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Saturday, December 6, 2008

Merchants Of Death: Exposing Corporate-Financed Holocaust In Africa

Pour comprendre: http://www.rd-congo.info/video/kivu_msf.htm

Editor's Note To Readers:

Generalissimo" Laurent Nkunda; not quite the liberator but a Rwanda- backed frontman for global corporate theft that uses genocide as a modus operandi

White Collar War Crimes; Black African Fall Guys
By Keith Harmon Snow

If your confused by or tired of reading the propaganda and misinformation in The New York Times and or listening to it on the BBC about the wars, genocide, and looting of natural resources in East and Central Africaby Western corporations --while being abetted by corrupt African governments and "media" such as the Times and BBC and Western governments-- read brilliant investigative reporter Keith Harmon Snow's expose.

Use this article as your reference and guide every time the corrupt corporate media try to deceive and hoodwink you. After a series of recent editorials on blackstarnews.com calling out the Times on their corrupt coverage and cover-up of genocide, the newspaper finally threw a piece of dry bone on the dining table on December 4 with an article about Rwanda's not-so-secret war of aggression against Congo. For the real deal, read what follows. It's long but everyword is an expose. After you're done readingplease call President elect Obama's transition office and ask what Secretary of StateClinton will do to end U.S. involvement in the African genocide:

How "Media" Facilitates Mass Murder And Looting In Africa

War in Congo has again been splashed across world headlines and the same old clichés about violence and suffering are repackaged and rebroadcast as "news". Meanwhile, early indications out of America are that President-elect Barack Obama will assemble a foreign policy-team primed for business as usual.

How will Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State compromise the Obama Administration’s capacity to honestly redress the untold suffering, massive theft of resources and millions of deaths in Africa? And Tom Daschle? Behind the media smokescreens are people whose involvement has been documented and exposed, but there is always some African fall guy—the ‘embraceable’ black subordinate or ‘rebel’ commander—charged with war crimes and used to deflect attention from the leaders of organized white-collar crime networks.

lacked out are the corporate executives, government officials and expatriate personnel of Western enterprises whose success amidst chaos implicates them in the deracination and death of millions of black people. What’s behind the recent escalation of violence and media posturing?

In a darkling plain in a far away place the skeletons of hundreds of unnamed people lie strewn over the land amidst the red dirt and brown grasses scorched by the equatorial sun. Bones poke into the air here and there, hidden by the tall grass, tripping you up as you walk; others lay bleaching white in piles where the bodies fell.

These are the killing fields of Bogoro, a small hillside village on a southerly road out of Bunia, a metropolis of suffering in the wild, wild east of Congo.

The grassy plains of Bogoro were guarded by soldiers and when I arrived the militia of the day wore black trench coats and black mirror sunglasses to enhance the aura of terror that surrounds them. With AK-47’s slung over their shoulders they talked on shiny Nokias and Motorolas and Samsungs—cell phones built with the blood minerals of the Congolese people.

Sandrine—not her real name—is a survivor who participated in the massacre at Bogoro. I interviewed Sandrine, just seventeen at the time, in 2007, and she recounted her ordeal as the sex slave of soldiers. Sandrine told how people were forced by militia commanders to chase down neighbors and kill or be killed. I found Sandrine living in misery in an evacuated refugee camp.

Sandrine knows nothing at all of the vast mining operations or minerals shipments being flown out of remote jungle airstrips in her home territory—or even that such airstrips exist. Ditto for the Congolese researchers I met, in Orientale, who worked with the International Criminal Court. Moto Gold? Mwana Africa? Walter Kansteiner?

They had never heard of such companies, or such people.

In Western media reportage the plunder of raw materials in Congo is usually de-linked from the killing, even though the extractive industries are directly behind it, and even though almost everyone has begun to parrot the accusation of "resource wars" in Congo.

The Bogoro massacre occurred in February 2003 and, like the Hutu-Tutsi stories from Rwanda, the media whipped up the specter of ancient "tribal" animosities between Hema and Lendu people. But the real story is not quite so black and white. Or is it?

Today the International Criminal Court (ICC) holds three Congolese "warlords" in the ICC prison at The Hague, Netherlands, and all three were associated with events at Bogoro. However, the white patrons reaping the profits behind the bloodletting in the eastern Congo are protected by a new humanitarian order predicated on permanent inequality, structural violence and race politics.

But for a few brief periods of relative calm, the war in Congo’s eastern Orientale andKivus provinces has hardly stopped since its’ beginning in 1996, and the realities have been shrouded in media clichés and stereotypes and disingenuous expressions of outrage that deflect attention from the true protagonists and root causes of war and plunder in Africa.

[1]GOOD VERSUS EVIL AND THE NAMES GAMES

The UPC, FPRI, FNI—these are three of the scores of militias that have risen and fallen in Orientale since the war began in 1996 and, more poignantly, they are meaningless acronyms used to scramble the brains of western spectator-news-consumers.

First there was the Rwanda Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A) that invaded Rwanda, and then came the Alliance for the Democratic Liberation of Zaire (ADFL) that marched across Zaire to unseat President Mobutu. Next came the "rebellion" with Jean-Pierre Bemba and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC), and all the different factions of the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie, or Congolese Rally for Democracy—RCD, RCD-G (Goma), RCD-K, RCD-K-ML—backed by Rwanda and Uganda.

Here are the comrades in arms who studied together at the Marxist University of Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania: Yoweri Museveni, Uganda’s president; Laurent Desire Kabila, the ADFL figurehead and assassinated president of the Democratic Republic of Congo; Meles Zenawi, president of Ethiopia; Isaias Afwerki, president of Eritrea; Africa scholar Mahmood Mamdani; former RCD leader Wamba dia Wamba; Paul Kagame, Rwanda’s president; and John Garang (d. 2005), former leader of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA) and first president of South Sudan.

Both the RPF/A and SPLA waged successful covert guerrilla wars against governments that were considered "undesirable" by Washington, both achieved their objectives of seizing land and gaining control, and both insurgencies were covertly backed by U.S. Committee for Refugees official Roger Winter—a pivotal U.S. intelligence asset operating in Sudan and a dedicated ally of Yoweri Museveni, Paul Kagame and John Garang. Winter’s protégé is Susan Rice, Clinton’s Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. Rice was one of the primary architects of the Pentagon’s prized Africa Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI)—a euphemistically named entity created to project U.S. power in Africa, and run by U.S. Army Special Forces Command (SOCOM).

[2]The coups d’état in Rwanda and Burundi occurred after the presidents Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira were assassinated on April 6, 1994. Similarly, more than a decade of covert U.S. military support for the SPLA, channeled through Uganda and Ethiopia, led to the Naivasha Peace Agreement of January 2005 and the creation of the autonomous country of South Sudan.

The "Rwanda genocide" began with the 1990 invasion of northern Rwanda by Ugandan forces that brutally targeted everyone in their path. By the time the RPF/A forces—comprised mostly of seasoned Ugandan troops—reached Kigali, more than 800,000 IDPs were hovering around the capital city: they were terrified, they were homeless, they were hungry, they were angry and—justifiably—they took up arms. The United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) and its Canadian General Romeo Dallaire clandestinely backed the illegal guerrilla war.

[3]The guerrilla wars in Rwanda and South Sudan were prosecuted much like the CIA-backed low-intensity guerrilla warfare, spawned by Washington, against populist movements in Honduras, Nicaragua, Chile and Guatemala. This is exactly what is playing out in Congo and Sudan today: low-intensity guerrilla warfare prosecuted by powerful shadow forces competing for land and loot.

SPLA leader John Garang received military training at the School of the Americas, Fort Benning, Georgia. Paul Kagame received training at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. At the time he was sent for training, Kagame was Museveni’s director of military intelligence; upon his return he assumed command of the army created, financed and trained by Uganda: the Rwanda Patriotic Army.

Both Garang and Kagame likely received "counter-insurgency" training through the Pentagon’s International Military Education and Training Program (IMET). Since 1998, the IMET program has provided training to 318 RDF and 291 UPDF soldiers. Many other IMET soldiers who attended the notorious School of the Americas are today known human rights violators in Latin America.

