© As International - Community for SurViVors

Saturday, September 29, 2018

Getting away with genocide in Rwanda

By Brian Obara

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Let us recall that the RPF started its methodical killings to eliminate the Hutu elite when it murdered Emmanuel Gapyisi and Félicien Gatabazi in the early 1990s.

By Brian Obara
Journalists for justice / 08 June 2018

Did Paul Kagame’s commandoes who had infiltrated the Hutu militia fuel and escalate the genocide in Rwanda? And did the United Nations bury evidence of the involvement of Kagame’s forces in the genocide?

Like a nugget of gold panned from a muddy river, Rwanda has emerged as a shining model of post-conflict success. Much of the praise for this has been heaped on President Paul Kagame. The praise has been of the “gushing” variety. Former US President Bill Clinton has called the Rwandan President “one of the greatest leaders of our time” while former British Prime Minister Tony Blair singled him out as a “visionary leader”. His presidential peers on the continent agree. They elected Kagame chairperson of the African Union (AU) in January.

For journalist and author Judi Rever, the rise and rise of Paul Kagame has been perplexing to witness. Rever was reporting in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in the immediate aftermath of the Rwanda genocide and spoke to many survivors and army defectors who gave her first-hand accounts that were at odds with the official version which cast Kagame and his troops as the “saviours” of Rwanda.

Fast forward to 2018 and after years of careful research and interviews with former RPF officers, Rever is out with a new book “In Praise of Blood: The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front”, which attempts to piece together a complete picture of what really happened before, during and after the Rwanda genocide. The verdict? The world has been sold a lie.

According to Rever’s telling, officers of the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF), under Kagame’s orders, knowingly triggered all-out violence on April 6, 1994 in Rwanda by shooting down the plane of President Juvenal Habyarimana and also carried out thousands of killings in a bi-directional genocide that resulted in the deaths of almost a million people.

Rever says these facts should have come out at the UN-backed International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) but they didn’t because of a cover-up involving powerful players on the global stage and prosecutors not keen to ruffle feathers:

“Basically the ICTR protected Kagame and the RPF all along. That was a decision that they made from very early on. Carla del Ponte was the Prosecutor of the ICTR before Hassan Bubacar Jallow came in. She declared that she would issue indictments in 2001, 2002 and by 2003 when she pushed further on this subject, because they had actually assembled a fair amount of prima facie evidence to start indicting RPF commanders, she was removed. She was removed at the behest of the United States, which wielded a fair amount of influence over the tribunal,” says Rever.

This is the first of a two-part interview with Rever about her book. The second part of the interview is available here.In this interview, Rever tells why she wrote In Praise of Blood, who she thinks shot down President Juvenal Habyarimana’s plane and explains the Bill Clinton and Tony Blair’s mutual admiration for President Paul Kagame:

Q: What motivated you to write this book?

Rever: I began the book as a personal quest to find out what really happened during the 1994 genocide. There were many things I did not understand about the violence. For example, I didn’t know how it broke out, how it unfolded and who did what and to whom. I began to question what happened while I was in the Congo three years later in 1997 as a reporter interviewing Hutu survivors of RPF atrocities in the Congolese jungle. Many of the survivors of those atrocities told me that their families had been slaughtered by the RPF in 1994, which is why they fled to Zaire that year in the first place and stayed.

What I was able to witness in the Congo first-hand and from my interviews with refugees in the jungle was that the RPF under Kagame was not a force for good or for Renaissance in the Great Lakes region. He had committed mass murder in Rwanda and in the Congo. It was from there that I started to backtrack. I began to question the whole notion of the RPF saving Rwanda, the narrative of Kagame actually stopping the genocide. That's what motivated me.

Q: What will readers learn from reading your book?

Rever: I would like readers to take away a few essential elements, namely that the West has politically and militarily supported an army that has inflicted enormous suffering on Rwandan and Congolese people. That's number one. Number two, is we only understand half the story of what happened during the 1994 genocide and by burying the truth of the other half the world has bought into a lie. Number three, Kagame and his commanders actually ignited the genocide against Tutsis by killing the former Hutu president Juvenal Habyarimana. Kagame’s army also fuelled the genocide against Tutsis by ordering commandos to infiltrate Hutu militias during the genocide and helped kill Tutsis. Finally, what I say in my book is that Kagame’s troops committed genocide against Hutus in 1994 and in the years after.

Q: What evidence has informed your very strong opinions about Paul Kagame’s involvement and how the 1994 genocide started?

