A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Thursday, January 30, 2014
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Kigali, 27 January 2014
I
would like to thank the Government of the Republic of Rwanda for
inviting me to carry out a visit to the country. I commend Rwanda for
being the first country in Africa to extend an invitation to my mandate
since its establishment by the Human Rights Council in October 2010. I
thank the Government for its excellent cooperation before and during the
conduct of this mission. I am most grateful to all interlocutors I have
met. I had fruitful exchanges with the Prime Minister, the Minister of
Justice, the Minister of Internal Security, the Minister of Local
Government, the Minister of Public Service and Labour, the Minister of
Trade and Industry, the Minister of East African Community, the
Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the
Inspector General of Rwanda National Police. Moreover, I had the
opportunity
to meet with the Governor of the South Province and the Mayor of Huye.
I
also met the Chief Justice, the President of the High Court, the
Prosecutor General, the Deputy Speaker of the Parliament, and the Chair
of the Committee on Unity, Human Rights and fight against Genocide of
the Chamber of Deputies and its members. I had meetings with the
National Unity and Reconciliation Commission, the Director of the
Directorate General of Immigration and Emigration, the Chief Executive
Officer of the Rwanda Governance Board, representatives of the Rwanda
Human Rights Commission, and national and international non-governmental
organizations, leaders of political parties, the Private Sector
Federation, and representatives of diplomatic missions.
As
Rwanda, and indeed the world, prepare to honour the memory of the
victims of the Genocide 20 years since 1994, I would like to extend my
best wishes and strength to the people of Rwanda, all of whom have been
touched by this most egregious of human rights violations. Bon courage. I
was humbled when I visited Rwanda during the 10th and 15th
commemorations of the Genocide against the Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
As
a Special Rapporteur, I am independent from the United Nations and I
work voluntarily in my personal capacity. The overarching purpose of my
visit to Rwanda is to contribute to the efforts it has undertaken in its
path towards democratization, greater protection of human rights, and
development with recommendations as to how Rwanda can better respect,
promote and implement international human rights law and standards as it
applies to the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association.
Rwanda
has come a long way since 1994. There has been remarkable progress in
developing infrastructure, building institutions and ensuring stability
and security. Twenty years is a short time in the life of a nation,
which makes the achievements all the more outstanding. Indeed few could
have predicted that the reconstruction of the Rwandan State could have
reached such broad and deep levels in 1994. I am truly impressed by the
resilience of the Rwandan people, the vibrancy of the economic sector,
the relatively low levels of corruption, efforts at providing universal
healthcare and social safety nets, and the neat and clean environment.
This must be recognized, and applauded.
In
the spirit of constructive dialogue, I wish to make some preliminary
observations and recommendations. The Government has assured me that it
sees this as an opportunity to consolidate the progress made over the
years towards the realization of the rights to freedom of peaceful
assembly and of association in the country.
Rwanda
has ratified key international human rights instruments and committed
itself to observe them. Moreover, in 2011 during the Universal Periodic
Review Rwanda accepted all recommendations pertaining to the freedoms I
am mandated to monitor. My assessment is guided by these principles.
Freedom of peaceful assembly
The
Constitution guarantees freedom of peaceful assembly. Law No. 33.91
provides for prior notification for demonstrations on public roads and
public assemblies. But it also then requires prior authorization for
assemblies in open air, on public roads or in a public space in the
interests of public safety, tranquillity or health. This creates an
inherent contradiction in requiring both prior notification and
authorization, paving the way for arbitrary decisions by the concerned
authorities.
I
firmly believe that the exercise of the right to freedom of peaceful
assembly should not be subject to authorization by the authorities. At
most, a prior notification procedure is sufficient, in order to
facilitate peaceful assemblies and to take measures to protect public
safety and order and the rights and freedoms of others. Moreover,
spontaneous assemblies should be recognized in law and exempted from
prior notification.
I
was informed that in practice only peaceful assemblies which
authorities favour are allowed to take place, such as the commemorations
marches organized by Ibuka, which are also facilitated by the
authorities. Peaceful protests voicing dissent and criticizing
Government policies are reportedly not allowed.
For
instance, students who presented a petition to the Prime Minister
protesting against the reduction of scholarships were arrested for
illegal demonstration. Similarly, members of a religious group who
staged a peaceful protest to submit a petition to the President were
arrested on the same ground. In addition, Mr Sylvain Sibomana, Secretary
General of the Unified Democratic Forces FDU-Inkingi, was arrested with
a fellow party member outside a courtroom while attending the trial of
Ms Victoire Ingabire, Chair of the same party. They both wore T-shirts
with the inscription “democracy and justice”. Mr Sibomana was injured by
law enforcement officials in the course of his arrest.