In North Kivu province we find the Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) and the National Congress for the Defense of the People, the CNDP, created by self-appointed Rwandan "General" Laurent Nkunda. Here the media has historically cast General Nkunda as good, the FDLR as evil. Only recently has Nkunda come under any kind of "harsh" criticism.

The war in Eastern Congo is almost universally described with clichés about the "Rwanda genocide." The usual targets of white media racial profiling and hysterical academic polemics are the Hutu—the infamous Interahamwe and FDLR—the "killers" that "fled Rwanda after committing genocide" there. This is how millions of innocent Hutu people—comprising over 85% of the populations of Rwanda and Burundi—are collectively dehumanized.

Congolese Mai Mai militias are described as "nationalists" sometimes "wearing bathroom fixtures on their heads" and "shooting magic bullets." The Mai Mai are the closest thing to a people’s or indigenous justice movement in Congo. The Mai Mai have most recently allied with the Congo’s national army, the Armed Forces for the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC), and the Mai Mai are sometimes cast as good, but usually as evil.

In 2007 the Mai Mai and FLDR joined forces to form the Front for the National Liberation of Kivu (FNLK). Backed by the FARDC, the FNLK is purportedly vying for power against General Nkunda’s CNDP. However, alliances are constantly shifting based on private profit and "warlord" fiefdoms, and ALL factions, at some point or other, have collaborated in war and resource plunder.

Western news stories throw the acronyms and names of militias around with little or no information about their rise or fall, and nothing substantive about foreign backers they collaborate with. Militias mysteriously appear and disappear. Indeed, the more you read about Congo from venues like the New York Times, Harper’s, The New Yorker, or the Atlantic Monthly, the less you will understand. This is no accident, and—no, you are not dumb.

Take the militia FNI: but for the victims and their suffering, it makes no difference what the acronym stands for, it’s all one big sadistic joke of language and power. The most significant fact to remember about this "F" "N" "I" is that they served as the private proxy army for the gold mining operations of Metalor, a Swedish firm, and AngloGold Ashanti, headquartered in South Africa and partnered with Barrick Gold.

[4] Secondly, they were agents for Ugandan power brokers.

Anglo-Gold Ashanti directors include Sir Sam Jonah, who is also a director of shady mining-cum-military companies operating in Sierra Leone and connected to Tony Buckingham and other white-collar mercenaries. Buckingham affiliated companies—e.g. Heritage Oil and Gas, Branch Energy, Saracen Uganda—collaborate with the Museveni regime. Saracen’s top shareholder is General Salim Saleh, half-brother of Yoweri Museveni, and Congo’s nemesis, a Ugandan agent cited by the United Nations for war and plunder in Congo.

AngloGold Ashanti is the Anglo American mining conglomerate of the Oppenheimers and De Beers mining cartels of Britain and South Africa, interests deeply aligned with Belgian American intelligence insider Maurice Tempelsman—the godfather of covert operations in Africa. Tempelsman’s diamond interests in Congo were, at least partially, displaced by the Israeli cartels of Dan Gertler and Benny Steinmetz.

[5] It is a no-brainer that that the Tempelsman gang backs Rwanda’s occupation of eastern Congo.For a second example, media corporations have consistently blacked out the truth about the lucrative corporate "conservation" industry with articles like the recent New York Times production "Congo Violence Reaches Endangered Mountain Gorillas" (Jeffrey Gettleman, 11/18/08). Unreported however are the many accusations coming out of North Kivu that link the Jane Goodall Institute and Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund to local Mai Mai and FDLR: like every other militia, or occupation army, these factions have infiltrated villages and now prey on, intimidate and abuse the locals.

The white agents working for Western "conservation" NGOs—and we know their names—are directly responsible for extortion, racketeering, land theft, human rights atrocities and for ripping apart the social fabric.
[6] "The commander of the Mai-Mai is Colonel Ntasibanga and the commander of the FDLR is Colonel Faraja," report Congolese locals who have been documenting the abuses (the facts are confirmed by a Spanish journalist). "We count already five people killed because of this [conservation] project… DFGF and JGI are without doubt corrupt… they are paying armed groups and forcing us off of our lands."

[7]The Gettleman NYT article, on the other hand, cites one of these agents, Samantha Newport, described as "a spokeswoman for Virunga National Park," who in fact works for Richard Leakey’s organization Wildlife Direct, a shady paramilitary entity involving Walter Kansteiner.

A LITTLE MATTER OF GENOCIDE

The international arrest warrants issued by Spain and France against some 40 former RPF/A and current Rwanda Defense Force (RDF) are patently dismissed by Western media of all stripes, buried behind waves of pro-RPF propaganda and intimidation that labels anyone who does not support the Kigali military dictatorship as genocide deniers, themselves guilty, by extension, of genocide.

While the RPF/A and UPDF are often named for leading the charge and supplying the bulk of the forces, the 1996 invasion of Zaire, launched from Uganda and Rwanda, involved U.S. covert forces with state-of-the-art C4ISTR—Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance—and there were Humvees and C-130 aircraft ferrying black-skinned U.S. Special Forces into South Sudan and northeastern Congo. The invasion also involved Israeli military experts, an assortment of Eritrean and Ethiopian regulars, and SPLA forces.

[8] The Anglo-European-Israeli forces penetrated eastern Zaire through the Gulu and Arua Districts of northwestern Uganda—the heart of Acholiland and ground zero for the ongoing genocide of the indigenous Acholi people—and they backed the RPA/UPDF who marched across Zaire massacring refugees, mostly women and children, mostly Hutus, that fled Kigali in 1994. ,
[9], [10]Howard French, then the Africa Bureau Chief for the New York Times, witnessed the Hutu genocide in Zaire, and wrote about it. [11] Ugandan scholar Mahmood Mamdani—who by no means was an impartial observer when he arrived in Goma in September 1997—described "an indiscriminate slaughter" of Interahamwe, of unarmed Hutu refugees, and of Congolese Hutus in the Kivus.

[12] Bill Richardson, President Clinton’s Ambassador to the United Nations, stated in a may 1997 interview: "I think there’s strong evidence that there have been these massacres." [13] But the subject of Hutus being slaughtered was only broached as a tool to hammer down the uppity black rebel who diverged from his script and upset Washington’s plans. Indeed, the rise and fall of ADFL figurehead Laurent Desire Kabila exemplifies the embraceable black leader transformed almost overnight into the unembraceable black fall guy.

In the end, a bullet dispatched Laurent Kabila on 16 January 2001, exactly 40 years after the assassination of Patrice Lumumba (17 January 1961). Anyone who dismisses the organized and intentional RPF/A and UPDF military campaign against millions of Hutu peoplebutchered all the way across Zaire—is a genocide denier. (Of course, the UPDF-RPF/A alliancealso summarily executed and massacred Rwandan Tutsis and indigenous Twa, and Congolese people).

Similarly, anyone who dismisses the organized persecution and atrocities against the Acholi people in northern Uganda—maintained by the Museveni government and the UPDF occupation—is a genocide denier. The criminality of the Kagame regime is whitewashed by the massive public relations campaigns involving Kagame’s special advisor/sponsors: former Ambassador Andrew Young and former British Prime Minister Tony Blair.

Young’s Goodworks International also backs the Museveni regime. Buffing the shiny image of the government of Congo’s President Joseph Kabila is Stevens and Schriefer Group the Washington D.C. PR-firm that twice helped get George W. Bush elected [http://www.ssg-dc.com/]. The New Yorker and CNN have consistently manufacturedthe pro-RPF/A propaganda, reported by Christiane Amanpour and Philip Gourevitch.

Amanpour is married to James Rubin, Bill Clinton’s Assistant Secretaryof State and Madeleine Albright’s right-hand man, and now economic adviser to President-elect Barack Obama. Gourevitch—who produced the celebrated pro-RPF/A text "We Wish To Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families," is a close friend of Paul Kagame and a conduit for State Department disinformation passed by James Rubin, who was also Chief Spokesman for the Clinton State Department (1997-2000), and whose sister, Elizabeth Rubin, was dating Gourevitch.U.S. business tycoon Joe Ritchie "has volunteered in Rwanda for the past five years introducing the country to business leaders around the world."