Rever: Where I first came on to this was a confidential report of the United Nations (UN). It’s a summary report and it was issued by something called the Special Investigations Unit. The Special Investigations Unit was a clandestine unit set up by the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) to gather evidence of RPF crimes in 1994. That report was tabled in October 2003. I had heard rumblings of this but that's the first time I had seen some names of commandos, or as they called them “technicians”, who had actually infiltrated the Hutu militia. It was important enough in terms of testimony that the investigators realized that they wanted to put it in their report to the ICTR prosecutor Hassan Jallow who, at the end of 2003, was just taking up his post.

From there, I started asking some of the former senior officers of the RPF who I got to know and who I used as sources for my book and for a number of my articles. They confirmed in much more detail some of these stories of technicians actually infiltrating not only all the militias but the political parties as well to stir up chaos, to know who the Hutu opposition members were and also, of course, some of the commandos killed fellow Tutsis at roadblocks and encouraged and incited more massacres of Tutsis.

Q: Your book is titled, In Praise of Blood: The Crimes of the Rwandan Patriotic Front. What inspired the title?

Rever: We have seen billions of dollars of aid being poured into Kagame’s Rwanda even as his army and police have killed Rwandan citizens and as his army has invaded the

Congo and slaughtered Congolese and Rwandans next door and even as his agents have killed dissidents abroad. Despite these shocking violations of human rights and of international law, the international community has continued to support and praise the RPF and provide half the country's operating budget every year. For me and for many people, especially the victims, it's an Orwellian phenomenon.

Q: You mention victims. Are you in touch with people inside Rwanda or are these mostly people mostly who've left the country?

Rever: Mostly people have left the country. There was a first wave of officers who broke with the RPF and fled to Uganda around the year 2000. Then there have been people leaving the RPF ever since.

I have got to know a number of these people and interviewed them. There is a substantial network of sources out there. Of course there were people who fled earlier like Théoneste Lizinde and Seth Sendashonga who had been part of the RPF but both of those individuals were killed in Kenya. A number of them are still in Africa and some are in North America and many are in Europe.

Q: Your book upends a lot of narratives about the Rwandan genocide that most people considered “settled history”. You, for example, lay the responsibility for the shooting down of President Juvenal Habyarimana’s plane on Paul Kagame’s troops. What evidence have you found to support that claim?

Rever: I have some other elements, but the strongest evidence I have on the plane attack is from the confidential summary report tabled by ICTR investigators who were examining RPF crimes. That testimony in that report reinforces and essentially corroborates what Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière concluded in 2006. This report was tabled by the ICTR investigators in 2003 and and it was three years later that the Judge Bruguière concluded the same thing. The testimony in the ICTR document indicates that the RPF held a series of meetings to discuss assassinating Habyarimana, that they had already organized a missile team that had been trained in Uganda and that this team was able to use surface-to-air missiles. The names of the RPF commandos involved in the missile attack on Habyarimana’s plane are cited in the ICTR report. According to that testimony in the ICTR report, the commando team brought two missiles into an area of the capital named Masaka and proceeded to shoot down the plane on April 6, 1994.

Q: Why do you think the ICTR report was buried?

Rever: Basically the ICTR protected Kagame and the RPF all along. That was a decision that they made from very early on. Carla del Ponte was the Prosecutor of the ICTR before Hassan Bubacar Jallow came in. She declared that she would issue indictments in 2001, 2002 and by 2003 when she pushed further on this subject, because they had actually assembled a fair amount of prima facie evidence to start indicting RPF commanders, she was removed. She was removed at the behest of the United States which wielded a fair amount of influence over the tribunal. I explain this a lot further in my book.

Hassan Jallow took her place and he allowed the Special Investigations Unit to continue investigating but it was clear that, as time went on, he wasn't interested in issuing any indictments against the RPF. In fact, in 2008-2009 he transferred the entire special investigations operation over to Rwanda itself. Essentially what I say in my book is that Jallow, the current Gambian Chief Justice, let the killers prosecute themselves. To answer your question, the ICTR report was buried due to political interference and by those in the West who politically sponsor and support Kagame’s regime.

Q: You have said that the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) troops perpetrated a genocide against Hutus in Rwanda. What evidence have you found of this and why do you think there hasn’t been more written about it before?

Rever: I think the RPF mastered the art of propaganda warfare even before the 1994 genocide. They were basically very successful at waging a war on truth.