According
to the authorities, peaceful protests do not occur because there are
other avenues to express criticism and solve contentious issues. That is
well and good. However, not only are such avenues limited, but as
illustrated by the aforementioned cases, the fear of being targeted has
contributed to individuals and associations refraining from exercising
their right to peaceful assembly to voice their grievances.
From
my meeting with the Inspector General of the Police, it came out
clearly that law enforcement officials view peaceful assemblies solely
as an issue of ensuring public order, instead of adopting a human rights
based approach that would facilitate assemblies as an integral right of
every person in Rwanda to be protected robustly.
Let me emphasize that peaceful
assemblies should not be feared. Rather they should be encouraged for
there is value in expressing disagreement and differences peacefully and
publicly. Indeed, there is no better gauge of what citizens think than
peaceful protests. And it is in the interests of the state to allow
public and peaceful assemblies as a “release valve” in order to avoid
recourse to other means of dissent and disagreement that are not
desirable. As stated by the Human Rights Council, “everyone must be able
to express their grievances or aspirations in a peaceful manner,
including through public protests without fear of reprisals or of being
intimidated, harassed, injured… arbitrarily arrested [and] detained…”
(resolution 22/10).
The
undue restrictions on freedom of peaceful assembly have also impacted
negatively on the enjoyment of freedom of association as several
associations have been prevented from holding general assemblies, a key
requirement for forming a political party or a non-governmental
organization. Indeed, several political activists, holding dissenting
views, have been arrested for holding meetings to recruit members even
in bars.
Freedom of association
Non-governmental organizations
The
Constitution guarantees freedom of association. This right is further
elaborated in the recently enacted laws governing the organisation and
functioning of local and international non-governmental organizations
(NGOs). Although the legislation is an improvement from previous laws it
nevertheless has maintained onerous and burdensome conditions for
registration.
Local
NGOs are required to hold a general assembly in order to appoint their
legal representatives and office-bearers. Among other requirements, the
minutes of these meetings including the signatures of all those who
attended the general assembly should then be submitted to the regulatory
authority, the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB). In my discussions with
representatives from various organizations, it was apparent that while
some organizations were not required to notify local authorities prior
to holding their general assemblies, others - particularly the ones more
critical of government – reported that they had to get prior
authorization for these meetings. I urge the Government to ensure that
prior notification or authorisation is not required for associations to
hold private meetings.
To
organise a general assembly means expending considerable financial and
human resources, which many organizations can scarcely afford. Both
local and international NGOs are required to provide letters of
collaboration with authorities in the districts in which they operate.
Again the financial cost, time and energy it takes to obtain these
letters, from all districts in which the organizations wishes to
operate, constitutes a serious drain on the resources of organizations.
The Directorate of Immigration, which is responsible for the
registration of international NGOs, requires that in addition, they
provide evidence of funding for the period which they seek registration,
up to 5 years. Most funding sources are unable to guarantee funding for
multiple years. Many international NGOs are therefore forced to seek
annual
registration as they can only provide proof of financial resources for a
year at a time. The enormous time and energy necessary to put together
the registration requirements could be devoted to activities benefitting
the community.
The
contrast between the registration process for NGOs—a non-state
actor--and that of businesses—also a non-state actor--in the private
sector is striking. The business environment in Rwanda is notable for
the ease with which businesses can be registered and operate. It is one
reason for Rwanda’s economic transformation. A similar approach to the
civil society sector will yield significant economic, social and
political dividends, allowing for innovation and creativity.
As
I have stated in my first thematic report to the Human Rights Council
on best practices, registration procedures should be simple, non-onerous
and expeditious. I consider that the right to freedom of association
protects associations that are not registered and, in fact, registration
should be by choice of association members and not a pre-requisite for
the operation of associations.
Many
of the interlocutors I met highlighted the role of the RGB in the life
of local NGOs and faith-based organizations. Apart from registering
local NGOs, RGB also has the responsibility of monitoring whether local
NGOs and FBOs conform with domestic law. This broad language provides
unjustifiable room for RGB to interfere with the internal affairs of
local NGOs.
