A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Tuesday, April 7, 2009
Human Right Watch, Alison Des Forges & Disinformation on Central Africa6 April 2009
Keith Harmon snow
http://www.allthingspass.com/
***
Hello
I'd like to share my most recent publication: PLEASE PUBLISH (w/attribution) OR DISTRIBUTE.
Why is this important to you?
Because corporations are trying to rule the world and their lawyers are threatening my existence as a journalist.
Because most readers of this email will have seen a story about "genocide" in Rwanda somewhere, in some form, and the same story has unfolded around Darfur, Sudan. It is intertwined with the information systems and Hollywood, and most everything out there is dishonest, disinformation, meant to deceive, confuse, and disempower us. More than that, propaganda is meant to insure our participation in systems of exploitation.
Because genocide is widespread. It is happening to native Americans, Hawai'ians, indigenous people everywhere. There is a long history of mass murder, and consciousness comes in understanding our role in it. Most important, it is critical to understand the U.S. government's relationship to dictatorships, atrocities, and plunder in Central Africa, Columbia, Canada -- everywhere and anywhere it is happening.
Innocent people are being hurt, and some of them are people I know. They are good people, deserving of your consciousness.
This story is about Human Rights Watch and Alison Des Forges, the HRW researcher on Rwanda killed in the Continental Airlines plane crash in Buffalo NY.
Please support this work with a donation. This is independent thought, independent action, the power of one.
blessings
keith
Hello
I'd like to share my most recent publication: PLEASE PUBLISH (w/attribution) OR DISTRIBUTE.
Why is this important to you?
Because corporations are trying to rule the world and their lawyers are threatening my existence as a journalist.
Because most readers of this email will have seen a story about "genocide" in Rwanda somewhere, in some form, and the same story has unfolded around Darfur, Sudan. It is intertwined with the information systems and Hollywood, and most everything out there is dishonest, disinformation, meant to deceive, confuse, and disempower us. More than that, propaganda is meant to insure our participation in systems of exploitation.
Because genocide is widespread. It is happening to native Americans, Hawai'ians, indigenous people everywhere. There is a long history of mass murder, and consciousness comes in understanding our role in it. Most important, it is critical to understand the U.S. government's relationship to dictatorships, atrocities, and plunder in Central Africa, Columbia, Canada -- everywhere and anywhere it is happening.
Innocent people are being hurt, and some of them are people I know. They are good people, deserving of your consciousness.
This story is about Human Rights Watch and Alison Des Forges, the HRW researcher on Rwanda killed in the Continental Airlines plane crash in Buffalo NY.
Please support this work with a donation. This is independent thought, independent action, the power of one.
blessings
keith
***
On 12 February 2009, Alison Des Forges, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch (HRW) for more than 20 years, was killed when Continental Airlines Flight 3407 crashed on route to Buffalo, New York. Des Forges was widely cited as a staunch critic of the Rwandan military government controlled by Paul Kagame and the victors of the war in Rwanda, 1990-1994.
In the ongoing life-and-death struggle to reveal the truth about war crimes and genocide in Central Africa, competing factions on all sides have posthumously embraced Alison Des Forges as an activist challenging power and a purveyor of truth and justice against all odds. Meanwhile, in March, 2009, based on false accusations of genocide issued by the Kagame regime and given the close relations between Rwanda and the Obama administration’s former Clintonite officials the U.S. Department of Homeland Security began the process of revisiting all immigration cases of Rwandan asylum seekers and criminalizing innocent refugees.
“In May of 1994, a few weeks into the killings of Tutsis in Rwanda, [Alison Des Forges] was among the first voices calling for the killings to be declared a genocide,” reported Amy Goodman, posthumously, on Democracy Now. “She later became very critical of the Tutsi-led Rwandan government headed by Paul Kagame and its role in the mass killings in both Rwanda and neighboring Congo after 1994. Last year, she was barred from entering Rwanda.”
To say that Des Forges was “amongst the first voices calling for the killings to be declared genocide” in 1994 is an Orwellian ruse. The genocide label applied by Alison Des Forges and certain human rights bodies in May of 1994 was misdirected, used to accuse and criminalize only the majority Hutu people and the remnants of the decapitated Habyarimana government (much as the genocide and war crimes accusations have been selectively applied against President Omar alBashir in Sudan).
The Clinton administration refused to apply the genocide label: to do so might have compromised an ongoing U.S.-backed covert operation: the invasion of the Pentagon’s proxy force, the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A). According to Wayne Madsen, an U.S. intelligence insider Wayne Madsen, Des Forges’ criticisms of the U.S.-brokered pact between presidents Paul Kagame (Rwanda) and Joseph Kabila (Democratic Republic of Congo or DRC) in December 2008 “earned her some powerful enemies ranging from the murderous Kagame, who will not think twice about sending his agents to silence critics abroad, and international interests who want to nothing to prevent them from looting the DRC’s vast mineral and energy resources.”
“With U.S. military forces of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) now backing a joint Ugandan-DRC offensive in the northeastern DRC to wipe out the Lord’s Resistance Army,” wrote Madsen on 16 February 2009, “with hundreds [sic] of civilian casualties in the DRC and Uganda, and a secret pact worked out between Kabila and Kagame to permit Rwandan troops to occupy the eastern DRC, the target of both operations is securing the vast territory that is rich in commodities that the United States, Britain and Israel all allies of Uganda and Rwanda want badly. Those commodities are gold, diamonds, columbium-tantalite (coltan), platinum and natural gas.”
Massive oil reserves are also at stake, with major concessions bifurcated by the international border. Ongoing petroleum sector investment (exploration and exploitation) in the region involves numerous western extraction companies—many being so-called petroleum ‘minors’ likely fronting for larger corporations including Hardman Resources, Heritage Oil and Gas, H Oil & Minerals, PetroSA, Tullow Oil, Vangold Resources, ContourGlobal Group, Tower Resources, Reservoir Capital Group, and Nexant (a Bechtel Corporation subsidiary).
Billed as a “tireless champion” and “leading light in African human rights,” there is much more to this story than the western propaganda system has revealed: Alison Des Forges and HRW provided intelligence to the U.S. government at the time of the 1994 crises, and they have continued in this role to the present. Des Forges also supported the show trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), institutionalizing victor’s justice and shielding the Kagame regime.
Alison Des Forges came across to many people as a wonderful human being with great compassion and impeccable integrity. Indeed, this was my impression upon meeting her as well. She is said to have helped people who were being persecuted no matter that they were Hutus or Tutsis by the Rwandan regime that has for more than 19 years operated with impunity behind the misplaced and misappropriated moral currency of victimhood. In the recent past, Alison Des Forges spoke to some limited degree against the war crimes of the Kagame regime.