What Kagame has done is successfully cover up his troops’ record of mass murder of genocide. What did that violence look like? The soldiers, military intelligence and officers from the training wing and those from the High Command in Kagame’s army operated behind the battlefront in every prefecture in Rwanda. They started in the north in Byumba and worked down the eastern side of the country in Kibungo where they targeted two community leaders then went after peasants. They lured peasants to meetings, slaughtered them and buried them. Sometimes they buried them with the Tutsis who had already been killed by the Interahamwe. In some instances, the RPF burned the bodies of Hutus killed fairly quickly or sometimes they loaded the Hutu families onto trucks and brought them to Gera Park in the East or they killed them at a military barracks called Gabiro. Then they incinerated the bodies.

To answer your question, the RPF’s crimes were largely hidden. The UN had some degree of knowledge of these things as they were happening. There were reports already in May that the RPF was slaughtering Hutus in the south-eastern end of the country but the UN did not act on it. The RPF got away with these crimes because the ICTR allowed it to. The whole idea was to protect Kagame. A lot of people were okay with Kagame’s impunity. Just to give you the briefest of examples, Robert Gersony in his report in September 1994 and his oral briefings said the RPF committed genocide. The UN buried his report.

Q: Leaders like Bill Clinton and Tony Blair have praised Paul Kagame for what he has achieved in Rwanda since taking over. Clinton, for example, has called him one of “the greatest leaders of our time.” What do you make of their effusive praise?

Rever: I think history will judge both of those men harshly. Bill Clinton and Tony Blair have been Kagame’s top kingmakers. They have both played key roles in constructing the myth of Kagame as a visionary leader who has resurrected Rwanda from the ashes. They have both enabled Kagame’s impunity by peddling this myth and and turning on the taps of global charity. Neither of them has been willing to address, in a substantive way, Kagame’s killings which they would have been aware of in Rwanda during and after the genocide and in the Congo. They seem to have geopolitical interests in protecting him.

There's been so much bloodshed and destabilization in the Great Lakes region. Frankly, its been a catastrophe. The West’s geopolitical interests are a big part of why Kagame has so much support. Part of it is economic and part of it is very much politically driven. The US and Britain want people they can do business and politics with. They want people who they agree with on certain things. Obviously part of the calculation here is the United States wanted regime change in the Congo. They wanted Mobutu Sese Seko out and Kagame was the man to do it.

...............

This is the first of a two-part interview with Judi Rever about "In Praise of Blood". The second part of the interview on how "The ICC has given Africa’s most prolific genocidaire a free ride” is available here:

http://www.jfjustice.net/en/complementarity/the-icc-has-given-africaa-s-most-prolific-genocidaire-a-a-free-ridea

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Exclusif - Rwanda : le document top secret qui accuse le régime de Kagamé - Malgré ces découvertes, L'extermination des Hutus suit son cours normal

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Mass Graves Discovered With More Than 18.870 Skulls and Victims of the Hutu majority ethnic group. Massacres were perpetrated by Kagame and his RPF wrongdoers.

Quand on évoque le génocide survenu au Rwanda en 1994, il n'faudrait pas parler des crimes de Kagamé

Par Pierre Péan

Publié le 27/09/2018 à 18:01

"La chasse aux Hutu ne débute pas en 1994. En effet elle commence juste après l’attaque du FPR, fin 1990. Dès cette date, les Hutus des zones contrôlées par ce dernier font l’objet de massacres, de tortures et d’exploitation.

Pierre Péan
Journaliste Français
d'Investigation

Les survivants s’entassent dans des camps de déplacés qui parfois sont visés par des attaques de cette rébellion. En 1993 le nombre de déplacés entassés dans des camps, dans des conditions de misères est environ de 1 million, près de la Capitale Kigali notamment.

Les plus importants de ces massacres d’avant 1994 sont : celui de Ruhengeri en Janvier 1991, où plus de 500 personnes sont exécutées, femmes et enfants inclus ; celui de Butaro en mai 1992 avec 150 victimes et, surtout, celui de février 1993 où près de 40 000 personnes sont massacrés par le FPR dans les préfectures de Byumba et Ruhengeri (James K. Gasana, Rwanda: du parti-État a l’État garnison, 2002)".

Alors que la France s'apprête à soutenir la candidature d'une ministre rwandaise à la tête de la francophonie, un document exclusif transmis à la justice française dénonce les massacres perpétrés par l'Armée patriotique rwandaise en 1994, pour installer le régime de Paul Kagamé.

