A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Showing posts with label Habyarimana. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Habyarimana. Show all posts
Tuesday, January 31, 2012
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| Prof. Filip Reyntjes |
Le 10 janvier dernier, les juges Trévidic et Poux ont communiqué aux parties un rapport d'expertise sur la destruction en vol, le 6 avril 1994, de l'avion présidentiel rwandais, événement déclencheur du génocide. Il ne s'agit pas d'un rapport des juges, mais d'un important élément versé au dossier d'instruction qui contient de très nombreuses autres informations.
Ce qui est nettement moins normal est la façon dont la presse et certains autres commentateurs ont immédiatement tiré des conclusions péremptoires et définitives, alors qu'ils n'avaient pas lu le rapport, couvert par le secret de l'instruction, et qu'ils ne pouvaient se baser que sur ce que les avocats des mis en examen en aient dit et, peut-être, sur leur propre intime conviction. Ils font ainsi dire au rapport ce qu'il ne dit pas, en l'occurrence que l'attentat a été commis par les FAR de Habyarimana. Des propos parfois très durs et définitifs ont été tenus. Ceux qui ont osé suggérer que le FPR pourrait être derrière l'attentat sont accusés de négationnisme et ceux qui n'adhèrent pas à ce qui semble être soudainement devenu politiquement correct sont violemment pris à partie, voire même intimidés.
Ainsi, les avocats des mis en examen annoncent qu'ils vont porter plainte pour "tentative d'escroquerie au jugement en bande organisée". Certaines de ces affirmations pourraient bien avoir pour but d'orienter la suite de l'instruction, puisque, maintenant que "la vérité est connue", il serait plus difficile pour les juges de conclure à une autre vérité.
Ayant fait des recherches sur cette affaire, j'ai été fort sollicité par les médias qui souhaitaient entendre mes commentaires. J'ai systématiquement refusé de me prononcer, puisque je ne pouvais commenter un rapport que je n'avais pas lu. Maintenant que le rapport d'expertise est disponible grâce à une fuite dont j'ignore l'origine, une analyse peut être proposée. Elle débouche sur des conclusions bien moins tranchées que celles qu'on a pu entendre ces dernières semaines.
Le rapport d'expertise tente de donner des réponses à deux questions principalement : l'endroit d'où les missiles ont été tirés et le type des missiles utilisés. Deux données techniques autorisent les experts à désigner les endroits de tir les plus probables: d'une part, le point d'impact du missile qui a touché l'avion, d'autre part des données acoustiques sur le bruit du souffle de départ des missiles que des témoins ont entendu. Notons que l'expert acousticien ne s'est pas rendu sur les lieux, mais a effectué une simulation sur un terrain militaire en France. Quant à l'endroit où l'avion a été touché, les experts se basent sur une approche normale, alors que l'avion aurait pu être dévié de sa trajectoire par le premier missile ou que le pilote aurait pu effectuer une manœuvre d'évitement, possibilité d'ailleurs signalée dans le rapport. Sur cette double base technique, l'expertise privilégie deux endroits à l'intérieur du domaine militaire de Kanombe, le cimetière et une position en bas du cimetière, tout en notant que la zone Masaka se situe dans le prolongement des endroits retenus.
Les experts estiment également que la position de Masaka est la meilleure de celles étudiées et que celles retenues offrent une probabilité d'atteinte de l'avion moins élevée, mais qu'elle était suffisante pour que, sur les deux missiles tirés, l'un d'eux puisse toucher l'avion. Plusieurs points doivent être notés à ce sujet. D'abord, contrairement à ce qu'ont affirmé de nombreux commentateurs, ces endroits ne se trouvent pas à l'intérieur du camp militaire de Kanombe (ce qui en toute probabilité désignerait les FAR), mais à la lisière d'un vaste domaine militaire d'une centaine d'hectares. Ce domaine n'était ni clôturé ni gardé. Les experts estiment en outre que le périmètre de lancement pourrait s'étendre vers l'Est ou le Sud, de l'ordre d'une centaine de mètres voire plus, ce qui situerait l'endroit de tir en dehors du domaine militaire.
