 1994 to prepare to march into Kigali. Photo: Scott Peterson/Liaison

A senior official of the UN’s peacekeeping force in Rwanda said Gersony gave a verbal briefing in which he put forward evidence that the RPF had carried out a “calculated, pre-planned and systematic genocide against the Hutus.”

The UN Mapping Report, which investigated abuses committed by pro-Rwandan forces in the DRC between March 1993 and June 2003, concluded that attacks against Hutu civilians in that country, “if proven before a competent court, could be characterised as crimes of genocide.”

Despite the Mapping Report findings, the RPF has never been prosecuted for its alleged crimes in the DRC. Human rights advocates such as Denis Mukwege, a Congolese doctor who won the Nobel peace prize in 2018 for treating women who have experienced sexual violence, have repeatedly called on the international community to set up a tribunal to try all perpetrators of atrocities and end the culture of impunity in the DRC. Nevertheless, the UN High Commission for Human Rights, whose investigators authored the 550-page Mapping Report, has chosen to keep its database of suspected perpetrators confidential

Efforts by France to investigate the shooting down of Habyarimana’s plane have similarly failed to establish any accountability. In 2006, after a lengthy investigation, a French judge issued arrest warrants for several RPF officials in connection with the assassination of the Rwandan president, a move that triggered a diplomatic row between Kigali and Paris. 

Supporters of incumbent President Paul Kagame carry a large photograph of him during the campaign’s closing rally in Kigali, on August 2, 2017. (Marco Longari/AFP)

In December 2018, a court dismissed the case against the RPF, citing insufficient evidence to proceed to a trial and, on 3 July this year, an appeals court in Paris confirmed the decision and agreed not to reopen an investigation.  

Researchers have recently attempted to estimate the number of victims of violence, both Tutsi and Hutu. In January, the Journal of Genocide Research published several studies that estimated between 500 000 to 600 000 Tutsis were killed during the genocide, and between 400 000 and 550 000 Hutus lost their lives in the 1990s.

Marijke Verpoorten, an academic at the University of Antwerp, says it remains impossible to establish a reliable death toll of the killings of Hutus. Instead, she attempts to estimate how many Hutu lives were lost in the 1990s, either as a direct result of violence, or indirectly, after the rapid spread of contagious diseases in refugee camps, and the dire war conditions. She arrives at a “guesstimate” of 542 000, although admits there is a very large uncertainty interval.

Yet only one ethnic group has been internationally recognised as victims. Inside Rwanda, community-based gacaca courts tried more than 1.2-million alleged perpetrators of the Tutsi genocide. An official genocide survivor fund does not recognise Hutus who were killed, even if they lost their lives trying to protect Tutsis. Hutus are not allowed to publicly grieve their loved ones or request justice for RPF crimes in Rwanda. 

After formally closing, the ICTR became a residual tribunal — now called the International Residual Mechanism for Criminal Tribunals (MICT) — and continues to search for high-profile, alleged Hutu génocidaires. In May, French police arrested 87-year-old Félicien Kabuga, who had lived in hiding for 26 years. He stands accused of financing the genocide against Tutsis by funding an extremist radio station. Kabuga has denied the allegations and is currently in the Hague awaiting a trial. 

The MICT did not respond when asked for comment on prosecuting RPF officials.

Never indicted: Rwandan President Paul Kagame greets a crowd after addressing supporters at the closing rally of his presidential campaign in Kigali in August 2017. (Photo: Marco Longari/AFP)

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Judi Rever
Judi Rever is a freelance print and broadcast journalist who started her career with Radio France Internationale before working for the wire service Agence France-Presse, reporting from Africa and the Middle East.
Benedict Moran
Benedict Moran is an award-winning journalist and independent filmmaker.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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Finally the well-known Truth Comes Out. After suffering THE LONG years, telling the world that Kagame and his RPF criminal organization masterminded the Rwandan genocide that they later recalled Genocide against Tutsis. Our lives were nothing but suffering these last 26 years, even more beginning October 1st, 1990. we are calling the United States of America, United Kingdom and Great Britain in particular, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Germany to return to hidden classified archives and support Honorable Tito Rutaremara about What really happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994 across the country about RPF infiltration methods in Habyarimana all instances, assassinations, disappearances, mass-slaughters across Rwanda,fabricated Gacaca institutions,ICTR biased judgments & condemnations,. NOTHING LASTS FOREVER.

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Rwanda: A mapping of crimes in the book "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF by Judi Rever Be the last to know: This video talks about unspeakable Kagame's crimes committed against Hutu, before, during and after the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda. The mastermind of both genocide is still at large: Paul Kagame

KIBEHO: Rwandan Auschwitz

Kibeho Concetration Camp.

Mass murderers C. Sankara

Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.

Prof. Allan C. Stam

The Unstoppable Truth

Prof. Christian Davenport

The Unstoppable Truth Prof. Christian Davenport Michigan University & Faculty Associate at the Center for Political Studies

The killing Fields - Part 1

The Unstoppable Truth

The killing Fields - Part II

The Unstoppable Truth

Daily bread for Rwandans

The Unstoppable Truth

The killing Fields - Part III

The Unstoppable Truth

Time has come: Regime change

Drame rwandais- justice impartiale

Carla Del Ponte, Ancien Procureur au TPIR:"Le drame rwandais mérite une justice impartiale" - et réponse de Gerald Gahima

Sheltering 2,5 million refugees

Credible reports camps sheltering 2,500 million refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed. The UN refugee agency says it has credible reports camps sheltering 2,5 milion refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.

Latest videos

Peter Erlinder comments on the BBC documentary "Rwanda's Untold Story Madam Victoire Ingabire,THE RWANDAN AUNG SAN SUU KYI

Rwanda, un génocide en questions

Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en... par BernardLugan Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en questions"

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Everything happens for a reason

Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.

Hutus didn't plan Tutsi Genocide

Kagame, the mastermind of Rwandan Genocide (Hutu & tutsi)

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