The volcanoes region of the Zaire-Uganda-Rwanda border in 1991, seen in relative peace here, was then just beginning to suffer the destabilizing effects caused by the U.S.-backed invasion of Rwanda by Ugandan troops and the Rwandan Patriotic Army. In life she did not speak about the deeper realities of ‘genocide in Rwanda’, and she had plenty of chances.
In fact, she is the primary purveyor of the inversion of truth that covered up the deeper U.S. role in the Rwanda ‘genocide’, and she spent the past 10 years of her life explaining away the inconsistencies, covering up the facts, revising her own story when necessary, and manipulating public opinion about war crimes in the Great Lakes of Africa—in service to the U.S. government and powerful corporations involved in the plunder and depopulation of the region.
THE MYSTERIES OF A PRESIDENT
“Alison des Forges is a liar,” Cameroonian journalist Charles Onana told me, in Paris, France, several years ago. Onana is the author of numerous exposés on war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity in Central Africa, and he is the author of the book The Secrets of the Rwandan Genocide, Investigations on the Mysteries of a President, published in French in 2001.
Paul Kagame, Rwanda’s one-party president ‘elected’ through rigged elections, sued Charles Onana for defamation in a French court in 2002; Kagame lost the original trial and the appeal. Kagame was the commander of the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A) and a leading agent with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and their U.S., U.K., Belgian and Israeli backers behind the massive bloodshed and ongoing terrorism in Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Congo, Sudan and Somalia.
“Leading light in African Human Rights killed in Buffalo Crash,” reported the Pentagon’s mouthpiece, CNN. “Human Rights Watch, which is based in New York, said she was ‘best known for her award-winning account of the genocide, Leave None to Tell the Story.’ She was truly wonderful, the epitome of the human rights activist principled, dispassionate, committed to the truth and to using that truth to protect ordinary people.”
Alison Des Forges first worked as a HRW agent in Rwanda in 1992; in 1993 she helped produce a major international document highly biased against the Rwandan Government and protective of the RPF/A invaders: Report of the International Commission of Investigation on Human Rights Violations in Rwanda since October 1, 1990.
In late 1992, the International Federation of Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, the Inter-African Union for Human Rights and the Rights of Peoples, and the International Center for the Rights of the Individual and the Development of Democracy created the International Commission of Investigation on Human Rights Violations in Rwanda since October 1, 1990. With ten members from eight countries, the commission reported its findings in March 1993: Des Forges was cochairperson, one of the three principal writers, and translator of the French to English version.
The report noted that ‘hundreds of thousands’ of Rwandans were made homeless and forced to flee, prior to January 1993, but these casualties of the RPF/A invasion were not attributed to international crimes of peace against a sovereign government committed by an invading army the RPF/A guerrillas covertly backed by the U.S., Britain, Belgium and Israel but instead merely to ‘war’. In other words, the initial act of aggression, the RPA/F invasion, was institutionally protected and the ar crimes that set the stage for the conflagrations in Rwanda and Congo went unpunished.
Later in 1993, Rwandans Ferdinand Nanimana and Joseph Mushyandi, representing four Rwandan organizations under the Rwanda Associations for the Defense of Human Rights, challenged the Des Forges commission in their 26-page document, A Commentary on the Report of the International Commission's Inquiry on the Violation of Human Rights in Rwanda since October 1990. “How can an international commission be taken seriously when its members spent only two weeks extracting verbal and written evidence on human rights violations for a period of two years?” the authors wrote.
They also pointed out that the commission spent less than two hours in areas controlled by the RPF/A rebels and that they could not visit all the 11 prefectures in the country because of demonstrations that blocked the roads. “Can there be any objective and credible conclusions in their report?” Ferdinand Nahimana was later sentenced to life imprisonment for genocide. Many members of the Rwandan human rights organizations he worked with prior to April 1994 were subsequently killed.
The rights and due process of Rwandan Hutus tried by the ICTR have been systematically violated due to the victor’s justice secured by the U.S., Europe, Israel and the proxy states Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda. ICTR detainee, Tanzania, 2000.
Like other researchers who have endlessly perpetuated the disinformation, Des Forges made no attempts to correct the record. In 1992, human rights researchers Rakiya Omaar and Alex de Waal established the London-based NGO African Rights.
In August 1995, African Rights published Rwanda: Death, Despair and Defiance, another pivotal ‘human rights’ report that manufactured the ‘genocide’ fabrications, set the stage for victor’s justice at the ICTR, and began the process of dehumanizing millions of Hutu people and protecting the true terrorists. In 1995, Omaar and de Waal recycled the disinformation in the left-leaning Covert Action Quarterly under the title “U.S. Complicity by Silence: Genocide in Rwanda.”
Since 2003, Alex de Waal has been one of the primary disinformation conduits on Darfur, Sudan. “This woman [Omaar] of Somali origin is an RPF agent,” says Jean-Marie Higiro, former director of the Rwandan Information Office (ORINFOR). “[Today] she has her office in Kigali. In 1994 she was at Mulindi [Rwanda], the headquarters of the RPF. As the RPF conquered territories from the Rwandan Government Forces [FAR], she collected information fed to her by the RPF.”
“An intensive back and forth activity between this so-called British human rights organization, African Rights, and the intelligence services of the [Kagame] President’s office and the Rwandan military, has been observed,” wrote Hotel Rwanda star Paul Rusesabagina. “Her investigators are very close to the [RPF/A] military intelligence apparatus, and the modus operandi of both appears to be similar.”
Alison Des Forges years long ‘investigations’ into the bloodshed of 1994 resulted in the fat treatise on genocide in Rwanda, Leave None to Tell the Story, a book co-researched and co-written by Timothy Longman, now Associate Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science at Vassar College. Longman and Des Forges produced numerous documents based on field investigations in Congo (Zaire), Rwanda and Burundi, from 1995 to 2008 touted as independent and unbiased human rights documents, all skewed by hidden interests.
On 12 February 2009, Alison Des Forges, a senior researcher with Human Rights Watch (HRW) for more than 20 years, was killed when Continental Airlines Flight 3407 crashed on route to Buffalo, New York. Des Forges was widely cited as a staunch critic of the Rwandan military government controlled by Paul Kagame and the victors of the war in Rwanda, 1990-1994.
In the ongoing life-and-death struggle to reveal the truth about war crimes and genocide in Central Africa, competing factions on all sides have posthumously embraced Alison Des Forges as an activist challenging power and a purveyor of truth and justice against all odds. Meanwhile, in March, 2009, based on false accusations of genocide issued by the Kagame regime and given the close relations between Rwanda and the Obama administration’s former Clintonite officials the U.S. Department of Homeland Security began the process of revisiting all immigration cases of Rwandan asylum seekers and criminalizing innocent refugees.
“In May of 1994, a few weeks into the killings of Tutsis in Rwanda, [Alison Des Forges] was among the first voices calling for the killings to be declared a genocide,” reported Amy Goodman, posthumously, on Democracy Now. “She later became very critical of the Tutsi-led Rwandan government headed by Paul Kagame and its role in the mass killings in both Rwanda and neighboring Congo after 1994. Last year, she was barred from entering Rwanda.”