Ritchie also runs an "entrepreneurial philanthropy" called Friends of Rwanda and serves on President Paul Kagame's Advisory Council and as CEO of the Rwanda Development Board. , [14], [15] Like Walter Kansteiner, Joe Ritchie is a commodities and options trader from Chicago with deep pockets and dark secrets: involved in a private attempt to overthrow the Taliban in 2000, Joe and James Ritchie were aided by their favorite consultant, former national security adviser Robert McFarlane, who successfully lobbied the CIA to dispatch an Unmanned Aerospace Vehicle (UAV) to the skies over Afghanistan.

[16]The Congo wars have direct links to the many long years of war in Sudan and Uganda, and they are intertwined with the current low-intensity warfare and the mass murder in Darfur, Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi. If we apply the genocide label to conflicts where it surely fits, then genocide is ongoing in Congo’s Orientale and Kivus provinces, and in Acholiland in Northern Uganda.

[17] But it is also occurring in Iraq, Afghanistan, Burundi, Nigeria, Ethiopia, Botswana, Columbia, the Palestinian Territories and Malaysia, to mention a few irrefutable cases.These geopolitical and strategic hotspots remain mostly blanketed by media reportage that quite literally blacks out key white protagonists by putting a black African face on things. Another example: there has been little reported about the perpetual warfare and human rights atrocities in Orientale linked to tight little airstrips carved out of the rainforest and paved with support from the Pentagon-connected United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

[18]Consider Mwana Africa, a South African firm that controls the Kilo-Moto gold fields in Zani, DRC. The Union of Congolese Patriots (UPC), led by Thomas Lubanga, occupied the Zani gold fields in 2002 and stirred up ethnic animosities that led to massive suffering and depopulation. However, according to Congolese locals, it was the white missionaries from the Africa Inland Mission (www.aimint.org/usa/where_we_work/) that deeply divided local ethnic groups.

French tycoons Jacques and Alvaro Hachuel own Mwana Africa. Mwana Africa’s European director, Etienne Denis, began his long career of impoverishing the Congo at Umicore, formerly the Belgian mining giant Union Miniere, in 1974. The Mwana Africa airstrip at Zani, and nearby roads, were built with USAID backing, and the gold is flown out to Tanzania—one of the most underappreciated criminal players funneling weapons to Uganda and Congo—or sometimes shipped out by road through Uganda.

[19] Mwana Africa is also involved in Congo’s bloody MIBA diamond concessions in Mbuji Mayi and the cobalt/copper concessions in Katanga. [20]Similarly, almost nothing in context has been reported of the white mercenaries and their petroleum operations on the Uganda border with Orientale.

[21] Like the ongoing covert war in Darfur, where the backers of the "mysterious" rebel groups are never exposed, the militias operating in Congo are proxy armies that serve the interests of external power blocks at the expense of their competitors. Most reporting from the Kivus zooms in on sexual violence and the Western media always blames the victims—Congolese soldiers caught in the maelstrom of international proxy warfare and organized crime—but we hear nothing about U.S. or Canadian or Australian mining companies—and for those rare times that we do the reportage de-links the mining from the mass murder.

[22] More often, the media turns the story upside down, claiming that responsible Western mining executives are waiting in the wings for security to improve so they can provide jobs and accountability and "sustainable development" for the Congolese people. Nothing could be further from the truth.A recent front-page news feature, "Congo’s Riches, Looted by Renegade Troops," about the Bisie tin mine in North Kivu, offers the perfect example.

"On paper, the exploration rights to this mine belong to a consortium of British and South African investors who say they will turn this perilous and exploitative operation into a safe, modern beacon of prosperity for Congo," wrote Jeffrey Gettleman for the New York Times. "But in practice, the consortium's workers cannot even set foot on the mountain. Like a mafia, Colonel Matumo and his men extort, tax and appropriate at will, draining this vast operation, worth as much as $80 million a year."

[23] And thus do the valiant white knights of the New York Times shine their spotlight on plunder and extortion in Congo. Alas, it is a selective shining, an expedient "humanitarian" concern, and an arrogant moral high ground. Indeed, it is just another shade of the black and white race politics behind the politicization of the International Criminal Court.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

The Truth Must and Will Come Out. MAKE IT HAPPEN==> Early X-mas Gift!

Folks,
These arrest warrants are no joke

Sources:

http://www.theaviationnation.com/
http://backtomyroots.wordpress.com/

European Magistrates fury at Paul Kagame's awful crimes

The news has been circulating around that recently, a former top aid to Rwandan President Kagame and top RPF official Rose Kabuye was arrested in Germany per the arrest warrants issued by French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguière for the assassination of Juvenal Habyarimana, former Rwandan President, and Cypriene Ntaryamira, former Burundian President in 1994.

Hooray!

These arrest warrants are no joke people. I know Kagame et al are very comfortable and they think that just because they have the US’s backing that no one will challenge them. And anyone who does risks being labeled a genocidaire sympathizer. But that’s just empty propaganda meant to silence. Looks like Germany is not falling for that one.

This arrest signifies a stride towards carrying out justice no matter how politically incorrect it may seem to the rest of the world. Some of the greatest achievements in history have been reached by overcoming violent opposition from the status quo. If you are a Christian, think about JESUS!

The culprits who assassinated two African Presidents in a power hungry move that led to and contributed to the massive killings in Rwanda should all be rounded up and prosecuted. That includes the current Rwandan President Paul Kagame. Hopefully if the fullest extent of justice is carried through, perhaps the complicit, enabling parties, and partners in crime like Ugandan President Museveni, as well as former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, and Bill Clinton and Albright will all be brought to Justice as well. However it is a long road, and it is uncertain how and what the arrest of Rose Kabuye means in the context of justice for the Rwandan genocide globally.

Germany played its role and arrested Rose Kabuye. It has not been a full week since Kabuye was arrested in Germany. However, as of today, a facebook group in her honor titled, “Support Rose Kabuye” has managed to attract over 800+ supporters for this criminal. That is 800+ people joining this group in support of a criminal who in large part is responsible for the mass murders during the Rwandan genocide. Yet many people are unabashedly standing up for her, and providing her with public support.

I am embarrassed to say that when I checked the number of signatures on the recent petition to President Elect Obama, asking again from the USA what Germany has done, there were hardly 300 signatures. I know that the official genocide story is pervasive, but I have a difficult time believing that less than three hundred people believe that the contents of that petitions are important enough to support, even with fear of prosecution. How is it, that a public facebook group, where people are shown with their pictures next to their names can have more public support than a hidden and protected list of people?

Look, I’ve been involved in this story for a while now, and have done a lot of research to know that anyone who criticizes the Rwandan government puts themselves at risk for who knows what. But that should not stop anyone from challenging, holding accountable, and doing what is right. Because having been involved in this story for a while now, I also know that by doing nothing, people are surely putting themselves at risk for who knows what as well.

The Bloody dictator Gets An Early X-mas Gift!

The truth must and will come out. However, fierce support is needed from the community of people who are aware, and who are engaged. Everyone should be doing outreach, educating, and making sure to question discrepencies, lies and frabrications to this story. What Germany did was arrest one person. This means little to people who are unaware of what went on, and what still goes on in Rwanda. It is also hardly challenging the main story line that is perpetuated. What it does instead is put Germany at odds with Rwanda just like France. They get viewed as genocidaire sympathizers, and considering Germany’s past with genocide, this is not a good look. One woman arrested?

While we should celebrate, we should also keep in mind that there is a much bigger goal to reach, a much more difficult goal to attain than simply removing a few individuals off the street and incarcerating them. The story line must be changed and the record must be set straight. We do nothing by removing individuals, who will inevitably be replaced by other individuals, who in turn will perpetuate the same story line.

We challenge future President Obama not to follow in the footsteps of Bill and Hillary Clinton as well as Albright. And hearing how it is rumored that Hillary may become his Secretary of State, we must act swifly and aggressively to hold him accountable. There is a serious danger of reverting back to the Clinton policies of the 1990s which saw a war in almost every corner of the African continent. Even if Barack Obama has immediate African blood, he is American first, and will support American foreign policy.