Ensuite, deux importants témoins cités dans le rapport ont vu les traînées des missiles à travers la baie vitrée à l'arrière de la maison qui est située à la limite du domaine et qui est orientée vers la vallée de Masaka. Dans une déposition faite devant l'auditorat militaire belge le 13 avril 1994, une semaine après les faits, le colonel médecin Daubresse déclare qu'il a vu "regardant en direction de l'est (c'est-à-dire les environs de Masaka), monter de la droite vers la gauche, un projectile propulsé par une flamme rouge-orange" à une distance maximale de cinq km et une distance minimale de un km (les deux endroits retenus par les experts se situent à 116 et 203 mètres respectivement de la maison). Cette observation est confirmée le même jour par son collègue le colonel médecin Pasuch. Ces deux témoins ne situent donc pas le départ des missiles à l'intérieur du domaine militaire, mais dans la direction de la vallée de Masaka.
Enfin, puisque le lieu dit "La Ferme" dans la vallée à côté de Masaka a été cité comme lieu de départ des missiles, il est étonnant qu'aucun témoin de Masaka n'ait été entendu par les experts ni dès lors que leurs déclarations aient été vérifiées du point de vue acoustique. Or en octobre 1994 des témoins de Masaka m'ont dit avoir vu les missiles partir des environs de "La Ferme", et cela à un moment où ni eux ni moi ne nous rendions compte de l'enjeu que constitue l'endroit de départ des tirs. On constate donc que l'expertise technique ne correspond pas forcément aux observations de témoins oculaires, et il appartiendra à l'instruction d'évaluer la force probante de ces données contradictoires.
Quant aux missiles utilisés, le rapport d'expertise conclut, par un processus d'élimination, à la probabilité qu'il s'est agi de SA16 d'origine soviétique. Les experts soulignent que leur conclusion n'est pas influencée par la découverte, près de "La Ferme" quelques semaines après l'attentat, de deux tubes de lancement de missiles SA16. Les experts notent que 50 à 60 heures de formation sont nécessaires pour pouvoir se servir de ces armes et qu'un novice ne peut pas mettre en œuvre un tel système. Or les anciennes FAR ne possédaient pas de missiles sol-air (elles avaient en vain tenté d'en acquérir), alors que le FPR s'en était servi pendant la guerre. Le juge Bruguière avait déjà établi que les missiles dont les lanceurs ont été trouvés près de "La Ferme" avaient été vendus par l'Union soviétique à l'Ouganda. Mes sources haut placées dans l'armée ougandaise affirment qu'ils faisaient partie d'un lot plus tard cédé au FPR.
Ces quelques constats montrent simplement que ceux qui ont affirmé qu'avec le rapport d'expertise, "la vérité est connue" aiment les histoires simples. Même si je pense toujours que les faisceaux d'indications désignent plutôt le FPR que les FAR comme auteur de l'attentat, je ne prétends pas connaître la vérité. Ce sera aux juges Trévidic et Poux de décider, à l'issue de leur instruction, sur base de tous les éléments du dossier et –surtout? en toute indépendance, si oui ou non il sera nécessaire de transmettre le dossier pour poursuites éventuelles. Puisque le gouvernement rwandais a salué le sérieux des deux juges, il faut espérer que leur décision mettra fin à une controverse vieille de près de 18 ans.
African SurViVors International (AS International) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
AS International centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
AS International’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
Wednesday, January 11, 2012
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]
Sunday, December 18, 2011
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]
A man who was seen as a key organiser of the Rwandan genocide has had his sentence reduced from life to 35 years.
Theoneste Bagosora was a senior figure in Rwanda's ministry of defence at the time of the massacres.