To say that Des Forges was “amongst the first voices calling for the killings to be declared genocide” in 1994 is an Orwellian ruse. The genocide label applied by Alison Des Forges and certain human rights bodies in May of 1994 was misdirected, used to accuse and criminalize only the majority Hutu people and the remnants of the decapitated Habyarimana government (much as the genocide and war crimes accusations have been selectively applied against President Omar alBashir in Sudan).
The Clinton administration refused to apply the genocide label: to do so might have compromised an ongoing U.S.-backed covert operation: the invasion of the Pentagon’s proxy force, the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A). According to Wayne Madsen, an U.S. intelligence insider Wayne Madsen, Des Forges’ criticisms of the U.S.-brokered pact between presidents Paul Kagame (Rwanda) and Joseph Kabila (Democratic Republic of Congo or DRC) in December 2008 “earned her some powerful enemies ranging from the murderous Kagame, who will not think twice about sending his agents to silence critics abroad, and international interests who want to nothing to prevent them from looting the DRC’s vast mineral and energy resources.”
“With U.S. military forces of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) now backing a joint Ugandan-DRC offensive in the northeastern DRC to wipe out the Lord’s Resistance Army,” wrote Madsen on 16 February 2009, “with hundreds [sic] of civilian casualties in the DRC and Uganda, and a secret pact worked out between Kabila and Kagame to permit Rwandan troops to occupy the eastern DRC, the target of both operations is securing the vast territory that is rich in commodities that the United States, Britain and Israel all allies of Uganda and Rwanda want badly. Those commodities are gold, diamonds, columbium-tantalite (coltan), platinum and natural gas.”
Massive oil reserves are also at stake, with major concessions bifurcated by the international border. Ongoing petroleum sector investment (exploration and exploitation) in the region involves numerous western extraction companies—many being so-called petroleum ‘minors’ likely fronting for larger corporations including Hardman Resources, Heritage Oil and Gas, H Oil & Minerals, PetroSA, Tullow Oil, Vangold Resources, ContourGlobal Group, Tower Resources, Reservoir Capital Group, and Nexant (a Bechtel Corporation subsidiary).
Billed as a “tireless champion” and “leading light in African human rights,” there is much more to this story than the western propaganda system has revealed: Alison Des Forges and HRW provided intelligence to the U.S. government at the time of the 1994 crises, and they have continued in this role to the present. Des Forges also supported the show trials at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), institutionalizing victor’s justice and shielding the Kagame regime.
Alison Des Forges came across to many people as a wonderful human being with great compassion and impeccable integrity. Indeed, this was my impression upon meeting her as well. She is said to have helped people who were being persecuted no matter that they were Hutus or Tutsis by the Rwandan regime that has for more than 19 years operated with impunity behind the misplaced and misappropriated moral currency of victimhood. In the recent past, Alison Des Forges spoke to some limited degree against the war crimes of the Kagame regime.
The volcanoes region of the Zaire-Uganda-Rwanda border in 1991, seen in relative peace here, was then just beginning to suffer the destabilizing effects caused by the U.S.-backed invasion of Rwanda by Ugandan troops and the Rwandan Patriotic Army. In life she did not speak about the deeper realities of ‘genocide in Rwanda’, and she had plenty of chances.
In fact, she is the primary purveyor of the inversion of truth that covered up the deeper U.S. role in the Rwanda ‘genocide’, and she spent the past 10 years of her life explaining away the inconsistencies, covering up the facts, revising her own story when necessary, and manipulating public opinion about war crimes in the Great Lakes of Africa—in service to the U.S. government and powerful corporations involved in the plunder and depopulation of the region.
THE MYSTERIES OF A PRESIDENT
“Alison des Forges is a liar,” Cameroonian journalist Charles Onana told me, in Paris, France, several years ago. Onana is the author of numerous exposés on war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity in Central Africa, and he is the author of the book The Secrets of the Rwandan Genocide, Investigations on the Mysteries of a President, published in French in 2001.
Paul Kagame, Rwanda’s one-party president ‘elected’ through rigged elections, sued Charles Onana for defamation in a French court in 2002; Kagame lost the original trial and the appeal. Kagame was the commander of the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A) and a leading agent with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni and their U.S., U.K., Belgian and Israeli backers behind the massive bloodshed and ongoing terrorism in Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, Congo, Sudan and Somalia.
“Leading light in African Human Rights killed in Buffalo Crash,” reported the Pentagon’s mouthpiece, CNN. “Human Rights Watch, which is based in New York, said she was ‘best known for her award-winning account of the genocide, Leave None to Tell the Story.’ She was truly wonderful, the epitome of the human rights activist principled, dispassionate, committed to the truth and to using that truth to protect ordinary people.”
Alison Des Forges first worked as a HRW agent in Rwanda in 1992; in 1993 she helped produce a major international document highly biased against the Rwandan Government and protective of the RPF/A invaders: Report of the International Commission of Investigation on Human Rights Violations in Rwanda since October 1, 1990.
In late 1992, the International Federation of Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, the Inter-African Union for Human Rights and the Rights of Peoples, and the International Center for the Rights of the Individual and the Development of Democracy created the International Commission of Investigation on Human Rights Violations in Rwanda since October 1, 1990. With ten members from eight countries, the commission reported its findings in March 1993: Des Forges was cochairperson, one of the three principal writers, and translator of the French to English version.
The report noted that ‘hundreds of thousands’ of Rwandans were made homeless and forced to flee, prior to January 1993, but these casualties of the RPF/A invasion were not attributed to international crimes of peace against a sovereign government committed by an invading army the RPF/A guerrillas covertly backed by the U.S., Britain, Belgium and Israel but instead merely to ‘war’. In other words, the initial act of aggression, the RPA/F invasion, was institutionally protected and the ar crimes that set the stage for the conflagrations in Rwanda and Congo went unpunished.
Later in 1993, Rwandans Ferdinand Nanimana and Joseph Mushyandi, representing four Rwandan organizations under the Rwanda Associations for the Defense of Human Rights, challenged the Des Forges commission in their 26-page document, A Commentary on the Report of the International Commission's Inquiry on the Violation of Human Rights in Rwanda since October 1990. “How can an international commission be taken seriously when its members spent only two weeks extracting verbal and written evidence on human rights violations for a period of two years?” the authors wrote.
They also pointed out that the commission spent less than two hours in areas controlled by the RPF/A rebels and that they could not visit all the 11 prefectures in the country because of demonstrations that blocked the roads. “Can there be any objective and credible conclusions in their report?” Ferdinand Nahimana was later sentenced to life imprisonment for genocide. Many members of the Rwandan human rights organizations he worked with prior to April 1994 were subsequently killed.