Judi Rover
Journaliste Canadienne
D'investigation

Dix-septième du nom, le rituel sommet de la francophonie se tiendra les 11 et 12 octobre à Erevan, la capitale arménienne. Élue en 2014 secrétaire générale de la francophonie, la Canadienne Michaëlle Jean est candidate à sa propre succession mais ne pourra pas compter sur le soutien de la France, un des piliers de l'organisation. Emmanuel Macron a d'ores et déjà fait savoir qu'il préférait Louise Mushikiwabo, la ministre rwandaise des Affaires étrangères. Par ce choix, le président envoie un message très "françafricain" aux dirigeants francophones du continent. Il leur dit d'abord de façon très paternaliste ce qu'il faut voter. Il leur dit surtout qu'ils peuvent sans vergogne mépriser leur peuple, bafouer les droits de l'homme, truquer les élections - le programme du régime de Paul Kagamé depuis deux décennies. Et que ces violations ne remettront pas en cause le soutien sans faille de la France.

Au prétexte d'apaiser les relations avec Kigali, Nicolas Sarkozy avait déjà tendu la main à Kagamé dont les nombreux et variés thuriféraires ne cessent de vanter un bilan économique supposément unique en Afrique et, mieux, l'exemplarité de la gouvernance. Emmanuel Macron va plus loin encore. A croire que les fiches du président sur le régime rwandais et Louise Mushikiwabo sont datées ou très partiales.

Tous ceux qui osent interroger le rôle du Front patriotique rwandais (FPR) de Kagamé lors du génocide de 1994 au terme duquel il prit le pouvoir pour ne plus l'abandonner sont systématiquement qualifiés de «.négationnistes.» fous, au mieux d'indécrottables nostalgiques d'une Françafrique qui ne se remettrait pas d'avoir perdu un de ses « pions » en Afrique de l'Est. Pourtant, de nombreuses enquêtes indépendantes existent. A commencer par le rapport onusien conduit sous la direction de l'Américain Robert Gersony, lequel, dès septembre 1994, et au terme d'une enquête rapide portant sur environ le tiers des communes rwandaises, estimait déjà entre 25 000 et 45 000 le nombre des victimes de l'Armée patriotique rwandaise (APR), branche armée du FPR, sous les ordres de Kagamé. Les Américains contribuèrent grandement à enterrer le document, au point qu'aujourd'hui il est censé n'avoir jamais existé !

Kagame, the Rwandan nazi

Quid aussi du rapport dit « du projet Mapping », pareillement établi par l'ONU en 2008 et 2009 et relatif une fois encore à des crimes de masse, voire un génocide, commis en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) entre 1993 et 2003 par les soldats rwandais. Faut-il rappeler enfin les mots du juge espagnol Fernando Andreu Merelles quand, le 6 février 2008, il lança 40 mandats d'arrêt contre les plus proches collaborateurs de Paul Kagamé: « Une fois le pouvoir obtenu par la violence, ils ont mis sur pied avec les mêmes méthodes un régime de terreur et une structure criminelle parallèle à l'Etat de droit.»

S'ils ont encore quelques doutes, les collaborateurs d'Emmanuel Macron seraient alors bien avisés de se procurer un document inédit, transmis récemment à la justice française et dont Marianne révèle ici en exclusivité les grandes lignes. Il est accablant et met une nouvelle fois en pièces l'histoire officielle du drame rwandais, telle qu'elle est imposée par le régime de Kigali et ses nombreux soutiens associatifs et médiatiques. Selon cette version, Paul Kagamé aurait mené une guerre de libération nationale contre un régime aux ordres d'une puissance étrangère, mis un terme au génocide et pris in fine le pouvoir, le 12 juillet 1994, malgré l'aide apportée par les militaires français aux Hutus. La réalité est évidemment tout autre : le drame rwandais est une guerre civile sauvage entre Tutsis et Hutus, déclenchée en octobre 1990 par une agression armée des Tutsis du FPR diaspora installée en Ouganda, soutenus par l'armée ougandaise, et relancée en 1994 par l'attentat contre l'avion de Juvénal Habyarimana qui déclencha le génocide des Tutsis et des Hutus modérés.