Therefore, we must challenge him. Let him know we will not stand for it. We should let him know that even if the Clintons are working for him, they should not have major influences on his foreign policies, which in the African context means, countless deaths and spilled African blood. We must have visibility and a presence in our communities not just when Germany arrests one of Kagame’s lackeys.

Friday, December 5, 2008

NO ROOM TO DENY THE RWANDA GENOCIDE : THE BLOODY DICTATOR PAUL KAGAME AND HIS BACKERS SHOULD STAND BEFORE THE BAR OF JUSTICE

December 5th, 2008

"At approximately 20:30, Habyarimana and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi were killed in a plane that was shot down near Kanombe International Airport All people aboard died."

Nobody Can Call It a "Plane Crash" (Philipot)

More important facts that have been carefully pointed out during the VRT reconstruction, facts that TOTALLY differ of the official story about the Rwanda genocide. It deserves to be studied carefully.

That attack was surely one of the worst terrorist acts of the 1990s. Think about it! Two African heads of state were killed--President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi was also in the plane , the fragile peace based on the Arusha accords of 1993 was shattered, war resumed, and masses of people were massacred.

Retired Colonel Rose Kabuye was recently arrested in Germany, and extradited to France, where she was charged with for complicity in murder in relation to a terrorist enterprise, for her alleged participation in the 1994 shooting down of Juvénal Habyarimana’s presidential plane, and released on bail. She is the first member of Rwandan President Paul Kagame’s inner circle to be charged in connection to what is arguably history’s least-investigated political assassination and terrorist attack.

The shooting down of the plane carrying Presidents Habyarimana of Rwanda and Ntaryamira of Burundi triggered the large-scale massacres that followed. The role of this attack on the nightmare that unfolded is obvious, yet over the years, and with the exception of judge Bruguière’s investigation, efforts to elucidate this crime have been frustrated almost every step of the way. 1st Episode: Why the death of Belgian peacekeeping

An investigation was requested on numerous occasions, by numerous parties; significantly, by the Security Council, almost immediately, whose reminders to the Secretary-General to investigate the circumstances of the attack were not followed; by the Rwandan Government, after the plane was shot down; by the African Union; and following the UN resolution establishing the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, the Subcommission on Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities adopted resolution 1994/1 entitled "Situation in Rwanda", calling the attention of the Commission of Experts, established by the Security Council, to the need to inquire into the circumstances of the shooting down of the plane.

2nd Episode: Attempt (Reconstruction) to explain the death

of the Belgian peacekeeping forces

In 1997, the ICTR Prosecutor’s representative responded:

"Our responsibility and mandate is not to investigate plane crashes. That's not really our function. Therefore, I would categorically answer this question by saying that, first, we don't have any such investigation. We have not made any such investigation and we don't have any reports. And, secondly, it is not our function, it is not our mandate, to investigate plane crashes or presidents, vice-presidents, or whoever it is. And, therefore, this is really a matter not within our province."

We have since learned from Michael Hourigan, Australian lawyer and one of former Prosecutor Louise Arbour’s lead investigators, that investigations had in fact been carried out (and at the material period when this fact had been denied), but had been shut down by Prosecutor Arbour personally once Hourigan informed her that he had credible evidence that a "network commando" of the RPF had shot down the plane.

3nd Episode:Rumors rumors crop up again that Beligian UN
peacekeeping are responsible for the death of the terrorist attack

The efforts to undermine this investigation over the years are significant, and the testimonies come from different sources confirm the total responsability and involvement of the RPF leader Paul Kagame.

Diplomacy’s Pale Underbelly:

Bernard Kouchner ironically said: "I do not know who ordered the April 6th, 1994 attack against President Habyarimana’s plane. But I do not believe, as does the excellent judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, that Paul Kagame knowingly decided to spark the fire that roared over his country. I cannot accept this simplistic and slanderous vision that would have Tutsis be responsible for what happened to them, no more than I can stand to hear certain people claim that there was a double genocide, against both Hutus and Tutsis."

One can only hope that geo-political concerns will not yet again stand in the way of learning the truth about the circumstances in which President Habyarimana’s plane was shot down by two surface to air missiles in 1994, even if the truth to be discovered, and justice to be done as a result, leads us to indict those who’ve become some of the West’s strongest allies, and who continue, it seems, to wage a path of destruction through Eastern Congo, with complete immunity. Indeed, if the RPF shot down President Habyarimana’s plane, Kagame can no longer be deemed a heroic military genius who stopped a genocide and should be forever protected and flattered no matter how many crimes he commits.
He becomes one of the (main) reasons the massacres unfolded: he could not have failed to know that the assassination of two Hutu presidents, and the Chief of Staff of the Rwandan Armed Forces, during a volatile political transition and in the course of a fragile ceasefire (violated on several occasions by the RPF, as it happens), would unleash violence.

All crimes must be punished, all criminals must face justice. We are confronted with an impunity gap. Justice must be seen to be done.

If the RPF shot down the plane, they are co-responsible, and this substantially changes the cartoonishly uni-dimensional narrative necessary to provide Kagame with total impunity, and buttress a Western foreign policy on intervention that helped make the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia possible politically.

While Bernard Kouchner may not want to believe the results of a careful investigation carried out by France’s most celebrated anti-terrorism judge, and while Judge Bruguière’s witness, Mr. Ruzibiza, may suddenly see fit to recant a testimony given under oath before a UN institution, the fact remains that there are many other witnesses relied upon in the French investigation.

And this most under-investigated of political assassinations, one which sparked a hundred-day massacre, the latter justifying continued war and misery in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and authoritarian rule in Rwanda, must be elucidated, and not quashed yet again, for the sake of geopolitical interests that would impede discovery of truth, and delay justice beyond what can decently be tolerated. ==>Tiphaine Dickson

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Thursday, December 4, 2008

Rwanda stirs Congo's troubles

It is widely believed that Rwanda backs Nkunda; Rwanda denies it. (Jerome Delay/The Associated Press).

KIGALI, Rwanda:

There is a general rule in Africa, if not across the world: Behind any rebellion with legs is usually a meddling neighborLaurent Nkunda, center, a rebel leader in Congo, was an officer in Rwanda's army. And whether the rebellion in eastern Congo explodes into another full-fledged war, and drags a large chunk of central Africa with it, seems likely to depend on the involvement of Rwanda, Congo's tiny but disproportionately mighty neighbor.

There is a long and bloody history here, and this time around the evidence seems to be growing that Rwanda, or at a minimum, many Rwandans, are meddling again in Congo's troubles. As before, Rwanda's stake in Congo is a complex mix of strategic interest, business opportunity and the real fears of a nation that has heroically built itself after near obliteration by ethnic hatred.

The signs are ever-more obvious, if not yet entirely open. Several demobilized Rwandan soldiers, speaking in hushed tones in Kigali, Rwanda's tightly controlled capital, described a systematic effort by Rwanda's government-run demobilization commission to send hundreds if not thousands of fighters to the rebel front lines.

Former rebel soldiers in Congo said that they had seen Rwandan officers plucking off the Rwandan flags from the shoulders of their fatigues after they had arrived and that Rwandan officers served as the backbone of the rebel army. Congolese wildlife rangers in the gorilla park on the thickly forested Rwanda-Congo border said countless heavily armed men routinely crossed over from Rwanda into Congo.

Rwandan government administrator said a military hospital in Kigali was treating many Rwandan soldiers who were recently wounded while fighting in Congo, but the administrator said he could get thrown in jail for talking about it.
Today in Africa & Middle East

There seems to be a reinvigorated sense of the longstanding brotherhood between the Congolese rebels, who are mostly ethnic Tutsi, and the Tutsi-led government of Rwanda, which has supported these same rebels in the past.

The brotherhood is relatively secret for now, just as it was in the late 1990s when Rwanda denied being involved in Congo, only to later admit that it was occupying a vast section of the country. Rwanda's leaders are vigilant about not endangering their carefully crafted reputation as responsible, development-oriented friends of the West.

Senior Rwandan officials do not deny that demobilized Rwandan soldiers are fighting in Congo, but they said the soldiers were doing it on their own, without any government backing.
"They are ordinary citizens, and if their travel documents are in order, they can go ahead and travel," said Joseph Mutaboba, Rwanda's special envoy for the Great Lakes region.