The rights and due process of Rwandan Hutus tried by the ICTR have been systematically violated due to the victor’s justice secured by the U.S., Europe, Israel and the proxy states Uganda, Tanzania and Rwanda. ICTR detainee, Tanzania, 2000.
Like other researchers who have endlessly perpetuated the disinformation, Des Forges made no attempts to correct the record. In 1992, human rights researchers Rakiya Omaar and Alex de Waal established the London-based NGO African Rights.
In August 1995, African Rights published Rwanda: Death, Despair and Defiance, another pivotal ‘human rights’ report that manufactured the ‘genocide’ fabrications, set the stage for victor’s justice at the ICTR, and began the process of dehumanizing millions of Hutu people and protecting the true terrorists. In 1995, Omaar and de Waal recycled the disinformation in the left-leaning Covert Action Quarterly under the title “U.S. Complicity by Silence: Genocide in Rwanda.”
Since 2003, Alex de Waal has been one of the primary disinformation conduits on Darfur, Sudan. “This woman [Omaar] of Somali origin is an RPF agent,” says Jean-Marie Higiro, former director of the Rwandan Information Office (ORINFOR). “[Today] she has her office in Kigali. In 1994 she was at Mulindi [Rwanda], the headquarters of the RPF. As the RPF conquered territories from the Rwandan Government Forces [FAR], she collected information fed to her by the RPF.”
“An intensive back and forth activity between this so-called British human rights organization, African Rights, and the intelligence services of the [Kagame] President’s office and the Rwandan military, has been observed,” wrote Hotel Rwanda star Paul Rusesabagina. “Her investigators are very close to the [RPF/A] military intelligence apparatus, and the modus operandi of both appears to be similar.”
Alison Des Forges years long ‘investigations’ into the bloodshed of 1994 resulted in the fat treatise on genocide in Rwanda, Leave None to Tell the Story, a book co-researched and co-written by Timothy Longman, now Associate Professor of Africana Studies and Political Science at Vassar College. Longman and Des Forges produced numerous documents based on field investigations in Congo (Zaire), Rwanda and Burundi, from 1995 to 2008 touted as independent and unbiased human rights documents, all skewed by hidden interests.
According to a recent PBS Frontline eulogy, less than two weeks into the killing in April 1994 Des Forges met with officials in the U.S. State Department and National Security Council (NSC) and lobbied for their help. “We were not asking for U.S. troops,” Frontline quotes her to say, “it was clear to us that there was no way that the U.S. was going to commit troops to Rwanda.”
But the U.S. military was heavily backing the RPF/A tactically and strategically already.
Key to the operation were ‘former’ Special Operations Forces (Ronco Company) providing military equipment and ferrying RPA troops from Uganda to Rwanda; the Pentagon's logistical and communications support; Defense Intelligence Agency and CIA operatives. Canadian General Romeo Dallaire, commander of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR), was also collaborating with the RPF/A, serving the Pentagon interest.
Genocide in Rwanda became a massive psychological operation directed against media consumers using ghastly images—produced by RPA-embedded photographers like James Nachtwey and Gilles Peres to infer that all cadavers were Tutsi victims of an orchestrated Hutu genocide; meanwhile the text was racist disinformation produced by Joshua Hammer. Newsweek, June 20, 1994.
ICTR defense attorney Christopher Black reports that reliable sources confirm that US Special forces were with the RPF all the way through the war. “My client testified in June that U.S. Hercules [C-130 military aircraft] were seen dropping troops in support of the RPF…” Further, on 9 April 1994, three days after the so-called ‘mysterious plane crash’ where Burundi's President Cyprien Ntaryamira and President Habyarimana were assassinated, some 330 U.S. marines landed at Bujumbura's airport in Burundi, ostensibly to ‘rescue Americans’ in Rwanda.
More centrally however, Uganda with U.S. trained forces and U.S. supplied weaponry launched its war against Rwanda as a proxy force for the United States of America. The result was a coup d‘etat: we won. The 2003 Frontline interview with Alison Des Forges exemplifies her continuing role in whitewashing U.S. involvement in war crimes and genocide in Central Africa.
“Kagame received his military education under the Pentagon's Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) at the Command and General Staff College of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, beginning in 1990,” wrote John E. Peck of the Association of African Scholars (2002). “His sidekick, Lt. Col. Frank Rusagara, got his JCET schooling at the U.S. Naval Academy in Monterey, California.
Both were dispatched to Rwanda in time to oversee the RPF's takeover in 1994. Far from being an innocent bystander, the Washington Post revealed on July 12, 1998 that the United States not only gave Kagame $75 million in military assistance, but also sent Green Berets to train Kagame's forces (as well as their Ugandan rebel allies) in low intensity conflict (LIC) tactics. Pentagon subcontractor Ronco, masquerading as a demining company, also smuggled more weapons to RPF fighters in flagrant violation of UN sanctions. All of this U.S. largesse was put to lethal effect in the ethnic bloodbath that is still going on.”
“This genocide resulted from the deliberate choice of a modern elite to foster hatred and fear to keep itself in power,” Des Forges wrote, blaming ‘Hutu Power’. However, her assertions about a ‘planned’ Hutu genocide “They seized control of the state and used its machinery and its authority to carry out the slaughter” collapse under scrutiny.
From 1990 to 1994, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), comprised most heavily of Ugandan soldiers led by Ugandan citizens like Paul Kagame, committed atrocity after atrocity as they forced their way to power in Kigali, always falsely accusing their enemies—the power-sharing government of then President Juvenal Habyarimana—of genocide. “Kagame assigned some people to work with Alison Des Forges,” says Ugandan Human Rights expert Remigius Kintu, “and also to assist her in fabricating and distorting stories to suit Tutsi propaganda plans.”
According to the International Forum for Truth and Justice in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, whose discoveries resulted in the high courts of Spain issuing international indictments against 40 top RPF/A officials: “Between 1990 and 1994, the RPA waged a systematic, pre-planned, secretive but highly organized terrorist war aimed at eliminating the largest number of Rwandan people possible bodies were hacked to pieces and incinerated en masse.
From 1994, once the RPA violently seized power, a terror regime was created, and developed, and a criminal structure parallel to the state was set up to pursue pre-determined kidnappings; torturing and raping of women and young girls; terrorist attacks (both directly and by simulating that the same had been perpetrated by the enemy); illegal detention of thousands of civilians; selective murdering; systematic elimination of corpses either by mass incineration or by throwing them into lakes and rivers; indiscriminate attacks against civilians based on pre-determined ethnic categories for the elimination of the predominant ethnic group; and also to carry out acts of war in Rwanda and Congo.”
Before former President Habyarimana’s assassination on 6 April 1994, Des Forges, and the organizations she worked with, blamed the whole war crimes show on President Habyarimana and his government, they dismissed the illegal invasion and atrocities of the RPF/A, and they began calling it genocide against the Tutsis as early as 1992.