The
case of the Rwandan League for the Promotion and Defense of Human
Rights (LIPRODHOR) was brought to my attention in this regard. Of
particular concern is the partisan role that RGB reportedly played in
changing the leadership of LIPRODHOR under questionable circumstances.
Similarly, RGB was implicated in determining the leadership at the
Rwandan Collective of Leagues and Associations for the Defense of Human
Rights (CLADHO).
The
independence and ability of associations to run their internal affairs
without external interference is of paramount importance in the exercise
of the right to freedom of association. I see no justification for RGB
involving itself in leadership wrangles within local NGOs. Resolution of
such conflict should be the responsibility of the membership of the
organization and ultimately the courts, with RGB’s role purely to
endorse the leadership determined by the NGOs themselves or the courts.
As a general principle, Government’s role in the civil society sector
should mirror the role it plays in the private sector--solely that of
registering entities within the sector.
It
is abundantly evident to me that the Government of Rwanda has a clear
vision of where it wants the country to be by 2020. This vision of
development is inclusive and creates various spaces for interaction
amongst the different stakeholders. At the local level, interactions
take place in the context of Joint Action Development Forums (JADF) and
plans, and I understand that these collaborations have been fruitful.
Nevertheless,
I am concerned that the development partnerships between the Government
and local and international NGOs are of a compulsory nature. This is
evidenced by the necessity of collaboration letters, action plans that
must align with the development objectives of the district, down to the
level of activities, and in some cases demands for performance contracts
to be concluded between local authorities and all NGOs. In fact, the
perception of some in Government and in the civil society sector appears
to be that NGOs are implementers of Government policy.
In
order to protect the autonomy and independence of NGOs, I recommend
that any partnerships between Government and civil society be voluntary
rather than compulsory. In the development field, NGOs should be able to
determine and operate within their priority areas of concern without
interference or direction by authorities. This does not preclude areas
that authorities do not consider to be a priority. The power of
innovation is enhanced through openness. A multiplicity of interventions
and approaches will serve to strengthen the capacity of the sector to
respond to the needs of their beneficiaries and ultimately, to Rwandans
as a whole.
I
am also concerned by the stigmatization of local and international NGOs
that has persisted in State-controlled media, and from Government
officials, especially following the decisions of some donor agencies to
channel funding for development through NGOs. While there should be
transparency between donors and the State with regard to the sectors
they are supporting and how much, the same approach the State takes to
the private sector—which is regarded as a key actor in
development—should obtain. Moreover, labelling of civil society actors
who are critical of the Government as enemies of the State compromises
their safety.
Let
me also urge the Government to urgently complete its investigations, in
a transparent way, into the death of Mr Gustave Sharangabo Makonene
from Transparency International-Rwanda murdered in July 2013. As long as
the circumstances of his death remain unclear, this case has a chilling
effect on the NGO community in Rwanda.
Political parties
Concerning
political parties, I have observed a lack of space for individuals to
express dissenting views. The Government of Rwanda favours “consensus
politics” and discourages public criticism and dissent. I am concerned
that there is no genuine pluralistic society.
Indeed
it appears that every dissenting political leader who rejects this
consensus approach gets into legal trouble, with negations of the
genocide, divisionism, sectarianism, and even spreading rumors being the
favoured charges. In other cases, corruption charges for those who
leave the RPF are preferred. And in all such cases, these politicians
are accused of violence or having links with violent groups. This sends a
chilling and unacceptable message that peaceful public disagreement
with the Government is equivalent to criminality. The legitimate combat
against terrorism, and other security considerations, should not be used
as a bogeyman to restrict the right to freely associate.
This
is the case of Ms Victoire Ingabire, Mr Sylvain Sibomana and Mr Anselme
Mutuyimana from the FDU Inkingi, an opposition party denied
registration to date, as well as of Mr Bernard Ntaganda from the PS
Imberakuri. They were all sentenced from 4 to 15 years on similar
charges. The sentences of 5 years and more will ban them from ever
holding leadership positions in any political organization, according to
the Law governing political organizations and politicians. And in all
these cases, I was informed that they were being pressured to leave
their parties and join the RPF or its allied parties.
History
teaches us that not allowing peaceful dissent and branding a criminal
every politician who resists the consensus approach, increase the
attractiveness of alternative ways of dissent that are not helpful to
Rwanda, or its people. I was therefore heartened to hear the Justice
Minister’s assurance which I hope can be implemented that: “if you are
dissenting peacefully, please go ahead.”