But according to several demobilized soldiers, Rwandan government officials are involved, providing bus fare for the men to travel to Congo and updating the rebel leadership each month on how many fighters from Rwanda are about to come over. Once they get to the rebel camps, the Rwandan veterans said they flashed their Rwandan army identification cards and then were assigned to a rebel unit.

"We usually get a promotion," said one fighter who was recently a corporal in the Rwandan army and served as a sergeant in the rebel forces last month. He said that he could be severely punished if identified and that Rwandan officials and rebel commanders told the fighters not to say anything about the cooperation.

Another cause for suspicion is Rwanda's past plundering of Congo's rich trove of minerals, going back to the late 1990s when the Rwandan army seized control of eastern Congo and pumped hundreds of millions of dollars of smuggled coltan, cassiterite and even diamonds back to Rwanda, according to United Nations documents.

Many current high-ranking Rwandan officials, including the minister of finance, the ambassador to China and the deputy director of the central bank, were executives at a holding company that a United Nations panel in 2002 implicated in the illicit mineral trade and called to be sanctioned. The officials say that they are no longer part of that company and that the company did nothing wrong. Nonetheless, eastern Congo's lucrative mineral business still seems to be heavily influenced by ethnic Rwandan businessmen with close ties to Kigali.

Some of the most powerful players Wednesday, like Modeste Makabuza Ngoga, who runs a small empire of coffee, tea, transport and mineral companies in eastern Congo, are part of a Tutsi-dominated triangle involving the Rwandan government, the conflict-driven mineral trade and a powerful rebel movement led by a renegade general, Laurent Nkunda, a former officer in Rwanda's army.

Several United Nations reports have accused Makabuza Ngoga of using strong-arm tactics to smuggle minerals from Congo to Rwanda and one report said that he enjoyed "close ties" to Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame. This week a rebel spokesman said that Makabuza Ngoga was on Nkunda's "College of Honorables," essentially a rebel advisory board. Nkunda's troops recently marched into areas known to be mineral rich — and areas where ethnic Rwandan businessmen are trying to gain a foothold.

Wednesday, December 3, 2008

Tens of thousands of Hutu children are slaves. They are forcibly working together with their fathers in the Thee and Coffee plantations in Rwanda

Scovia Mbabazi, the seller of the boy, at Kalisizo Police Station; Frank Hagirimaana on sale for sh23m

A Hutu boy Frank Hagirimana on sale for sh23m

A tragedie among many others: Dishonest agents RPF network and orphanages in Rwanda are running a multi-million-dollars international SLAVE racket, frequently sending Hutu children abroad FOR SALE.

Few human practices have provoked such deep and widespread outrage as the practice of one human being enslaving another. So why has slavery survived for thousands of years? How did it become so important to civilization? Explore the ways that slavery has been woven into the fabric of societies in America and now in Rwanda.

By Ali Mambule in Masaka

THE Police have arrested a Rwandan woman trying to sell a 15-year-old boy for sh23m. The Police identified the suspects as Scovia Mbabazi, 28, of Rushenyi village, Rweyare sub-county in Mbarara district.

Mbabazi's arrest comes as the Police intensify the hunt for Kampala tycoon Kato Kajubi over a gruesome ritual murder in Masaka district. She was arrested when a Police officer pretended to buy the boy, the district Police commander, Juma Okungo, said.

The boy identified as Frank Hagirimaana, a Hutu, said he was picked from Bugesera Zone, Kabugakomini in Kigalingari district, Rwanda by Mbabazi who promised to get him a job. Okungo said on Monday, Mbabazi approached a would-be accomplice, Fred Kasinga, of Kyotera town in Rakai district to look for a buyer. Mbabazi promised him a sh3m commission, the Police said. The woman, the Police added, lied that she lived in Sanje on the Kyotera-Mutukula road in Rakai but they discovered that she had spent two days in a lodge in Kyotera town and had not paid the bills.

She pleaded that she would pay after selling her goods, Okungo said. In a statement to the Police, the would-be accomplice reported the matter because he could not understand why the woman would sell the boy. Okungo said a policeman, Rashid Luyinda, from Kyotera Police post, wearing a suit, pretended to be a tycoon interested in buying the boy.

Mbabazi initially asked for sh50m. After pleading for a discount, she reluctantly accepted sh23m and insisted she had to pay a sh3m commission to the broker. Luyinda, however, requested Mbabazi to show him the boy before paying the money.

She promised to bring him within an hour, saying he was in Sanje. â€œWe wanted to first rescue the boy before arresting the woman and we immediately arrested Mbabazi when she brought the boy who had no knowledge of what was going on, Okungo added.

Mbabazi, however, told the Police that although she was selling the boy, she did not intend to sacrifice him. â€œI thought the rich man wanted to give him a job. Mbabazi was detained at Kalisizo Police Station. The Police said investigations into the matter are going on and that Mbabazi would be charged with child trafficking.

Okungo said he was waiting for instructions from the Masaka regional Police to instruct them on what to do with the boy who is now under Police care.

Tuesday, December 2, 2008

Time has come to end Paul Kagame's dictatorship in Rwanda

LUSHEBERE, DRCongo, (AFP)

- High in the mountains in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo,

Rwandan Hutu rebel leader Edmond Ngarambe denounces the Tutsi "dictatorship" in his homeland.

RPF engeneering massacres of Hutu STUDENTS in School'boys

dormitory in the north-western region of Rwanda

Lieutenant Colonel Ngarambe, spokesman for the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), has been exiled here, since he joined the FDLR in 1998. He is one of some 6,000 fighters with the FDLR, one of the many armed factions fighting in this troubled corner of DR Congo.

Some members of this rebel force have been here since 1994 when, having taken part in the genocide of Tutsis and moderate Hutus in Rwanda, they were driven over the border by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (FPR).

Ngarame, 40, is a hefty looking man in full combat fatigues and a pistol on his belt. He acknowledges that some of his men may have been taken part in the Rwandan genocide.
"Some elements are ready to surrender, but they don't trust justice in Kigali," he said, referring to the courts in the Rwandan capital.

The FDLR fighters would like to return to Rwanda, he said. "But there is no safety for us in Rwanda, it is a dictatorship," he insisted.
"Those who don't want to kneel down before the regime are considered as an enemy," he added.
Before his men could return home, he said, Rwandan President Paul Kagame had to leave office and what he called an "equitable" justice system had to be put in place to judge suspects in the genocide.
Ngarambe denounced the community-based courts, known as "gacaca", that have been dealing with such cases in the Rwanda, where only the Hutus were considered to be guilty.

Members of the Kagame's ruling FPR should also be held to account for their actions, he argued. "Nobody says anything on FPR reprisals after the genocide," he said.

From his position 60 kilometres (40 miles) from the Rwandan border, Ngarambe pointed out a mountain a few kilometres off. This was the battle line where his men were fighting their main enemies in the region, the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP), of renegade Tutsi general Laurent Nkunda.
Since fighting resumed in the eastern DR Congo province of Nord-Kivu in August, the FDLR has formed makeshift alliances with DR Congo government soldiers and the pro-government Mai-Mai militias against the CNDP.

Nkunda, whose forces have made significant gains in the recent fighting, has denounced President Joseph Kabila for making common cause with the FDLR, who he says threaten the local Tutsi population.
But Nkunda's forces have themselves been accused of receiving support from eastern neighbours Rwanda.

"Laurent Nkunda is Kigali's puppet," said Ngarambe. "His only aim in fighting us is to wipe out all opposition to the regime in Kigali," he said.
"If Kinshasa helped the FDLR as much as Kigali helps Nkunda, we would march on Kigali in two days!" he said. Most of Nord-Kivu province was already in Rwandan hands, he said: and Nkunda was fighting for control of that land.

Ngarambe did not accept UN accounts of FDLR collaboration with Kabila's soldiers, preferring to speak only of cohabitation.
At the nearby town of Lushebere, government soldiers and Mai-Mai militia members could be seen rubbing shoulders with the rebels of the FDLR. But each force fought as an autonomous unit, Ngarambe insisted.

He raised an agreement in November 2007 between the governments of the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda to flush out illegal armed groups in the east of DR Congo.
It was "unfortunate", he said, that the FDLR "were always the scapegoats for the insecurity in the region."