“In the Military II case Alison Des Forges admitted that she was funded by USAID when she was part of that so-called International Commission condemning the Rwandan Government [Habyarimana] for human rights violations,” reports Canadian Chris Black, a defense attorney at the ICTR, “and she admitted that she just took the word of the RPF and pro-RPF groups and that she did not deal with RPF atrocities, as she did not have the time.”
Chris Black notes that Des Forges presented reports to the ICTR in certain legal cases that were decidedly doctored from the original reports presented in previous cases against other accused Hutu genocidaires, and that it was necessary to cross-examine Des Forges ‘very forcefully’ to get her to agree that changes had been made to the reports presented as evidence in the case being tried.
Twelve year-old Hutu child soldiers with the Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in Congo—so-called genocidaires who purportedly fled Rwanda in 1994 and have served as Kagame’s justification for plundering and depopulating Congo since.
“In her expert report in the 2006 Military II trial against General Ndindiliyimana,” Chris Black adds, “she removed all the positive things she had said about him in her book and in her previous expert report in the [Colonel Théoneste] Bagasora case. When asked by me why she deleted the positive view of him at his own trial, and why she tried to hide the fact that he saved a lot of Tutsis, among other things, she had no explanation. It was a cheap, low thing to do and I can tell you even the judges here at the ICTR were not too happy about it.”
On December 18, 2008, after the protracted ‘Military I’ trial, the judges at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda ruled that there was no conspiracy to commit genocide by former Rwandan military leaders affiliated with the former Habyarimana government. It was war, and the actions far from a calculated genocide were found by ICTR judges to be ‘war-time conditions’.
“The media reports of the December 18 judgment [Military I] at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda focused primarily on the convictions of three of four former top military leaders, who were the supposed ‘masterminds’ of the Rwandan genocide,” wrote ICTR defense lawyer Peter Erlinder.
“But, as those who have followed the ICTR closely know, convictions of members of the former Rwandan government and military are scarcely newsworthy.” Since the inception of the ICTR its decisions have been decisively biased victor’s justice in favor of protecting the Kagame regime and its backers. Thus it is no surprise that the former top military leaders of the Habyarimana government Colonel Théoneste Bagosora and Major Aloys Ntabakuze were sentenced to life imprisonment for acts of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, an act of genocide is not an organized, calculated, systematic genocide.
“The real news was that ALL of the top Rwandan military officers, including the supposedly infamous Colonel Bagosora, were found not guilty of conspiracy or planning to commit genocide,” writes Erlinder. “And General Gratien Kabiligi, a senior member of the general staff, was acquitted of all charges! The others were found guilty of specific acts committed by subordinates, in specific places, at specific times not an overall conspiracy to kill civilians, much less Tutsi civilians.”
Now, after more than fifteen years of massive western propaganda proclaiming an organized, systematic elimination of the Tutsi people by the Hutu leaders of the former Rwandan government, the official Rwanda genocide story has finally collapsed.
THE GENOCIDE FACTS
In contradistinction to the establishment narrative accusing the ‘Hutu leadership’ of an ‘organized’ and ‘planned’ genocide were the countless acts of genocide committed through a spontaneous uprising of the Hutu masses people who had been brutalized, disenfranchised, uprooted and forced from homes; people who had witnessed massacres and rapes of family members; people who were themselves the victims of brutal atrocities.
These were more than a million internally displaced Rwandan Hutus, people who had been terrorized by the Rwandan Patriotic Army from October 1990 to April 1994, as it butchered its way into Rwanda; and possibly a million Burundian refugees, Hutus who suffered massive reprisals in Burundi after the first civilian President, Melchior Ndadaye, a democratically elected Hutu, was assassinated by the Tutsi military in October 1993.
There is evidence that the RPA/F pursued “pseudo-operations” death squads committing atrocities disguised as government soldiers—and evidence that at least some of the infamous Interahamwe militias pursued their campaigns of terror in the pay of the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army. “She [Des Forges] concealed the fact that from 1990 the war caused an unprecedented economic poverty and that the one million internally displaced people tore the social fabric apart!” wrote Dr. Helmut Strizek, a former German official who had called for Des Forges’ resignation from HRW.
“And these people knew that Tutsi rebels [RPA] caused their misery. They did not wait for ‘instructions’ in order to revenge, once no one was able to maintain public order after the April 6 [1994] assassination [sic] and resumption of hostilities by the RPF.”
“Alison Des Forges is no longer,” writes Charles Onana. “Peace be with her soul! She nonetheless leaves behind her many victims of injustice, who she painstakingly accused, using false testimony, before the International Criminal Tribunal Court for Rwanda (ICTR).”
Alison Des Forges provided expert testimony in 11 genocide trials before the ICTR, including the ‘Military I’ trials that condemned Col. Theoneste Bagosora and two others on December 18. Des Forges also testified in genocide trials in Belgium, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Canada.
Charles Onana continues:
“Among her victims there is Jean-Paul Akayesu, the first to be condemned to life imprisonment for genocide. This man, who Alison Des Forges had accused without any proof against him, was even defended by a Tutsi from the Patriotic Rwandan Army [RPA] who had been party to the fabrication of the ‘incriminating’ evidence against him in Rwanda. The Tribunal never listened to this witness, but they did listen to Alison Des Forges.”
“I have also discovered during the course of my investigations into the ICTR that, at the start of the trial in 1997, she introduced a forged fax that was purported to be written by General Dallaire in 1994. This fax, maintained Des Forges, concerned the ‘planning of genocide’.”
New Yorker staff writer Philip Gourevitch spread the mythology of “The Genocide Fax” far and wide. Gourevitch’s first pro-RPF/A disinformation piece appeared in the New Yorker in December 1995; in May 1998 the New Yorker published Gourevitch’s “The Genocide Fax,” a charade fed to him by Madeleine Albright’s undersecretary of state James Rubin.
Gourevitch’s fictional book We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families was funded by the euphemistically named U.S. Institute for Peace and written in league with the Kagame regime. It is certainly possible that Alison Des Forges was unaware of the original fabrication, but she and Human Rights Watch never changed their tune, and they never denounced the fabrication.
Charles Onana continues:
“It was on the basis of this false document that she called for the condemnation of Jean- Paul Akaseyu. To lend credibility to this first trial process, the ICTR, with astonishing lightness and irresponsibility, condemned this man to life. The Tribunal had no proof. The judicial dossier is slapdash and skimpy, but that has no importance. This was Alison Des Forges first great victory.”
“She then decided to pursue a Rwandan refugee living in Canada: an ideal target. He had the misfortune to be Hutu. For her, this man was a ‘planner of genocide’. But where is the proof? Alison Des Forges has none, but she wants to see this man [Leon Mugesera] in prison. Having deciphered or seen through Alison Des Forge’s arguments, the Judge of the Canadian Federal Tribunal concluded witheringly and without pity: ‘I note above all the relentlessness with which Mme Des Forges launched her diatribe against M. [Leon]
Mugesera, and am astonished by the lack of care she has demonstrated in drawing up the report for the International Commission of Enquiry and in her Expert Assessment.’” “The Canadian judge did not hesitate to qualify Mme. Des Forges as partisan, demonstrating ‘a prejudice or preconceived position against Léon Mugesera’.