Rwanda
favours a political order based on consensus led by the ruling party.
The Government and Parliament seem to agree that Rwanda needs to be more
cautious with political parties than with NGOs, given its recent
history. But 20 years since the Genocide, the successful reconstruction
of the Rwandan State should provide confidence to the Government that it
can and should allow peaceful dissent and disagreement. Whether
political parties decide to align with the Government is their choice,
but this should not be compulsory in law or in fact.
On
registration of parties, in addition to the barriers opposition
political parties face when required to hold general assemblies to
define their status, the overall process is long, laborious and, in far
too many instances, arbitrary. Technical reasons can never justify a
4-year delay to register, as it has been the case for the Green
party.
In
addition, it is crucial that individuals exercising the right to
associate, including opposition party members, are able to operate
freely and without fear. State officials’ public comments celebrating
the killing of an opposition politician inculcate fear within the
opposition.
Now
turning to the National Human Rights Commission of Rwanda, I note the
work it has undertaken in promoting and protecting human rights in the
country. However, relevant stakeholders should take adequate measures to
enhance the independence and capacity of the Commission.
I
call on the Office of the High Commissioner for Human rights and the
United Nations Development Programme to continue their efforts to
strengthen the capacity of civil society to engage on human rights
issues, without using State bodies as intermediaries. I also urge them
to continue their work capacitating State officials to meet their
obligations under international law. I further call on the international
community to especially continue providing political and financial
support to genuinely independent NGOs.
To
conclude, once again, I wish to state that the above preliminary
conclusions and recommendations are shared as a friend of Rwanda. I have
offered, and the Government has accepted, my help to further strengthen
the exercise of the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of
association.
I thank you for your attention.
END
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Sur ce même sujet, le communiqué du haut commissariat de l'ONU pour les droits de l'homme: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14204&LangID=E
Twenty years after genocide, Rwanda should pave the way towards peaceful dissent – UN expertKIGALI
/ GENEVA (28 January 2014) – United Nations Special Rapporteur Maina
Kiai commended the Rwandan Government on its economic development in the
20 years since the 1994 genocide, but urged that undue restrictions on
the freedoms of peaceful assembly and association be lifted so that the
country can expand its achievements to the fields of multiparty
democracy and human rights.
“I commend Rwanda for its remarkable progress in developing infrastructure, building institutions and ensuring stability and security over the past 20 years,” Mr Kiai said* at the end of his first official visit to the country. “These efforts have laid the foundation for a bright future for Rwanda.”
“I commend Rwanda for its remarkable progress in developing infrastructure, building institutions and ensuring stability and security over the past 20 years,” Mr Kiai said* at the end of his first official visit to the country. “These efforts have laid the foundation for a bright future for Rwanda.”
“The
next step is to build upon that foundation by developing a true
multiparty democracy and allowing space for peaceful dissent,” stressed
the independent expert charged by the UN Human Rights Council to monitor
and promote the realization of the rights to freedom of peaceful
assembly and of association worldwide.
Freedom of peaceful assembly
The
Rwandan Constitution guarantees freedom of peaceful assembly, but the
Special Rapporteur said he found that in practice, peaceful protests
criticising government policies were generally not allowed. He also
noted a “contradiction in requiring both prior notification and
authorisation, paving the way for arbitrary decisions by the
authorities.”
“Let
me emphasize that peaceful assemblies should not be feared,” the human
rights expert said. “Rather they should be encouraged. There is value in
expressing disagreement and differences peacefully and publicly.”
Freedom of association
Rwanda’s
constitution also guarantees the right to freedom of association, but
Mr Kiai said that in practice, there are onerous obstacles to
registration, limits on civil society’s freedom to operate in certain
fields, and government interference in the internal affairs of groups
deemed too critical of official policy.
The
Special Rapporteur also noted concern from many people that the body
charged with regulating local NGOs, the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB),
interfered in the internal affairs of some organizations.
“The
independence and ability of associations to run their internal affairs
without external interference is of paramount importance in the exercise
of the right to freedom of association,” he said. “I see no
justification for RGB involving itself in leadership wrangles within
local NGOs.”
The
independent expert drew attention to the “striking difference between
the registration process for NGOs and businesses.” Civil society groups
can take months to register, while businesses can be formed in six hours
or less.
“The
ease with which businesses can be registered and operate in Rwanda is
notable. It is one reason for the country’s economic transformation,” Mr
Kiai said. “A similar approach to the civil society sector would yield
significant economic, social and political dividends, allowing for
innovation and creativity.”