While he wanted talks with all the other concerned parties, he said, his forces were being hunted down and talked of in terms of "forced neutralisation." Yet when it came to the rebels in Uganda and Burundi, people were happy to talk about negotiation.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet it cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

"Le FPR sera tenu pour responsable du génocide en RDC" (01/12/2008)

"La guerre que nous connaissons, n’est pas une rébellion, c’est une agression du territoire congolais par le Rwanda". Ainsi parle Arthur A’Ahidi Ngoma l’un des anciens membres influents du RCD lors de sa création en 1998, mais qui va quitter ce mouvement politico militaire quelques mois plus tard lorsqu’il est apparu que c’est le FPR qui est le véritable commanditaire de cette guerre d’agression.

Cet homme désigné en avril 2003 vice-président de la République pour le compte de l’Opposition pacifique, ne s’est pas arrêté là lors de sa rencontre avec la presse, le mercredi dernier qui commémore le 11ème anniversaire de son arrestation en compagnie de dix journalistes, avant d’être transféré vers la sinistre prison de Buluwo au Katanga, en compagnie de Joseph Olenghankoyi et de feu Masasu Nindaga.

la démarche entreprise récemment par le ministre congolais des Affaires étrangères qui s’est permis d’annoncer à la face du monde que l’Angola se préparait à envoyer des forces armées pour combattre aux côtés des FARDC. Pour l’ancien fonctionnaire de l’UNESCO, Alexis Thambwe Mwamba « s’est adressé à l’adversaire pour lui dire de se préparer car bientôt nous allons faire venir l’arme la plus forte, l’armée angolaise ».

Il n’y a pas meilleure façon de donner des arguments à l’adversaire, c’est comme le ministre des Finances qui annonce un mois à l’avance qu’il va changer de monnaie et le résultat est qu’il va face à une spéculation terrible qui risque de produire des effets inattendus.

RPF Sponsors are

Saving Darfur?

Avez-vous déjà vu un diplomate passer par Kinshasa sans se rendre ensuite à Kigali ? S’interroge à haute voix l’ancien vice-président de la République pour démontrer davantage la responsabilité du Rwanda dans le génocide qui est en train de ravager la nation congolaise. Hommage aux Maï Maï Que faut-il alors faire ? Arthur Z’Ahidi Ngoma ne va pas par quatre chemins.

Comme il est clair que le CNDP est une branche armée venue de Kigali, il faut éviter de faire ce que la Bible enseigne, car en politique si l’on te donne une gifle, il faut répliquer par une autre gifle. C’est le lieu de saluer le patriotisme des Maï Maï qui sans moyens conséquents parviennent à mettre en déroute les commandos rwandais opérant sous couvert du CNDP, a indiqué l’ancien vice-président de la République.

Prétexte fallacieux des FDLR Pour justifier les multiples agressions depuis 1996, le Rwanda recourt toujours au prétexte fallacieux de la présence des FDLR en RDC. Que fait Kigali pendant sept ans d’occupation des territoires de l’Est pour en finir avec les FDLR ?

Ce prétexte ne tient plus debout et ne résiste plus à la moindre critique, car d’une part Arthur Z’Ahidi Ngoma constate que les autorités rwandaises se vantent sur toutes les tribunes internationales d’avoir instauré la paix et la sécurité sur toute l’étendue de leur territoire et que le degré de dangerosité des FDLR est nul à ce jour. D’autre part, il note que ces éléments des FDLR causent plus des dégâts matériels, humains et économiques à travers les espaces où ils opèrent et cela aux yeux de la communauté internationale qui avait demandé à la RDC de les accueillir, alors qu’ils fuyaient l’avancée des forces du Front patriotique rwandais.

Et il incombe donc à cette communauté internationale d’aider la RDC à résoudre ce dossier de manière pacifique, a noté le président des Forces du Futur, car l’option militaire est inopérante. Urgence d’un dialogue inter rwandais A Sun City, les Congolais se sont retrouvés pour résoudre de manière pacifique leur différend politique.

La question est de savoir pourquoi le FPR continue à refuser d’ouvrir un couloir des négociations avec les FDLR. Tant que cela ne sera pas fait, Kigali va continuer à s’ingérer dans les affaires intérieures de la RDC, car il est inconcevable qu’une minorité conserve le pouvoir politique au détriment de la majorité. Voilà la raison fondamentale de ses multiples interventions en RDC sous couvert de divers prétextes tout aussi fallacieux que fantaisistes, a souligné le président national des Forces du Furtur.

Saturday, November 29, 2008

À Son excellence Monsieur Kouchner, Ministre des Affaires Etrangères de la République française A Paris;

Concerne vos propos dans l’entretien que vous avez eu avec les journalistes de RFI et de TV5 Monde, le 23 novembre 2008 sur l'arrestation de Madame Rose Kabuye par la justice française impliquée dans l’attentat contre les Présidents Juvénal Habyarimana et Cyprien Ntaryamira et leurs collaborateurs, survenu le 6 avril 1994 vers 20 heures 30 à Kigali.

Excellence Monsieur le Ministre,

J’ai l’honneur de Vous transmettre ma très haute estime pour les efforts inlassables et le combat combien noble que la France, Pays de la liberté, de la démocratie et des droits de l’homme, mène au sein de la Communauté Internationale, en faveur de la paix et pour le respect des droits de l’homme dans le monde. Je suis particulièrement et avec beaucoup d’intérêts la sollicitude de la France pour le retour de la paix dans les divers pays en guerre ou en conflits larvés en Afrique tels que la Côte d’Ivoire, la Centre Afrique, le Tchad, le Darfour, la Somalie et la RDC dans la région du Kivu, à l’Est.

Dans la région des Grands Lacs, vous n’ignorez pas le drame qui a frappé ce petit pays à l’Est de la RDC depuis le mois d’octobre 1990, lorsque la coalition NRA/FPR/APR a envahi ce territoire à partir de l’Ouganda. Là encore, la France a joué un rôle combien positif, en aidant ce pays à faire face à une guerre barbare d’agression, en vertu des accords de coopération signés entre le Rwanda et la France.

En dépit des différents accords de cessez-le-feu eu et de l’accord de paix signé à Arusha, en République Unie de Tanzanie le 4/8/1993, devant les observateurs internationaux qui devaient garantir la mise en application de l’accord de paix, le FPR, a dans la suite, refusé le partage du pouvoir et a délibérément déclenché l’offensive exterminatrice et finale d’avril juillet 1994, à l’issue de laquelle, il a pris le pouvoir, après avoir causé et versé un immense bain de sang. Ce qui s’appelle aujourd’hui, le génocide des Tutsis.

Je suis sincèrement de ceux qui dénoncent la mauvaise foi du FPR qui cherche par tous les moyens de se soustraire à ses immenses responsabilités dans le drame qu’il a au peuple rwandais depuis 1990, en se déchargeant de ces responsabilités pour les rejeter sur les Hutus du Rwanda et la Communauté internationale au sein de laquelle la France a pourtant a joué un rôle combien positif en assistant le Gouvernement rwandais d’alors à faire à d’innombrables défis, dans le cadre d’une agression perpétrée contre le Rwanda à partir de l’Uganda.

Je suis de ceux qui dénoncent le mensonge et la mauvaise foi des autorités du FPR, qui incriminent faussement les troupes françaises de participation aux événements tragiques d’avril juillet 1994, lorsque ces autorités savent bien que les troupes françaises avaient quitté le Rwanda, conformément à l’accord de cessez-le-feu de Dar-es-Salaam signé entre le Gouvernement rwandais et le FPR le 7 mars 1993. D’ailleurs le Général Dallaire confirme le départ des troupes françaises du Rwanda, dans son ouvrage « J’ai serré la main du diable », à la page 174.

Certes, les troupes françaises sont revenues plus tard à Kigali, dans le cadre de l’opération Amaryllis et lors de l’opération « Turquoise ». Ces opérations se sont déroulées dans un cadre légal et ont pu sauver des dizaines de milliers de gens menacés par les combats du FPR. Je n’ignore pas les fausses accusations montées par le régime tyrannique du FPR contre les autorités françaises et de très hauts gradés de l’armée française, sur b ase de mensonges et de contrevérités, dans ce qui s’appelle désormais le « Rapport Mucyo » auquel beaucoup de gens ont réagi en dénonçant les mensonges y contenus.