General Paul Kagame, the probably mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide remains at large. To help Rwandans to reconcile, Paul Kagame should be apprehended and brought to JUSTICE. To understand the issue, we call on our readers to listen tothe French Professor Lugan here below:
Génocide rwandais : renversement de perspective
Geüpload door realpolitiktv. - De allerlaatste nieuwscontent.
[In 1994 around 800,000 people - mostly from the Tutsi ethnic group - were killed in just 100 days.=> This is the refrain (from Vulgar Latin refringere, "to repeat", and later from Old French refraindre) repeated in Kagame's music or in verse; the "chorus" of RPF followers'song to hide the Truth about millions of Hutus and Tutsis mass-slaughtered by Paul Kagame. RPF and Kagame pro-media will always repeat it as to insist on Kagame's scenario about the 1994 tragic events].
The UN-backed International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) convicted Bagosora of genocide and crimes against humanity three years ago.
He was arrested 15 years ago in Cameroon and his trial at the Rwanda tribunal in the Tanzanian city of Arusha began in 2002.
Appeal judges in Arusha cleared him of some of the charges he faced, including ordering killings at roadblocks in the capital, Kigali.
But his convictions for genocide and crimes against humanity were upheld.
Co-accused to be freed
The BBC's East Africa correspondent Will Ross says he decision has angered some Rwandans who are are questioning why a man who played such a key role in the genocide would have his sentence reduced.
Around 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed in Rwanda in 1994 They point to the fact that many others who were lowing ranking genocide convicts were given life sentences.
In 1994, Bagosora was chief of staff in the ministry of defence and effectively in charge of the soldiers who took part in the massacres.
The killings began after the plane carrying Rwanda's then-President Juvenal Habyarimana was shot down on 6 April 1994, killing everyone on board.
The appeals court found that he knew the crimes were going to be committed and did nothing to stop them, the AFP news agency reports.
At his trial, Bagosora, who is a Hutu, maintained he was a victim of propaganda by Rwanda's current Tutsi-dominated government.
Bagosora is 70 years old. With time already served, his 35-year sentence will see him imprisoned until he is 89.
One of the men convicted alongside Bagosora, Anatole Nsengiyumva, has had his sentence reduced on appeal to 15 years, and will be released because of time served, says AFP.
African SurViVors International (AS International) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
AS International centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
AS International’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, July 31, 2011
Majority rule and minority rights
To better understand majority rule and minority rights we need to observe the definitions of each. First, majority rule is the concept that policies will be determined by what the majority of the people decides. While this majority of the people decide for everyone ( including minorities) there have been laws set forth in the Constitution that protect the basic rights of minorities regardless of race, gender, religious affiliation or sexual preference. Secondly, minority rights are the basic rights attributed to certain minority groups to ensure that they attain equality and have a voice in political decisions even when the majority wins over them. These two are related to each other in that the framers designed the government to restrict or impede the majority from hindering or taking away the rights of the minority.
The role of threat and fear leads President Kagame and RPF to more bloodshed, repressions and police state strengthening.
It is easy to look at
The remarkable character of the strategy becomes apparent when one remembers that the paradigm usually favoured by international mediators following conflict is to explicitly balance the interests of ethnic or sectarian groups in the constitutional re-design of the nation. What happened in Rwanda
The economic progress should underpin the rule of law
The purpose of the prohibition, it states, is „…to remove ethnic labelling as the basis for discrimination, denial of service and policy-making...‟ and „…to calm down ethnic passion and to silence ethnic identification and promote a narrative of national identity in order to nurture an environment for inter-communal peace and dialogue…‟
The ability of the regime to control its population
Internal order is assured in part because the Rwandan state has an effective intelligence service, police force, and military capable of controlling the population and securing the small territory it inhabits.
The implication being that in the absence of this external constraint, grievances - ethnic, regional, or otherwise - may rise to the surface.
From autocracy to democracy in the police state of Rwanda
Does the Rwandan government have legitimate concerns regarding the possible consequences of political liberalization and the protection of the country’s Tutsi minority is rightfully high among these concerns? The answer is No. A
Advocates of greater political freedom and human rights norms - whose energies are often focused on the concerns of politically-weaker government opponents - should not underestimate the risk posed by potentially divisive individuals within Rwandan society.