He concluded that she could not be considered an objective witness, adding that no correctly informed tribunal could take her allegations seriously. Nevertheless it was on the basis of the same arguments, and of the same fantasy report published in 1999, that she accused numerous Rwandans, all Hutu.”
“CONTINENTAL SHIFT,” one of Philip Gourevitch’s pivotal disinformation essays that appeared in the New Yorker, outlined the “new brand of African leader” exemplified by Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame: it is a whitewash of U.S.-backed terrorism.
“It was thus that she devoted the penultimate day of her examination, during the process against the military, to presenting Colonel Bagosora, Hutu, as the king pin in the genocide. The Tribunal in the long-running ‘Military I’ trial did not accept the ‘planning of genocide’ that Alison Des Forges never ceased to hammer on about by means of her pseudo-fax of 11 January 1994. She lied, lied and lied again. She tried a come back or to recover her credibility by criticizing her ‘hero’ Paul Kagame, the organizer the 6 April 1994 assassination of two presidents.”
“Alison Des Forges finally dared to speak of the crimes committed by the Tutsi rebels of the RPF/A: the great taboo. It was a bit late but it assuaged her conscience. For those who were condemned by the ICTR, deliberately and unjustly recorded by her, there will be no justice for them.
Can Alison Des Forges still hear their suffering and their pain? She who has done them so much harm—along with their families? She who claimed to defend the Rights of Man has without doubt violated the rights of many Rwandans, who will undoubtedly never forget her. Their homage to Mme. Des Forges would have been different, very different, to what her many friends in the media have to say.”
Timothy Longman and Des Forges, the co-authors of the HRW treatise, Leave None To Tell The Story, both worked with USAID, the U.S. State Department and the Pentagon. Des Forges was a member of the HRW board from 1988 and was “principal researcher” on Rwanda and Burundi, 1991-1994.
In this period Des Forges also consulted for USAID, and collaborated with the State Department, Pentagon, and National Security Council. Simultaneously, Des Forges worked with, informed and influenced U.S. Congress-people, Permanent Representatives at the United Nations, the U.N. Under-Secretary General, and U.N. Special Rapporteur for Rwanda and Special Rapporteur for
Summary and Arbitrary Executions.
Des Forges also pumped the disinformation into the academic world through her high-level ties to human rights committees, African and Africana Studies departments and the elite African Studies Association. In the same period, Des Forges constantly influenced the U.S. media through special briefings to the editorial boards and reporters of the New York Times, Washington Post, National Public Radio, and Associated Press, and she was frequently presented as an “expert” on genocide in Rwanda for CNN, 60 Minutes, Nightline, All Things Considered, BBC, Radio France Internationale, and the Canadian Broadcasting Company.
Such relations explain the mass media’s consistency in producing the monolithic disinformation about Rwanda that shielded the illegal U.S.-backed and covert RPF/A (Ugandan) guerrilla insurgency. The blanket media coverage falsely situated the “Rwanda genocide” as it is now widely misunderstood: 100 days of genocide, 800,000 to 1.2 million Tutsis killed with machetes; the ‘highly disciplined’ RPF/A stopping the genocide.
Such is the disinformation that indoctrinated the English-speaking media consumers and created a mass psychological hysteria about Rwanda that persists to this day. Timothy Longman worked with Des Forges in Rwanda in 1994 and has worked regularly with both USAID and HRW on contracts in Congo, Burundi and Rwanda, throughout the late 1990’s and into the present; Longman worked in Rwanda on one USAID contract for Management Systems Incorporated, a firm whose clients include the Pentagon.
Longman also worked as a consultant for HRW in the spring of 2000 conducting field research in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and producing “a detailed report on human rights conditions in rebel-controlled areas.” The Des Forges and Longman position vis-à-vis their whitewashing of the Tutsi-led RPF/Aorganized genocide in Rwanda certainly explains the sanitation of HRW reports, and it raises questions, for example, about how Human Rights Watch ‘researchers’ navigate their ‘work’ in rebel (read: Rwandan and Ugandan) controlled areas in DRC.
It also raises questions about how, why and when HRW does or doesn’t expose the western operatives, non-government organizations and multinational corporations: a singular example is the Human Rights Watch report that mildly exposes the criminal operations of Anglo-Gold Ashanti a company partnered with the Bushconnected Barrick Gold Corporation in eastern DRC.
HRW says nothing about Moto Gold, Mwana Africa, Banro Resources, Hardmann Oil, Tullow Oil, De Beers, H Oil & Gas, OM Group, Metalurg, Kotecha, International Rescue Committee and the many proxy armies, militias, gunrunners, massacres, extortion, and all other forms of organized white collar war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Congo. The role of HRW as an intelligence conduit to the U.S. Government is incidentally confirmed by Samantha Power in her book A Problem from Hell: America in the Age of Genocide a whitewash of U.S. and allied war crimes for which she was rewarded with a Pulitzer Prize. While Power’s “bystanders to genocide” thesis about Rwanda is a total inversion of the facts, she notes in passing that “Human Rights Watch supplied exemplary intelligence to the U.S. Government and lobbied in one-on-one meetings” in April and May 1994, and that Alison Des Forges and other HRW staff visited the White House on April 21, 1994.
Samantha Power is currently a member of the National Security Council in the administration of President Barack Obama. The mass media was flooded with “Rwanda genocide” disinformation between April and July of 1994, and advertising that served up subliminal seduction and white supremacy often surrounded these ‘news’ clips.
This adverts’ sexualized message MODERN MEANS STAYING COOL, CALM AND DIRECTED is augmented by a sanitized ‘news’ clip that described the double presidential assassination as a “mysterious plane crash.” New York Times, June 12, 1994.
Alison Des Forges continued to remain silent about western corporate and military interests in the Great Lakes region to her death. A perfect example of this silence is the very unrevealing March 2008 interview by the U.S. nationalist and Zionist U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum titled Alison Des Forges: The Impact of Rwandan Genocide in Congo.
Timothy Longman also produces significant pro-US propaganda about Sudan. Thus it is important to note that amongst the key USAID conduits for disinformation and covert operations in Sudan today is Roger Winter, one of the primary architects of the RPF/A guerrilla war, organized from Washington in 1989, that led to the loss of at least twelve million lives in the Great Lakes of Africa since October 1990.
Alison Des Forges, of course, never mentioned Roger Winter or his colleague in covert operations, Susan Rice, the Obama Administration’s Ambassador to the U.N. “Roger Winter was with the RPA on the front lines in Rwanda and he regularly briefed the Clinton Administration of the RPA’s military achievements,” says Jean Marie Vianney Higiro, former Rwandan official. “Alison Des Forges contributed to the RPF/A takeover of Rwanda.