Je sais que les relations diplomatiques sont mauvaises entre Paris et Kigali, suite à la surenchère d’un régime criminel qui intimide ses partenaires sans nécessairement prendre en compte l’avis et les intérêts des millions de Rwandais, pour s’attirer la bienveillance de la Communauté internationale qu’il a jusque-là manipulée à volonté, pour couvrir ses crimes abominables.

Mais comme le disait si bien Madame Braeckmann, en Kinyarwanda la vérité passe à travers le feu et ne brûle pas. Espérons que l’arrestation et son placement sous contrôle judiciaire par les autorités judiciaires françaises permettra au monde entier de savoir ce qui s’est passé, spécialement à partir de la destruction de l’avion présidentiel le 6 avril 1994.

Car cela n’intéresse pas seulement les victimes de cet attentat au premier rang desquels se trouvent les familles de l’équipage de l’avion, mais des millions de Rwandais ont tragiquement vécu cet événement fatidique qui n’était qu’un maillon dans un plan militaire conçu, soigneusement préparé et mis en œuvre par le FPR cette nuit du 6 à 7 avril 1994 à partir de Kigali, pour prendre le pouvoir par la force.

Monsieur le Ministre,

Ils sont très nombreux au Rwanda et dans le monde ceux qui, ont salué l’arrestation de Madame Rose Kabuye à l’Aéroport de Frankfurt, en République fédérale d’Allemagne et son transfert devant la justice française, en vertu des mandats d’arrêt internationaux lancés par le juge antiterroriste Jean Louis Bruguière, dans le cadre des enquêtes menées sur l’attentat contre l’avion du Président Juvénal Habyarimana ; attentat dans lequel périrent sur le coup deux chefs d’État dans l’exercice de leurs.

Lire le Communiqué conjoint publié à l’issue de la rencontre de haut niveau entre le Gouvernement de la République Rwandaise et le Front Patriotique Rwandais, tenue à Dar-Es-Salaam du 5 au 7 mars 1993. Au point IV) de ce document il est décidé : « Retrait des troupes étrangères et leur remplacement par une force internationale neutre organisée dans le cadre de l’OUA et des Nations Unies et ayant en conformité avec l’article II.6 de l’Accord du 12 juillet 1992, une vocation humanitaire. Cette force sera normalement installée à Kigali et aura pour tâche de contribuer à assurer l’apaisement et en particulier la sécurité des expatriés, partout ils peuvent être.

Lire aussi le document confidentiel entre le Gouvernement rwandais et le Front patriotique rwandais relatif aux modalités de retrait des troupes françaises. Ce document dispose que les troupes françaises présentes au Rwanda depuis le 8 février 1993 devront se retirer du pays à partir du 17 mars 1993 dans un délai de 8 jours. Le reste des troupes françaises présentes au Rwanda avant le 8 février 1 993, deux compagnies devront être cantonnées à Kigali à partir du 17 mars 1993 jusqu’à leur remplacement par une force internationale neutre convenue de commun accord entre les deux parties.

Voir la réaction des détenus contre le Rapport Mucyo. fonctions et des Ministres rwandais et burundais. Cet attentat est reconnu aujourd’hui par les experts du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda comme l’élément déclencheur des massacres intervenus au Rwanda en avril juillet 1994, d’autant plus que, dans la même nuit du 6 au 7 avril 1994, le Front Patriotique Rwandais a repris les hostilités sur tous les fronts, en massacrant de nombreuses populations depuis cette nuit même à Kigali, dans les secteurs Kimihurura, Kacyiru, Remera et Kicukiro.

Il n’est donc plus permis d’accréditer la thèse fausse selon laquelle le FPR serait intervenu militairement le 7 avril 1994 dans l’après midi, vers 16 heu res pour arrêter le massacre de Tutsis et de Hutus modérés. Il se trouve même qu’au vu de la preuve documentaire actuellement disponible, les membres de l’opposition qui disait- on, avait été massacrés par la garde présidentielle, ont été en réalité tués par les agents du FPR. Celui-ci avait détaché auprès de chaque membre concerné des agents de surveillance. Ainsi auraient été tués par le FPR Lando, Kavaruganda et autre Ngango…..Cela s’entend puisque la garde présidentielle était déjà sous le feu du FPR.

Par conséquent le déferlement de la garde présidentielle pour massacrer les Tutsi dès la descente de l’avion fait partie de cette légende que les ténors du FPR, comme Madame Braeckmann, amplifient encore maintenant, jusqu’à prétendre que ce serait cette même garde présidentielle qui aurait descend u l’avion présidentiel à partir de « sa position de Masaka ».

Comme si Madame Braeckmann ignorait que Kigali et ses 3 environs étaient placés sous régime de consignation d’armes, dans un périmètre englobant la localité de Masaka. Depuis la reprise des combats à partir de Kigali, les autorités rwandaises ont demandé la cessation des combats depuis le 7 avril 1994 ; le FPR y a réservé systématiquement une fin de non recevoir. Et au moment où les responsables rwandais réclamaient l’aide de la Communauté internationale pour protéger les populations, le FPR a menacé de s’attaquer au x troupes étrangères qui se trouveraient sur son couloir de progression.

Cet attentat contre l’avion du Président Habyarimana n’est donc pas un élément isolé ; il n’aurait pas été le prétexte pour les soi-disant extrémistes Hutus de mettre en exécution le plan de génocide concocté depuis longtemps ; puisqu’il a sonné le signal de lancement de l’offensive finale sur Kigali. La thèse d’un complot hutu pour conserver le pouvoir sans partage, cette thèse ne p eut plus être défendue maintenant, faute de preuve et parce qu’il est évident que c’est le FPR qui est le vrai planificateur de cette tragédie. L’attentat est donc directement lié à l’offensive finale du FPR pour prendre le pouvoir par la force ; laquelle offensive a entraîné la catastrophe rwandaise.

Après avoir attendu en vain la vérité sur cette attentat terroriste qui a coûté la vie à deux chefs d’État dans l’exercice de leur fonction, à l’équipage français, à plusieurs Ministres rwandais et burundais et au chef de l’état- major de l’armée rwandaise et Toutes les unités des forces armées rwandaises dans le périmètre KWSA, étaient placées sous le contrôle de la MINUAR qui avait détaché un élément de contrôle dans chaque camp militaire. La garde présidentielle ne pouvait donc pas avoir une position de tir à Masaka. Cette localité au contraire avait, comme le centre de Kabuga, une position de la MINUAR. Voir l’accord KWSA signé le 24 décembre 1993 par les parties concernées. Voir la Déclaration d u FPR datée du 09 avril 1994. Lire Bernard Lugan dans son ouvrage « Rwanda, Contre enquête sur le génocide », page 153-164.

Lire le récent document d u colonel Luc Marchal sur l’arrestation de Rose Kabuye. Plusieurs documents découverts par le procureur du TPIR dans le cadre d es enquêtes spéciales réalisées par le TPIR sur les crimes du FPR en font foi. qui a sonné le signal de lancement de l’offensive finale et exterminatrice du FPR pour prendre le pouvoir par la force, en violation de l’accord de paix d’Arusha. Des millions de gens attendent que, enfin, la justice française puisse mener le travail judiciaire nécessaire à travers le dossier Rose Kabuye, afin d’éclairer l’opinion rwandaise et le public international sur les tenants et les aboutissants de cet attentat qui a déclenché l’épouvantable tragédie rwandaise d’avril juillet 1994.

Seulement votre déclaration le 23 novembre 2008 devant les journalistes de RFI et de TV5, sur la mise en liberté de Madame Rose Kabuye, placée sous contrôle judiciaire, en qualité de Ministre des Affaires Étrangères de la France a jeté le trouble, lorsque vous vous êtes félicité de ce que Madame Rose Kabuye ait été placée en liberté sous contrôle judiciaire et de ce qu’elle pourra bientôt lever le malentendu et ainsi permettre à la France de poursuivre ses efforts de normalisation des relations avec le Rwanda.