It is a risk heightened byRwanda ’s highly unusual ethnic demography, one which distinguishes it from most other sub-Saharan states: Rwanda
Accumulation of the pressure cooker: Vision 2020, RPF government strategy is built upon the sand of lies.
It is a risk heightened by
Accumulation of the pressure cooker: Vision 2020, RPF government strategy is built upon the sand of lies.
Mindful of these concerns, the Rwandan government is sensitive to criticism that it wrongly equates the existential survival of the Tutsi minority with the political survival of the regime and its ruling elite.
While political liberalization then may seem perilous to the regime, in the longer-term the alternative may not be better. In the absence of a change in political culture, continued political exclusion may force the steam of ethnic or indeed other „grievances‟ to simply continue to accumulate inside the pressure cooker. This has a dangerous self-reinforcing logic: the government will feel compelled to exert even more control to counter even more pressure.
Post-conflict stability with economic growth, strong leadership without strong institutions
In sum, post-conflict stability premised on economic growth and strong leadership - but without political liberalization in the longer term - may have a finite duration and a possibly dramatic ending.
In the absence of a re-opening of political space, Rwanda
The optimal strategy for a peaceful transition of power then would be a gradual increase in political space so that Rwanda's formal state institutions and civil and political society are able to emerge as mature and independent counterweights to the ruling party.
The repeat of same or previous errors with the with the exclusion of Hutu majority
It accentuated differences between the Hutu majority and Tutsi minority, reinforcing a sense of racial superiority in the latter and privileging this group with positions of authority and power.
Exception that might speed up the regime change : Hutu and Tutsi opponents united against the autocratic regime.
The press, civil society and opposition parties are deprived of freedom to operate freely. President Kagame and the RPF ruling party that he leads depend on repression to stay in power.‟ These four individuals had held high-level positions in the government: Dr. Théogène Rudasingwa, former Chief of Staff to President Kagame, former Secretary-General of the RPF, and former Ambassador to the United States; Gerald Gahima, former Prosecutor-General and Vice-President of the Supreme Court; Colonel Patrick Karegeya, former head of Rwanda‟s intelligence service; and Lieutenant-General Kayumba Nyamwasa, former Chief of Staff of the Rwandan army and former Ambassador to India.
The direct causes of the regime change: (i) democratization; (ii) the civil war; and (iii) assassination of the Head of State and (IV) the planed power vacuum which Tutsi extremists and RPF exploited to capture the state.
The rise of ethnic inequality, income inequality, humiliation, and social exclusion will undoubtedly lead to the inevitable conflict.
Democratization represented an internal political threat to the ruling elite, and an opportunity for Rwanda
On the other hand, primary education careless, educational inequality between Hutu and Tutsis and peasantry are suffering from the chauvinistic RPF regime. Data on jobs is generally poor in Rwanda
Increasing of anger related to ethnic discrimination and ethnic inequality
In Rwanda the government has outlawed ethnic identification making it difficult to know or even to discuss openly whether Tutsi have been favored over Hutu in the allocation of public sector and para-statal and even private jobs, or in educational places and overseas scholarships.
The over-representation of Tutsi in government jobs and educational placements remains a fact in Rwanda , and persists to a great significant extent that causes protests inside Rwanda
Remarkable economic growth due to the illegal exploitation of the DRC mineral resources
Rwanda’s economic progress since the genocide is remarkable, and due in large part to the illegal exploitation of the DRC mineral resources, and the position of strength the RPF that holds vis-à-vis Rwandan society and vis-à-vis its political opponents.
In 2001, a UN investigation into the illegal exploitation of natural resources in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) published a report suggesting links between members of the Rwandan military and civilian regime and private entities involved in the export of cassiterite, coltan, gold, and diamonds among other minerals from the DRC.