LE RAPPORT

Classifié top secret, le document que Marianne s'est procuré date du 1er octobre 2003 et a été rédigé par trois enquêteurs du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR), pour transmission au procureur Hassan Boubacar Jallow, après le départ forcé de Carla Del Ponte, son prédécesseur, sur pression du régime de Kigali. Il résume le travail considérable effectué par l'équipe des investigations spéciales sur les crimes commis par l'APR pendant l'année 1994, mais aussi les années suivantes. La special team a recruté 41 sources et trouvé 518 témoins potentiels. Elle s'est livrée à une infiltration délicate des cercles dissidents du Front patriotique rwandais, le parti de Kagamé, car, « pour des raisons évidentes de sécurité », il n'y a pas eu d'enquête sur le territoire rwandais, « alors que c'est là que les choses se sont passées ».

Ce document est effroyable, comme le fut le sort des milliers de victimes, en très grande majorité hutues, de l'APR, la branche armée du FPR. Toute la mécanique de la prise de pouvoir par l'APR y est minutieusement décrite. Dix-huit sites de massacre y sont recensés. Les techniques d'exécution sont exposées et notamment les méthodes traditionnelles: l'agafuni, une houe usagée transformée en marteau pour fracasser les têtes, ou l'akandoya, qui consiste à lier de façon très serrée les coudes derrière le dos, poitrine saillante, les jambes également liées, au niveau des chevilles, et pliées vers l'arrière en faisant correspondre les deux ligatures derrière le dos, de sorte que le malheureux devient comme un arc. Il analyse aussi le rôle de la Directorate Of Military Intelligence (DMI) dans la désignation des victimes et le choix des fameux « techniciens » de la mort qui dépendaient de son haut commandement..

Le rapport top secret indique que les investigations sur les crimes de l'APR ont d'abord été faites sur la commune de Giti et étendues à la préfecture de Byumba. Giti avait la particularité d'être la seule commune à n'avoir pas participé au génocide, pourtant elle n'a pas échappé aux crimes de l'APR. Toutes les victimes avaient les bras reliés derrière le dos au niveau des coudes Durant le génocide, beaucoup de réfugiés furent amenés au stade de Byumba par l'APR sous le prétexte d'assurer leur sécurité. Les militaires gagnèrent leur confiance. Mais, après le dernier meeting, sur instruction du lieutenant-colonel James Kabarebe, le lieutenant-colonel Masumbuko donna l'ordre d'ouvrir le feu sur les réfugiés qui périrent tous. Kaberebe, actuel ministre de la Défense et numéro deux du régime, créa une équipe spéciale pour exécuter les gens dans la zone entre Gabiro et le parc national de l'Akagera. « Entre mai et août 1994, notent les auteurs, cette équipe tua entre cinq et 20 personnes par jour. L'équipe s'est ensuite déplacée vers Kigali, au camp de la garde présidentielle, où les tueries continuèrent.»

Après avoir fourni de nombreux éléments sur les massacres d'évêques et de dignitaires de l'Eglise catholique à Kabgayi et Gitarama, et livré des détails sur quelques autres tueries, le rapport décrit une scène terrible dans le centre commercial de Musambira. Un IO (officier du renseignement) de la DMI laissait tomber des bouts enflammés de plastique sur des Hutus. D'autres soldats de l'APR s'amusaient à brûler vive une personne pour déclencher une avalanche de dénonciations. Un autre groupe exécuta 350 personnes en leur mettant des sacs plastique sur la tête jusqu'à suffocation. Le même groupe utilisait aussi l'agafuni et l'akandoya Le rapport recense jusqu'à la nausée une accumulation d'actes barbares.

Empoisonner l'eau

Il décrit également le soin méticuleux avec lequel le 59e bataillon installa une barrière pour filtrer les personnes revenant de la zone Turquoise (sous contrôle des troupes françaises). « La majorité des gens furent tués uniquement parce qu'ils étaient hutus. Les soldats de l'APR en charge de cette tâche furent divisés en six groupes de huit hommes tutsis. Ils tuèrent leurs victimes avec l'agafuni. Les équipes les plus lentes tuaient entre 20 et 30 personnes chaque nuit, mais les spécialistes de l'agafuni pouvaient en tuer 100. Vers la fin, les victimes durent creuser leurs tombes avant d'être tuées. Ce travail dura de quatre à cinq semaines, jour et nuit. D'autres gens, intellectuels hutus et ex-FAR [Forces armées rwandaises], préférèrent éviter de franchir la barrière tenue par l'APR et s'installèrent dans un camp situé près de la Minuar [Mission des Nations unies pour l'assistance au Rwanda]. Après le refus de la Minuar de démanteler ce camp de réfugiés, le 59e bataillon attaqua le camp, tuant les occupants sans distinction. Le nombre des victimes de ce carnage fut évalué entre 2 000 et 3 000.»