I have no doubt about that… I met her three times, first in 1995, and in 2004 she encouraged me to testify at the ICTR. I said no way: I will only testify if RPF officials are arrested. She insisted I should testify, she was confident that the RPF were going to be arrested. I think she did not realize that the U.S. government would never accept that. She was something of an opportunist.”
“I don’t know how assassins could control icing on the wings or why it was necessary to bring down 50 other people just to silence her,” says ICTR lawyer Chris Black, commenting on the speculation that Alison Des Forges was assassinated by ‘plane crash’. “It would have been much simpler to kill her in all sorts of other ways. But she was no big critic. She made some noises, but it was just to give Human Rights Watch some credibility.”
“I hold a strong belief in the plane crash being planned,” says Remigius Kintu. “These international cabal members have no mercy to hide their crime in something like this and could care less about the other people on the plane. As for Roger Winter, he was the chief logistics boss for [RPF] Tutsis until their victory in 1994, operating from 1717 Massachusetts Avenue NW in Washington D.C.”
The zeal displayed by Alison Des Forges and Human Rights Watch in the pursuit of justice and human rights appears in sharp contradistinction to their absence of zeal in pursuing the architects of the criminal invasion of Rwanda on 10 October 1990, the double presidential assassinations of 6 April 1994, and all kinds of other nasty corporate conspiracies in Central Africa.
Thus while the world commemorated the 15th Anniversary of the “Rwanda Genocide” on 6 April 2009, innocent Rwandan asylum seekers and critics of the Kagame terrorist regime, all over the world, live under perpetual fear of being hunted down, branded as genocide perpetrators, ostracized, and persecuted by an illegitimate one-party dictatorship comprised 40 military officials indicted for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide by two international courts.
According to insiders from Rwanda, Kagame’s ruthless Directorate of Military Intelligence has dispatched some 300 agents to Europe to kill RPF opponents; some of these agents are operating under cover as bogus asylum seekers in Europe and North America.
As of January 20, 2009 the U.S. Department of Homeland Security began reopening all cases of Rwandan asylum seekers, and is criminalizing and threatening to deport legitimate refugees to Rwanda, actions that violate the 1951 United Nations High Commission for Refugees Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.
But the U.S. military was heavily backing the RPF/A tactically and strategically already.
Key to the operation were ‘former’ Special Operations Forces (Ronco Company) providing military equipment and ferrying RPA troops from Uganda to Rwanda; the Pentagon's logistical and communications support; Defense Intelligence Agency and CIA operatives. Canadian General Romeo Dallaire, commander of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Rwanda (UNAMIR), was also collaborating with the RPF/A, serving the Pentagon interest.
Genocide in Rwanda became a massive psychological operation directed against media consumers using ghastly images—produced by RPA-embedded photographers like James Nachtwey and Gilles Peres to infer that all cadavers were Tutsi victims of an orchestrated Hutu genocide; meanwhile the text was racist disinformation produced by Joshua Hammer. Newsweek, June 20, 1994.
ICTR defense attorney Christopher Black reports that reliable sources confirm that US Special forces were with the RPF all the way through the war. “My client testified in June that U.S. Hercules [C-130 military aircraft] were seen dropping troops in support of the RPF…” Further, on 9 April 1994, three days after the so-called ‘mysterious plane crash’ where Burundi's President Cyprien Ntaryamira and President Habyarimana were assassinated, some 330 U.S. marines landed at Bujumbura's airport in Burundi, ostensibly to ‘rescue Americans’ in Rwanda.
More centrally however, Uganda with U.S. trained forces and U.S. supplied weaponry launched its war against Rwanda as a proxy force for the United States of America. The result was a coup d‘etat: we won. The 2003 Frontline interview with Alison Des Forges exemplifies her continuing role in whitewashing U.S. involvement in war crimes and genocide in Central Africa.
“Kagame received his military education under the Pentagon's Joint Combined Exchange Training (JCET) at the Command and General Staff College of Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, beginning in 1990,” wrote John E. Peck of the Association of African Scholars (2002). “His sidekick, Lt. Col. Frank Rusagara, got his JCET schooling at the U.S. Naval Academy in Monterey, California.
Both were dispatched to Rwanda in time to oversee the RPF's takeover in 1994. Far from being an innocent bystander, the Washington Post revealed on July 12, 1998 that the United States not only gave Kagame $75 million in military assistance, but also sent Green Berets to train Kagame's forces (as well as their Ugandan rebel allies) in low intensity conflict (LIC) tactics. Pentagon subcontractor Ronco, masquerading as a demining company, also smuggled more weapons to RPF fighters in flagrant violation of UN sanctions. All of this U.S. largesse was put to lethal effect in the ethnic bloodbath that is still going on.”
“This genocide resulted from the deliberate choice of a modern elite to foster hatred and fear to keep itself in power,” Des Forges wrote, blaming ‘Hutu Power’. However, her assertions about a ‘planned’ Hutu genocide “They seized control of the state and used its machinery and its authority to carry out the slaughter” collapse under scrutiny.
From 1990 to 1994, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), comprised most heavily of Ugandan soldiers led by Ugandan citizens like Paul Kagame, committed atrocity after atrocity as they forced their way to power in Kigali, always falsely accusing their enemies—the power-sharing government of then President Juvenal Habyarimana—of genocide. “Kagame assigned some people to work with Alison Des Forges,” says Ugandan Human Rights expert Remigius Kintu, “and also to assist her in fabricating and distorting stories to suit Tutsi propaganda plans.”
According to the International Forum for Truth and Justice in the Great Lakes Region of Africa, whose discoveries resulted in the high courts of Spain issuing international indictments against 40 top RPF/A officials: “Between 1990 and 1994, the RPA waged a systematic, pre-planned, secretive but highly organized terrorist war aimed at eliminating the largest number of Rwandan people possible bodies were hacked to pieces and incinerated en masse.
From 1994, once the RPA violently seized power, a terror regime was created, and developed, and a criminal structure parallel to the state was set up to pursue pre-determined kidnappings; torturing and raping of women and young girls; terrorist attacks (both directly and by simulating that the same had been perpetrated by the enemy); illegal detention of thousands of civilians; selective murdering; systematic elimination of corpses either by mass incineration or by throwing them into lakes and rivers; indiscriminate attacks against civilians based on pre-determined ethnic categories for the elimination of the predominant ethnic group; and also to carry out acts of war in Rwanda and Congo.”
Before former President Habyarimana’s assassination on 6 April 1994, Des Forges, and the organizations she worked with, blamed the whole war crimes show on President Habyarimana and his government, they dismissed the illegal invasion and atrocities of the RPF/A, and they began calling it genocide against the Tutsis as early as 1992.