The distribution of resources between ethnic groups remains a constant source of grievance by the majority Hutu. As mentioned earlier, the exclusion of allegations of war crimes committed by the RPF against the Hutu population from Rwanda’s transitional justice process, gacaca courts, and the brainwashing Ingando publically to promote inter-ethnic reconciliation and national unity within Rwanda plus Umushyikirano, Rwanda‟s annual National Dialogue, like ingando remains the longstanding grievance of the Hutu community.
Lack of rule-based governance
The RPF refuses to adhere to democratic values because of next points: (i) competitive, multi-party politics leads to ethnic polarization; and (ii) democratic elections, given Rwanda’s unusual bi-ethnic demography (85% Hutu, 14% Tutsi and 1% Twa, carry the risk of empowering a Hutu majority government and thus exposing its Tutsi to renewed persecution.
However, it is the independence rather than the effectiveness of Rwanda
The conclusion is that peace is most likely to endure if and only if Rwanda
(i) Rwanda‟s formal state institutions to establish greater autonomy from the current RPF regime and
(ii) Rwandan political and civil society – its political opposition and media in particular – to evolve as mature and independent counterweights to the ruling party.
It is in the regime’s long-term strategic self-interest to encourage such a change in political culture and increase its legitimacy in order to discourage attempts to b ring about regime change.
The Evidence
The Evidence
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, December 23, 2010
 |
| Els Schelfhout |
Als Minister van Staat Mark Eyskens door deze of gene redactie vanonder het stof wordt gehaald, is dat eerder omwille van zijn schampere opmerkingen over collegae-politici die het natuurlijk allemaal beduidend (nog) slechter doen dan hijzelf, dan omwille van zijn gezaghebbende mening. Zoveel is duidelijk. Of om het met andere woorden te zeggen: de meeste geloofwaardigheid wordt aan Mark Eyskens gehecht… door Mark Eyskens.
Enkele weken gelden werd hij echter, zij het in initieme kring en tegen zijn natuur in ver weg van de camera’s, nog eens ten tonele gevoerd. Plaats van het gebeuren: Château de Laurensart. Gastheren: Graaf en Gravin Hervé de Liedekerke. Eregast: de Rwandese president en massamoordenaar Paul Kagame. Was eveneens uitgenodigd (natuurlijk): gewezen Europees Commissaris en Europees Parlementslid Louis Michel. Brothers in arms.
‘Voor het Volk’ is de wapenspreuk van burggraaf – titel door overerving, of wat dacht u – Mark Eyskens.
‘Voor het Volk’. Dat is wellicht precies wat Kagame dacht toen hij op 6 april 1994 het vliegtuig met daarin zetelend president Habyarimana liet neerhalen en zo het startsein gaf voor een gruwelijke volkenmoord. Tijdens de daarop volgende maanden stierven minstens 800.000 Rwandezen, Tutsi’s èn Hutu’s. De daarop volgende jaren, en vandaag nog, stierven als direct gevolg van dit inferno, nog honderdduizenden Rwandezen, en miljoenen Congolezen.
’Voor het Volk’. Dat lachten Kagame en Eyskens elkaar wellicht toe, op 12 december laatstleden, toen ze de kristallen champagnecoupe hieven. Of zou het ‘Voor Onszelf’ geweest zijn?Moraliteit en Ethiek. Of zoals Mark Eyskens het ooit zelf verwoordde: “Politiek heeft altijd te maken met waarden en uiteindelijk met de vraag wat goed of kwaad is voor de mensen”. En hij vervolgde “Enkel in de verdediging van de rechtvaardigheid is gematigdheid geen deugd. Enkel in de verdediging van de vrijheid is extremisme geen ondeugd.”
Onder Kagame zal er nooit rechtvaardigheid, laat staan gerechtigheid zijn voor miljoenen Rwandezen. En vrijheid? Vraag het de oppositie, opgesloten, vervolgd en de mond gesnoerd.
© Els Schelfhout
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.