Un long passage est consacré à la DMI, qui a été l'instrument le plus violent dans la conquête barbare du pouvoir. Ses agents avaient droit de vie et de mort aussi bien sur la population civile que sur les apprentis soldats de l'APR. Ils ont ainsi tué de nombreux jeunes Tutsis parlant français et soupçonnés d'être des espions parce que venant de la République démocratique du Congo et du Burundi.

Les tortionnaires de la DMI ont également éliminé énormément de civils après la guerre. « Les corps étaient incinérés et les cendres, enterrées. Les agents de la DMI avaient la responsabilité de dissimuler les fosses communes en construisant au-dessus stades de sport et camps militaires. »

Quelques pages sont consacrées aux « techniciens », des commandos à la très sinistre réputation qui opéraient habillés en civil. Ils étaient formés à empoisonner l'eau, à tuer avec une corde, un sac plastique, à injecter l'huile dans les oreilles, à utiliser l'agafuni, à faire sauter des mines dans des lieux publics Certains étaient chargés d'infiltrer les Interahamwe des milices hutues sur certaines barrières. « Leur rôle était de prendre part aux tueries et d'inciter les Interahamwe à commettre davantage de massacres. »

Concernant l'attentat contre l'avion du président Juvénal Habyarimana, le facteur déclenchant du génocide, le rapport met ouvertement en cause l'entourage de Paul Kagamé. Il recoupe grosso modo les options du juge Jean-Louis Bruguière*, en révélant toutefois quelques noms supplémentaires. Sur le convoyage des missiles ayant servi à l'attentat, il corrobore les déclarations de James Munyadinda, un transfuge du FPR et le dernier témoin entendu par le juge Jean-Marc Herbaut, le successeur de Bruguière puis de Marc Trévidic, qui a annoncé avoir mis un terme à son enquête.

* Saisi de la plainte des familles des victimes françaises de l'attentat et au terme de son enquête, le juge Bruguière lança un mandat d'arrêt contre Kagamé et plusieurs de ses proches.

LOUISE MUSHIKIWABO, FRANCOPHONE PAS FRANCOPHILE

Dans la galaxie Kagamé, Louise Mushikiwabo est devenue le plus brillant haut-parleur du dictateur rwandais. Elle n'a aucun état d'âme pour justifier enlèvements et assassinats d'opposants à l'étranger. A un journaliste d'Al-Jazira qui l'interrogeait en 2016 sur l'étranglement du colonel Patrick Karegeya (dissident FPR) dans un hôtel sud-africain, elle répondit.: « Pourquoi devrais-je me plaindre des gens qui menacent mes ennemis ? » La candidate à la francophonie a aussi défendu fermement la décision de Kagamé de faire de l'anglais la langue d'enseignement et langue d'administration. Et du Rwanda le 53e Etat du Commonwealth.

Le 11 septembre 2011, ne déclarait-elle pas à Paris : « L'anglais est une langue avec laquelle on va plus loin que le français. Au Rwanda, le français ne va nulle part».? Probablement la raison qui a poussé les autorités de Kigali à détruire au bulldozer le centre culturel français il y a quatre ans En vérité, Louise Mushikiwabo adore taper sur la France, ses politiques et ses militaires, son boss n'ayant jamais admis la poursuite de l'instruction judiciaire en France sur l'attentat contre l'avion de Habyarimana. Le 11 novembre 2016, elle a ainsi menacé de publier « une nouvelle liste de hauts responsables politiques français accusés de complicité dans le génocide de 1994 contre les Tutsis ». Quatre anciens ministres français chargés de la Francophonie, Charles Josselin, Pierre-André Wiltzer, Hélène Conway-Mouret et André Vallini, ont, il y a peu, signé une tribune dans le Monde intitulée «Louise Mushikiwabo n'a pas sa place à la tête de la francophonie.» Ils y dénoncent l'illusion consistant à croire que le soutien d'Emmanuel Macron à Louise Mushikawabo pourra infléchir la position de Kigali à l'égard de Paris. « Parce qu'il y va de la légitimité même de sa présidence à vie, Kagamé a besoin d'une France coupable. Et, aussi longtemps qu'il sera au pouvoir, elle le restera.»