The Special Rapporteur observed “a lack of space” for individuals to express dissenting views in the political realm, due to the Government favouring a type of “consensus politics” that strongly discourages public criticism. Registration of political parties, he said, is also “long, laborious and, in far too many instances, arbitrary.” The Green Party, for example, spent four years securing its registration. Other key opposition parties remain unregistered.
“Every dissenting political leader who rejects this consensus approach appears to get into legal trouble, with the most common charges being denying the genocide, sectarianism, corruption, and even spreading rumours,” Kiai said. “In all such cases, these politicians are accused of violence or having links with violent groups. This sends a chilling and unacceptable message that peaceful public disagreement with the Government is equivalent to criminality.”
The Special Rapporteur observed “a lack of space” for individuals to express dissenting views in the political realm, due to the Government favouring a type of “consensus politics” that strongly discourages public criticism. Registration of political parties, he said, is also “long, laborious and, in far too many instances, arbitrary.” The Green Party, for example, spent four years securing its registration. Other key opposition parties remain unregistered.
“Every dissenting political leader who rejects this consensus approach appears to get into legal trouble, with the most common charges being denying the genocide, sectarianism, corruption, and even spreading rumours,” Kiai said. “In all such cases, these politicians are accused of violence or having links with violent groups. This sends a chilling and unacceptable message that peaceful public disagreement with the Government is equivalent to criminality.”
The
human rights expert highlighted the cases of Ms Victoire Ingabire, Mr
Sylvain Sibomana and Mr Anselme Mutuyimana from the FDU Inkingi, an
opposition party that has been unable to register to date, as well as of
Mr Bernard Ntaganda from the PS Imberakuri. They have all been
sentenced from four to fifteen years in prison on similar charges.
During his eight-day visit, Mr Kiai met State officials, members of the judiciary and of Parliament, representatives of the National Human rights Commission, members of civil society, and the diplomatic community.
The Special Rapporteur will present a final report on his visit to the Human Rights Council during its 26th session in June 2014.
During his eight-day visit, Mr Kiai met State officials, members of the judiciary and of Parliament, representatives of the National Human rights Commission, members of civil society, and the diplomatic community.
The Special Rapporteur will present a final report on his visit to the Human Rights Council during its 26th session in June 2014.
(*) Check the full end-of-mission statement by the Special Rapporteur: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14201&LangID=E
ENDS
Mr
Maina Kiai (Kenya) took up his functions as the first Special
Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of peaceful assembly and of
association on May 2011. Mr Kiai has been Executive Director of the
International Council on Human Rights Policy; Chair of the Kenya
National Human Rights Commission; Africa Director of the International
Human Rights Law Group; and Africa Director of Amnesty International. As
Special Rapporteur, he is independent from any Government or
organization and serves in his individual capacity.
Learn more, log on
to: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/AssemblyAssociation/Pages/SRFreedomAssemblyAssociationIndex.aspx
UN Human Rights, Country Page – Rwanda: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/countries/AfricaRegion/Pages/RWIndex.aspx
For more information and media requests, please contact Guillaume Pfeifflé (+41 797 520 485 / gpfeiffle@ohchrg.org) or Karen Blanc (+41 22 917 94 00 / kblanc@ohchr.org) or write to freeassembly@ohchr.org.
For more information and media requests, please contact Guillaume Pfeifflé (+41 797 520 485 / gpfeiffle@ohchrg.org) or Karen Blanc (+41 22 917 94 00 / kblanc@ohchr.org) or write to freeassembly@ohchr.org.
For media inquiries related to other UN independent experts:
Xabier Celaya, UN Human Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / xcelaya@ohchr.org)
Xabier Celaya, UN Human Rights – Media Unit (+ 41 22 917 9383 / xcelaya@ohchr.org)
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, January 24, 2014
January 23, 1997-January 23, 2014
It was Thursday.
CREATION OF THE DAY FOR THE DISAPPEARED IN RWANDA
Rwandans across the world should join the movement
The deadliest months -1997
January - february - march - April - May - June - July
La journée nationale des disparus Rwandais, le 23
janvier de chaque année, est l’occasion de rappeler que des centaines de
milliers de familles rwandaises sont séparées à cause de
du génocide rwandais planifié et mis à exécution par Paul Kagame ,
des assassinats multiples à travers le pays et en dehors de celui-ci,
et qu’elles ont le droit de savoir ce qu’il est advenu de leurs proches.