Vous avez dit que Rose Kabuye est parmi ceux qui ont arrêté le génocide au Rwanda en 1994 et qu’elle n’a rien à avoir avec le génocide des Tutsis ; ce génocide, selon Vous, ayant été préparé depuis longtemps par le régime déchu et ayant massacré 800.000 Tutsis.

Dans le même ordre d’idées, répondant à la question d’un journaliste qui vous demandait si les auteurs de l’attentat ne savaient pas qu’ils allaient provoquer des massacres, vous vous êtes insurgé contre une question qui, selon vous relevait du négationnisme ; vous affirmiez avec force qu’on ne peut pas nier que le génocide ait été préparé de longue date et que votre visite au Rwanda au moment de la tragédie vous a permis de voir des enfants de 12 à 13 ans armés de machettes ; vous avez même argumenté sur la planification du génocide par l’ancien régime en disant que vous savez ainsi que beaucoup d’autres que deux millions de machettes ont été 7 commandées pour massacrer les Tutsis.

Le souhait de tous c’est de voir la justice française à l’œuvre pour tirer au clair une affaire dont non seulement les victimes attendent l’issue avec ferveur, mais aussi, vous vous en doutez bien plus de 7 millions Rwandais et l’humanité entière attendent la vérité sur le drame rwandais à partir à l’issue du verdict de cette affaire. Les gens ne sont pas intéressés de savoir que Madame Kabuye est une héroïne qui a arrêté le génocide, dans la mesure où la guerre qu’elle a préparée et à laquelle elle a participé entraîné un grand nombre de victimes innocentes dès lors même que l’accord de paix signé le 4/8/2008 mettait fin à la guerre entre le gouvernement rwandais et le FPR.

En outre dans les procès qui se sont déroulés au TPIR, il n’a pas été produit un seul rapport fiable sur le nombre et l’identité exacte de victimes de la tragédie rwandaise, ainsi que les circonstances exactes de la mort des victimes. De 500.000 victimes, chiffres qui auraient été avancés par des services secrets étrangers au cas où le FPR reprenait les combats, à cause des tensions que sa stratégie de déstabilisation avait créées dans le pays, on est passé à 800.000 et même à plus de un million de victimes. Il est à penser que ce chiffre ne p eut être de loin inférieur à la réalité plus macabre.

Et contrairement aux idées reçues, les Hutus sont les plus nombreux. Cfr. émission de France 24 en date du 24 novembre 2008. Rose Kabuye se trouvait au CND à Kimihurura depuis l’installation du 3 bataillon APR. Il y a lieu de prendre l’exemple du mémorial de Gisozi qui abrite 250.000 crânes. Dont on pourrait penser qu’il s’agit de Tutsis. Alors que les chiffres du recensement général de la population de la ville de Kigali en 1994 donne l’effectif total de 235.000 habitants dont seulement 3 9000 habitants sont (.... )

Si vous avez les preuves sur la planification du génocide des Tutsis que le procureur du TPIR n’a pas encore trouvées, vous rendriez un grand service à l’humanité entière, en les lui donnant, parce que jusqu’ici il ne les a pas montrées. En tous la commande de deux millions de machettes relèverait plus de l’affabulation que de la réalité, parce que cette preuve –là n’a pas été montrée.

Quant au voyage que vous avez effectué au Rwanda, il est étonnant de voir que vous parliez des enfants de 12 à 13 ans que vous avez vus avec des machettes ; cela pour confirmer que la commande de machettes avait eu lieu. Vous voudrez considérer que le court séjour que vous avez passé à Kigali vous étiez chaque fois escorté par la MINUAR dans un véhicule blindé, parce que la ville de Kigali était bombardée nuit et jour par l’artillerie du FPR qui, au mois de mais avait presque conquis toute la ville.

Nulle part vous n’êtes descendu pour visiter les places ou les différents endroits de la ville, excepté votre visite dans les installations hébergeant les réfugiés, notamment le stade Amahoro, en zone FPR. Certes vous êtes allés voir le gouvernement intérimaire dans son refuge à Gitarama. Mais vous vous souvenez qu’au retour, alors que la MINUAR vous a placé dans un véhicule blindé à partir de Giticyinyoni, à cause des combats intenses qui se déroulaient dans la ville, le convoi a néanmoins essuyé d es tirs d’une mitrailleuse en flanc de la colline Jari, peu avant les feux rouges de la Nyabugogo.

Vous vous souvenez qu’au retentissement des tirs, le convoi s’est arrêté et vous avez fait un mouvement dangereux en sortant du blindé pour vous coucher dans une rigole. Mais chose étonnante, vous avez déclaré le soir sur les ondes internationales que vous aviez fait objet de tirs de la part des FAR. Peut-être craigniez-vous de dire que c’était le FPR qui venait de tirer sur votre convoi ! Le FPR le faisait d’ailleurs souvent contre des convois escortés par la MINUAR !

En clair vous n’avez peut-être voulu rendre compte des réalités macabres de cette guerre qui est de la responsabilité totale du FPR. Vous vous souvenez que c’est alors que vous avez fait un rapport indiquant qu’il se déroulait un génocide des Tutsis, alors que dans le même temps tous les efforts tentés pour faire cesser les combats étaient boycottés par le FPR qui tirait même sur des convois humanitaires lors des opérations d’échanges de réfugiés entre la zone gouvernementale et la zone FPR...

Monsieur le Ministre,

Je suis de ceux sont conscients que la France doit faire ce qui est possible pour défendre ses intérêts. Mais il faut penser que la France peut dans la mesure du possible concilier ses intérêts avec son devoir moral de contribuer au rétablissement de la vérité sur le drame rwandais. Ce ne sont pas les responsables français qui ignorent en effet, les non dits, les contrevérités et les mensonges qui ont été fabriqués et entretenus sur la tragédie rwandaise.

Mieux que n’importe qui, les autorités françaises savent combien le Gouvernement français a déployé d’énormes efforts pour empêcher que la catastrophe ne s’abatte sur le Rwanda, depuis 1990, mais elle n’a pas été entendue d’autres pays membres du Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU, comme en témoignent de nombreux documents des Nations Unies. Nous ne pensons donc pas qu’il soit de l’intérêt de la France de cautionner le mensonge du Tutsis.

Or non seulement toute la population de la ville de Kigali n’a pas été massacrée pour donner 250.000 crânes, mais encore tous les Tutsis de la ville de Kigali n’ont pas tués, puisque dans les sites et dans les opérations d’échange sous la houlette de la MINUAR au moins 25000 d’entre eux ont été protégés et sauvés.

Cela sans compter ceux que le FPR a extraits et conduits vers ses arrières. FPR en accédant à la fausse thèse dont ses lobbies du FPR ont inondé le monde, en faisant croire que le FPR n’aurait repris les combats en avril juillet 1994 que pour arrêter le génocide. De nombreuses preuves documentaires montrent que c’est le FPR qui a attaqué le Rwanda depuis 1990 à partir de l’Uganda, qu’il a violé tous les accords de cessez-le-feu et l’accord de paix d’Arusha, en assassinant le Président Habyarimana et en reprenant les combats dans la nuit du 6 au 7 avril 1994.

Devons-nous penser que votre intervention est destinée à banaliser le rôle du FPR dans l’attentat contre l’avion présidentiel, pour empêcher la découverte d e la vérité par la Justice française, à un moment crucial où d’aucuns s’attend raient plutôt à une plus grande transparence qui dégagerait la France du bourbier rwandais, et permettrait au peuple rwandais de se réconcilier. La France n’étant pas impliquée dans l’attentat contre l’avion présidentiel, la justice française n’a aucun obstacle à établir la vérité sur cet attentat.

Il faut penser que la France n’aurait aucun intérêt à dégager le régime FPR de ses responsables dans l’attentat qui a déclenché une tragédie humaine dont des millions de Rwandais gardent la mémoire. La seule manière d’aider les Rwandais à se réconcilier avec eux –mêmes et avec la Communauté internationale, est de faire éclater la vérité sur le drame rwandais que les Rwandais ont subi et qui les a terrassés pour très longtemps encore.

Veuillez agréer, Excellence Monsieur le Ministre les assurances de ma très haute considération.

K.D

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