Thursday, September 20, 2018

RELEASES MUST BE FOLLOWED BY OPENING UP OF POLITICAL SPACE

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC STATEMENT 1 18 September 2018 AI Index Number: AFR 47/9123/2018 RWANDA: RELEASES MUST BE FOLLOWED BY OPENING UP OF POLITICAL SPACE

The release from prison of opposition politician Victoire Ingabire and popular singer Kizito Mihigo on 15 September 2018 is a positive step in the right direction. Amnesty International calls on the Government of Rwanda to build on this move by taking all necessary actions to open up political space in the country and ensure that the fair trial rights of all detainees, including former presidential aspirant Diane Rwigara, are upheld.

On 14 September, President Paul Kagame informed the cabinet that he was exercising his prerogative to grant mercy to Kizito Mihigo and Victoire Ingabire and commute their sentences. On the same day, the cabinet approved a ministerial order granting release on parole to 2138 other prisoners. Kizito Mihigo and Victoire Ingabire were released on 15 September. Under the terms of their release, they are however required to report to the local prosecutor on a monthly basis and seek authorization each time they want to travel abroad.

TRIALS OF VICTOIRE INGABIRE AND KIZITO MIHIGO

Victoire Ingabire’s conviction on charges relating to views she had expressed violated her freedom of expression. There were also violations of her fair trial rights.

Victoire Ingabire, president of the FDU-Inkingi opposition party, was charged with “genocide ideology”, “discrimination and sectarianism”, “willingly disseminating rumours aiming at inciting the public against the established authority”, “complicity in acts of terrorism”, “creating an armed group”, “recourse to terrorism, armed force and all other violence in order to harm the established authority and the constitutional principles”. In 2012, the High Court found her guilty of “conspiracy to harm the existing authority and the constitutional principles using terrorism, armed violence or any other type of violence”, and “grossly minimizing the genocide” and sentenced her to eight years in jail. The expression-related charges were based on pieces of imprecise and broad Rwandan legislation and violated her freedom of expression.
Meanwhile the genocide against the Hutu majority is going ahead => watch the movie, if you need more information, do not hesitate to contact us.
Kagame and his RPF's Famous poisons used to exterminate those Hutu women and children and get one of the facts about historical poisoning cases.

Amnesty International observed the first instance trial and found that Victoire Ingabire was at times treated unfairly during the trial, with the judges showing signs of hostility and anger towards her and regularly interrupting her. She appealed the High Court’s decision to the Supreme Court, which ruled in 2013 that her complaints about the non-respect of fair trial principles were unfounded. In addition, the judges found her guilty of spreading lies to incite the population to revolt against the established authorities. Upholding the previous conviction on the two other charges, the Supreme Court increased the length of her sentence to 15 years.

The African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights ruled in November 2017 that Victoire Ingabire’s conviction violated her freedom of expression, noting that “by virtue of their nature and positions, government institutions and public officials cannot be immune from criticisms, however offensive they are; and a high degree of tolerance is expected when such criticisms are made against them by opposition political figures.

” Kizito Mihigo was arrested on 6 April 2014, just weeks after he released a gospel song in which he prayed for victims of the genocide and victims of other violence. On 27 February 2015, he was found guilty of plotting against the government, forming a criminal group and conspiracy to commit an assassination. He was sentenced to 10 years in jail. He was accused along with three others - journalist Cassien Ntamuhanga and demobilized soldier Jean Paul Dukuzumuremyi, and Agnès Niyibizi – of collaborating with the Rwanda National Congress (RNC) and the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR). Cassien Ntamuhanga and Jean Paul Dukuzumuremyi were sentenced to 25 and 30 years respectively, while Agnès Niyibizi was acquitted.

DIANE AND ADELINE RWIGARA

With the next hearing in the trial of former presidential aspirant and activist Diane Rwigara and her mother Adeline Rwigara scheduled for 24 September 2018, we urge the competent Rwandan authorities to ensure that such violations as befell Victoire Ingabire are not repeated, that their right to a fair trial is fully guaranteed, and that any charges related to the legitimate exercise of their right to freedom of expression are dropped.

Alongside four others being tried in absentia, Diane Rwigara and Adeline Rwigara have been charged with “inciting insurrection or trouble among the population”. Diane Rwigara is also charged with “forging or alteration of documents” and “use of counterfeited documents”, and her mother faces the additional charge of “discrimination and sectarian practices.” Diane Rwigara attempted to stand for president as an independent candidate in the August 2017 presidential election, but her candidacy was rejected by the National Electoral Commission on grounds that she had submitted forged signatures as part of her application for nomination. She was arrested with her mother, and sister, Anne Rwigara, on 23 September 2017.