Paul Kagame et le gouvernment du FPR ont l'obligation, en vertu du droit
international humanitaire, de faire tout ce qui est en leur pouvoir pour
déterminer le sort des personnes disparues.
My brother disappeared on January 23 1997, It was Thursday
I remember those days distinctly. When Paul Kagame and RPF’s ethnic cleansing against the Hutu went ahead at a very large scale across Rwanda went ahead in 1996, then January 1997 the RPF soldiers, DMI and militias (local defense forces) targeted the Hutu student returnees, the Hutu community leaders, ex-FAR officers and soldiers, Hutu businessmen and rural peasants, teachers and intellectuals, among others and subjected them to arrest, inhuman torture and illegal killing.
Showing posts with label apolline. Show all posts Saturday, January 23, 2013
October 1996- October 1997 : mass-murder of hundreds of thousands of Returnees.
 |
| My brother : Bwanakweli Charles Kizito disappeared on January 23rd1997 and has never come back |
RPF Mass-murder, arbitrary executions, mass-arrest, mass-rape and disappearances of hundreds of thousands of returnees.
Observances and remembrance activities can occur during the week of Remembrance that runs from the January 23, 2014 through the following Thusday 30, 2014.
 |
My sister : Domitille Abimana
|
Yes we must always remember the Rwandan Genocide Day!
The deadliest years : 1996-1997: the years of the infamous mass murder of refugees in Zaïre (currently the Democratic Republic of the Congo) and mass-murder of hundreds of thousands of returnees +
Candles in
honor of and pay tribute to the hundreds of thousands of returnees, victims of
RPF barbarism.
I remember those days
distinctly. When Paul Kagame and RPF’s ethnic cleansing against the Hutu went
ahead at a very large scale across Rwanda went ahead in 1996, then January 1997
the RPF soldiers, DMI and militias (local defense forces) targeted the Hutu student
returnees, the Hutu community leaders, ex-FAR officers and soldiers, Hutu businessmen
and rural peasants, teachers and intellectuals, among others and subjected them
to arrest, inhuman torture and illegal killing.
For 20 years, Kagame and
RPF celebrate their victory (INTSINZI) while simultaneously destroying the
majority ethnic Hutu members’ right to life.
In total, more than 3 million family
members, relatives, fathers, sons, mothers and daughters—all innocent
citizens—were detained, tortured, disappeared and killed since 1990 up to now . Today, surviving families have no voice and remain marginalised from
the political process. Kagame and the RPF aunique party in the country, in their ongoing genocide ideology, have diverted the agenda of the disappearance movement, ensuring cultural, political, socio-economic control while avoiding crimes apology and recognition.
The deadliest month : January 1997
Genocaust, Gendercide, mass-murder, ethnic cleansing with extreme hatred, etc took place in Rwanda since RPF invaded the country and seized power in 1994 and still it continues. We have waited long enough
to see if the world still has any conscience to bring even masterminds of those
bloody mass-slaughter. NOTHING IS DONE . So right now Rwandans should launch the final onslaught
to liberate themselves forever from the clutches of RPF and Kagame oppression
and cannot afford to continue to fold their hands and watch THE EVIL and EVIL Advisors going ahead with the country's Destruction. Rwandan survivors should be the best patterns of
people to take care of themselves.
We had thought that somebody would have known that it is cheaper to prevent
sickness than to cure it but the world seems to say bring on the sickness so we
can deal with it. Nobody can justifiably pontificate and condemn any form of
action Rwandans might employ now to defend and extricate themselves from this
Evil – General Paul Kagame and Tony Blair, his adviser.
It only makes sense that the world should justify the usefulness of the various
regulatory and arbitration bodies it has put in place by acting now in the case
of Eastern of Congo and FDLR issues to end the Rwandan Tyrannical regime. Such
a situation can't remain the same forever.
The prefectures of Byumba, Ruhengeri and Gisenyi and later Gitarama and Kibungo have suffered the highest number of
the very planed massacres and extra judicial executions by RPA soldiers.
Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have received countless reports of unarmed civilians being
killed througouht the country by the RPA(and now RDF), in the wake of reported attacks by
the "fake infiltrators".
One day Kagame himself was saying that even a drum full of water can be
emptied by scooping it with spoons slowly but surely. This was meant to imply
that the Hutus will eventually be finished. What you see is what you get.