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION, PLEASE SEE AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S PUBLICATIONS:

Justice in jeopardy - The first instance trial of Victoire Ingabire, March 2013, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/AFR47/001/2013/en/;

Setting the scene for elections: Two decades of silencing dissent in Rwanda, July 2017, https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/AFR4765852017ENGLISH.pdf; and ‘

Rwanda: Ensure fair trial for former presidential aspirant’, 22 May 2018, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/afr47/8464/2018/en/.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Wednesday, September 19, 2018

How Kagame Deceived The World That He Freed Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza

ASI Deep insight :“We welcome Ms. Victoire Ingabire’s release from prison detention, but it is far from all that is required: while there remains only one political party RPF and two fake opponents without viable opposition, and until we see no freedom of speech, nor democracy but daily arbitrary arrests and killings and until free and fair elections are held, the international community must continue to see this Kagame's government for what it is - a bloody dictatorship.”

Freedom of movement, mobility rights, or the right to travel is a human rights concept encompassing the right of individuals to travel from place to place within the territory of a country, and to leave the country and return to it.

Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza was detained in 2010. In 2013, her initial eight-year sentence was increased to 15 years. And, according to Rwandan and foreign media, President Paul Kagame granted mercy to Ingabire on September 14, 2018. But like everything else in Rwanda, surface appearances hide realities. Ingabire is essentially still a prisoner in a different form.

**Presidential Order Number 131/01 on September 14, 2018**

To understand how Kagame deceived the world that he has freed Ingabire, one must analyze the Presidential Order Number 131/01 of September 14, 2018. This is the decree which supposedly gave clemency to Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza. The outside world falsely believes that with the signing of Presidential Order Number 131/01 on September 14, 2018, Ingabire became free. After all, Ingabire was shown walking from the prison.

Here is how Kagame pulled off the deception:

Regime claimed that Ingabire had to beg for mercy in writing. As the Presidential Order puts it, the beneficiary of the presidential mercy, herself, requests for the lifting of the imprisonment conditions. ”She addresses a written reasoned request to the President of the Republic.”

Upon receiving mercy from Kagame, Ingabire had ”to report to the Primary Level Prosecutor of her place of residence, at the prosecution office and notify the Prosecutor of the Village, Cell, Sector and District of her residence, within fifteen days.”

Further, Ingabire has to ”appear before the Primary Level Prosecutor of her place of residence, at the prosecution office, once a month, on a day determined by the Primary Level Prosecutor.”

Ingabire cannot freely travel outside Rwanda. In order to do so, she ”shall seek authorization from the Minister in charge of justice every time she wishes to go out of the country.

The Presidential Order Number 131/01 of September 14, 2018, which supposedly freed Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza is a big lie. On the contrary, the Presidential Order Number 131/01 demands that Ingabire is under 24/7 surveillance of the Village, Cell, Sector, and District level authorities. Furthermore, Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza must appear before the prosecutor once a month. Most critically, Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza cannot freely travel outside Rwanda— to do so, she must receive permission from the Rwandan minister of justice. This is what Kagame calls freedom.

A Candle For Remembering

Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes

Let us remember Our People

You can't stop thinking

Welcome to Home Truths

Everybody Hurts

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Why did Kagame this to me?

RPF committed the unspeakable

Inzira ndende

Search

Hutu Children & their Mums

Rwanda-rebranding

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

Almighty God :Justice for US

Killing Hutus on daily basis

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

Fighting For Our Freedom?

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Getting away with genocide in Rwanda

Exclusif - Rwanda : le document top secret qui accuse le régime de Kagamé - Malgré ces découvertes, L'extermination des Hutus suit son cours normal

RELEASES MUST BE FOLLOWED BY OPENING UP OF POLITICAL SPACE

How Kagame Deceived The World That He Freed Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza

AS International

Profile

Genocide masterminded by RPF

Human and Civil Rights

Rwanda: A mapping of crimes

KIBEHO: Rwandan Auschwitz

Mass murderers C. Sankara

Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.

Prof. Allan C. Stam

Prof. Christian Davenport

The killing Fields - Part 1

The killing Fields - Part II

Daily bread for Rwandans

The killing Fields - Part III

Time has come: Regime change

Drame rwandais- justice impartiale

Sheltering 2,5 million refugees

Latest videos

Rwanda's Untold Story

Rwanda, un génocide en questions

Nombre de Visiteurs

Pages

Popular Posts - Last 7 days

Archives

Everything happens for a reason

Hutus didn't plan Tutsi Genocide

Your comment if you LIKE IT. All for Human rights