Several informants talked of how this logic was being applied in the Gacaca
courts, which have allegedly convicted people for crimes committed by their
fathers who have since died. One young woman who was only 10 at the time of the
genocide said, I am not willing to go back to Rwanda because my parents won't me back in Rwanda. I cannot go there
because to be back means to be under permanent humiliation, threat and to sum
up, to be in the same situation of my parents...
Returnees were facing arbitrary mass arrest or disappearance, rape and
mass-rape, the use of Aids as a weapon of war by RDF and local defense
militias, children are brainwashed, arbitrary executions and mass murder in
different public places including churches and schools during wedding
ceremonies and meetings. One man talked of how those who have recently went back
home have told him that Rwanda is not safe: they said that people are taken to
Gacaca and on clearing they are again collected from their homes and disappear
according to the planed genocide obviously from the 1,500-pages reporting names
of the must-be Hutus murdered issued by the written made-up African Rights
organization.
Individually their names might be cleared, but the ongoing ramifications
of being associated with the genocide continue to haunt people. Those who were
guilty and have been punished continue to live with the threat of future
punishment for the same crime, while those who are innocent but are associated
with the genocide however tenuously continue to live under suspicion.
It has been a seventy years of harrowing and most tortuous time for us but our
patience has run out and we can no longer watch helplessly while Kagame, Tony
Blair and their accomplices relish in the wanton destruction of the Rwandan
majority properties and murder of their children, mothers, fathers, wives,
brothers, sisters and friends.
It is only just in this life that the guilty be made to pay even when justice
served does not reverse the loss but it will palliate or ameliorate the agony
of the victim. Today the level of human rights abuses as practiced in Rwanda
are abhorring and cannot be condoned any longer. To get an idea about what is
going on in Rwanda, browse in our blog.
This stand is non-negotiable because all the people, Rwandans and Congolese
people (over 6 million) who have been murdered by General Kagame were murdered
for one purpose : Blood oil, bloody diamonds bloody tin and gold and extermination of the Hutu community, which is underway.
The world must be held responsible until this festering sore has been addressed
and justice meted out.
One important component
of sustainable peace in Rwanda is an effective and accessible TRUTH TELLING
MECHANISM. DISAPPEARENCES need to be made a national agenda and the family
agenda socialized to reintegrate thousands of families to respect the victims’
dignity. We need to speak out together for the TRUTH.
The prefectures of Byumba, Ruhengeri and Gisenyi and later Gitarama and Kibungo have suffered the highest number of the very planed massacres and extra judicial executions by RPA soldiers. Amnesty International and other human rights organizations have received countless reports of unarmed civilians being killed througouht the country by the RPA(and now RDF), in the wake of reported attacks by the "fake infiltrators".
Returnees were facing arbitrary mass arrest or disappearance, rape and mass-rape, the use of Aids as a weapon of war by RDF and local defense militias, children are brainwashed, arbitrary executions and mass murder in different public places including churches and schools during wedding ceremonies and meetings. One man talked of how those who have recently went back home have told him that Rwanda is not safe: they said that people are taken to Gacaca and on clearing they are again collected from their homes and disappear according to the planed genocide obviously from the 1,500-pages reporting names of the must-be Hutus murdered issued by the written made-up African Rights organization.
It has been a seventy years of harrowing and most tortuous time for us but our patience has run out and we can no longer watch helplessly while Kagame, Tony Blair and their accomplices relish in the wanton destruction of the Rwandan majority properties and murder of their children, mothers, fathers, wives, brothers, sisters and friends.
Thursday, January 23, 2014
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Rwanda - Kigali
Philippe Bernard dans «Les assassinats d'opposants rwandais inquiètent
les Etats-Unis au plus haut point » – Le Monde
du 23 janvier 2014
Deux semaines après la découverte
du meurtre commis à Johannesburg et attribué au régime de Kigali par
l'opposition, le chef de l'Etat rwandais avait averti, en une claire allusion
au sort de M. Karageya, mais sans le nommer : « La trahison a des conséquences. Quiconque
trahit notre cause ou souhaite du mal à notre peuple deviendra une victime. »
Qui donc a tué Patrick Karegeya ? M. Kagamé enfonce le clou dans le dernier numéro de l'hebdomadaire Jeune
Afrique : « Le terrorisme a un prix, la trahison a un prix,
déclare-t-il. On est tué comme on a soi-même tué. Chacun a la mort qu'il
mérite. »
Le président reproche à ses
opposants de chercher à parasiter l'anniversaire du génocide et les accuse de préparer des « actes terroristes ». Il est vrai
qu'en août 2010, au lendemain de la réélection pour sept ans de Paul Kagamé
émaillée d'attentats à la grenade à Kigali, le colonel aujourd'hui éliminé
avait déclaré : « Le changement ne peut pas venir par l'élection, mais par des moyens violents. »
Mis au ban du régime en 2004 après une décennie à la tête des services
secrets,emprisonné puis exilé en 2006, le colonel Karegeya, cofondateur du
Rwanda National Congress (opposition), n'est pas le premier haut responsable
tutsi, fidèle du président, rival potentiel et détenteur de secrets d'Etat, à être mis à l'écart.
Quatre jours avant d'être tué, probablement pas strangulation, Patrick Karegeya
avait adressé à un groupe religieux basé aux Etats-Unis une lettre terriblement accusatrice : « Jamais depuis
l'époque d'Idi
Amin [le dictateur sanguinaire au pouvoir en Ouganda entre 1971 et 1979] les services de
sécurité d'un Etat n'ont terrorisé un pays à un degré où ceux du Rwanda
répandent la peur et la terreur sur les citoyen de ce pays », a-t-il écrit
le 28 décembre. Charles Rwomushana, un analyste ougandais indépendant cité par
l'agence Associated Press, va dans le même sens : Paul Kagamé, dit-il, veut «
gérer les généraux en instillant la peur » car il
souhaite se reposer sur « une nouvelle génération »
d'officiers n'ayant aucun lien direct avec la rébellion qui l'a conduit au pouvoir.
L'éviction, en 2013, de
l'influent ministre de la justice
Tharcisse Karugarama, hostile à un troisième mandat du président que l'actuelle
Constitution n'autorise pas, semble participer de cette même stratégie. Ce contexte tendu peut expliquer le crescendo de la critique américaine d'un
régime dont les réels succès économiques, sociaux et sécuritaires ont longtemps
justifié les faveurs de Washington. Longtemps, la culpabilité née de la cécité
et de l'inaction occidentales au moment du génocide de 1994, culpabilité que le
régime sait parfaitement exploiter, a étouffé toute velléité de reproche.
TENSIONS RAVIVÉES AVANT
LE 20e ANNIVERSAIRE DU GÉNOCIDE
En 2010, après l'assassinat et
l'arrestation de plusieurs chefs de l'opposition,Washington avait stigmatisé «
une série d'actions inquiétantes (…) qui constituent des tentatives de
restreindre la liberté d'expression ». En juillet
2013, après la publication d'un rapport de Human Rights Watch décrivant la coopération
de Kigali avec les rebelles du mouvement M23 en République démocratique du Congo,
les Etats-Unis avaient haussé le ton en « exigeant que le Rwanda mette fin
immédiatement à toute forme d'aide » à ce
mouvement.
Conséquence, le M23,
instrumentalisé par le Rwanda pour contrôler les richesses de son voisin congolais, a été
vaincu militairement par les forces armées
de la RDC en novembre. Face à ces contentieux, les autorités de Kigali ont
toujours manié la rhétorique anti-impérialiste. Paul Kagamé dit aujourd'hui ne
pas accepter la logique selon laquelle « seules les grandes
puissances ont le droit et l'intelligence de dire qui est terroriste et qui ne l'est pas ». Et un
représentant du Rwanda à l'ONU a invité les Etats-Unis à « s'occuper d'Al-Qaida
et [à] laisser les Rwandais s'inquiéter du terrorisme auquel ils font face ».
A l'été 2012, Washington avait
gelé sa modeste assistance militaire – 200 000 dollars annuels (147 000 euros)
– pour cause de recrutement d'enfants-soldats dans les rangs du M23. A la fin
2012, Londres, autre grand allié du régime Kagamé, a annoncé le gel de son aide
budgétaire. L'approche de l'anniversaire du génocide, qui va braquer l'attention du monde entier sur ce petit pays,
pourrait raviver les tensions. Les opposants sont dénoncés non
seulement comme des « terroristes » mais comme des « révisionnistes »
désireux de jeter le trouble sur la mémoire des massacres qui, en cent
jours, d'avril à juillet 1994, ont causé la mort de 800 000 personnes, des
Tutsi pour l'essentiel.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Subscribe to:
Posts
(Atom)
AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.