“In the Military II case Alison Des Forges admitted that she was funded by USAID when she was part of that so-called International Commission condemning the Rwandan Government [Habyarimana] for human rights violations,” reports Canadian Chris Black, a defense attorney at the ICTR, “and she admitted that she just took the word of the RPF and pro-RPF groups and that she did not deal with RPF atrocities, as she did not have the time.”
Chris Black notes that Des Forges presented reports to the ICTR in certain legal cases that were decidedly doctored from the original reports presented in previous cases against other accused Hutu genocidaires, and that it was necessary to cross-examine Des Forges ‘very forcefully’ to get her to agree that changes had been made to the reports presented as evidence in the case being tried.
Twelve year-old Hutu child soldiers with the Forces for the Democratic Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in Congo—so-called genocidaires who purportedly fled Rwanda in 1994 and have served as Kagame’s justification for plundering and depopulating Congo since.
“In her expert report in the 2006 Military II trial against General Ndindiliyimana,” Chris Black adds, “she removed all the positive things she had said about him in her book and in her previous expert report in the [Colonel Théoneste] Bagasora case. When asked by me why she deleted the positive view of him at his own trial, and why she tried to hide the fact that he saved a lot of Tutsis, among other things, she had no explanation. It was a cheap, low thing to do and I can tell you even the judges here at the ICTR were not too happy about it.”
On December 18, 2008, after the protracted ‘Military I’ trial, the judges at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda ruled that there was no conspiracy to commit genocide by former Rwandan military leaders affiliated with the former Habyarimana government. It was war, and the actions far from a calculated genocide were found by ICTR judges to be ‘war-time conditions’.
“The media reports of the December 18 judgment [Military I] at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda focused primarily on the convictions of three of four former top military leaders, who were the supposed ‘masterminds’ of the Rwandan genocide,” wrote ICTR defense lawyer Peter Erlinder.
“But, as those who have followed the ICTR closely know, convictions of members of the former Rwandan government and military are scarcely newsworthy.” Since the inception of the ICTR its decisions have been decisively biased victor’s justice in favor of protecting the Kagame regime and its backers. Thus it is no surprise that the former top military leaders of the Habyarimana government Colonel Théoneste Bagosora and Major Aloys Ntabakuze were sentenced to life imprisonment for acts of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. However, an act of genocide is not an organized, calculated, systematic genocide.
“The real news was that ALL of the top Rwandan military officers, including the supposedly infamous Colonel Bagosora, were found not guilty of conspiracy or planning to commit genocide,” writes Erlinder. “And General Gratien Kabiligi, a senior member of the general staff, was acquitted of all charges! The others were found guilty of specific acts committed by subordinates, in specific places, at specific times not an overall conspiracy to kill civilians, much less Tutsi civilians.”
Now, after more than fifteen years of massive western propaganda proclaiming an organized, systematic elimination of the Tutsi people by the Hutu leaders of the former Rwandan government, the official Rwanda genocide story has finally collapsed.
THE GENOCIDE FACTS
In contradistinction to the establishment narrative accusing the ‘Hutu leadership’ of an ‘organized’ and ‘planned’ genocide were the countless acts of genocide committed through a spontaneous uprising of the Hutu masses people who had been brutalized, disenfranchised, uprooted and forced from homes; people who had witnessed massacres and rapes of family members; people who were themselves the victims of brutal atrocities.
These were more than a million internally displaced Rwandan Hutus, people who had been terrorized by the Rwandan Patriotic Army from October 1990 to April 1994, as it butchered its way into Rwanda; and possibly a million Burundian refugees, Hutus who suffered massive reprisals in Burundi after the first civilian President, Melchior Ndadaye, a democratically elected Hutu, was assassinated by the Tutsi military in October 1993.
There is evidence that the RPA/F pursued “pseudo-operations” death squads committing atrocities disguised as government soldiers—and evidence that at least some of the infamous Interahamwe militias pursued their campaigns of terror in the pay of the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army. “She [Des Forges] concealed the fact that from 1990 the war caused an unprecedented economic poverty and that the one million internally displaced people tore the social fabric apart!” wrote Dr. Helmut Strizek, a former German official who had called for Des Forges’ resignation from HRW.
“And these people knew that Tutsi rebels [RPA] caused their misery. They did not wait for ‘instructions’ in order to revenge, once no one was able to maintain public order after the April 6 [1994] assassination [sic] and resumption of hostilities by the RPF.”
“Alison Des Forges is no longer,” writes Charles Onana. “Peace be with her soul! She nonetheless leaves behind her many victims of injustice, who she painstakingly accused, using false testimony, before the International Criminal Tribunal Court for Rwanda (ICTR).”
Alison Des Forges provided expert testimony in 11 genocide trials before the ICTR, including the ‘Military I’ trials that condemned Col. Theoneste Bagosora and two others on December 18. Des Forges also testified in genocide trials in Belgium, Switzerland, the Netherlands and Canada.
Charles Onana continues:
“Among her victims there is Jean-Paul Akayesu, the first to be condemned to life imprisonment for genocide. This man, who Alison Des Forges had accused without any proof against him, was even defended by a Tutsi from the Patriotic Rwandan Army [RPA] who had been party to the fabrication of the ‘incriminating’ evidence against him in Rwanda. The Tribunal never listened to this witness, but they did listen to Alison Des Forges.”
“I have also discovered during the course of my investigations into the ICTR that, at the start of the trial in 1997, she introduced a forged fax that was purported to be written by General Dallaire in 1994. This fax, maintained Des Forges, concerned the ‘planning of genocide’.”
New Yorker staff writer Philip Gourevitch spread the mythology of “The Genocide Fax” far and wide. Gourevitch’s first pro-RPF/A disinformation piece appeared in the New Yorker in December 1995; in May 1998 the New Yorker published Gourevitch’s “The Genocide Fax,” a charade fed to him by Madeleine Albright’s undersecretary of state James Rubin.
Gourevitch’s fictional book We Wish to Inform You That Tomorrow We Will Be Killed With Our Families was funded by the euphemistically named U.S. Institute for Peace and written in league with the Kagame regime. It is certainly possible that Alison Des Forges was unaware of the original fabrication, but she and Human Rights Watch never changed their tune, and they never denounced the fabrication.
Charles Onana continues:
“It was on the basis of this false document that she called for the condemnation of Jean- Paul Akaseyu. To lend credibility to this first trial process, the ICTR, with astonishing lightness and irresponsibility, condemned this man to life. The Tribunal had no proof. The judicial dossier is slapdash and skimpy, but that has no importance. This was Alison Des Forges first great victory.”
“She then decided to pursue a Rwandan refugee living in Canada: an ideal target. He had the misfortune to be Hutu. For her, this man was a ‘planner of genocide’. But where is the proof? Alison Des Forges has none, but she wants to see this man [Leon Mugesera] in prison. Having deciphered or seen through Alison Des Forge’s arguments, the Judge of the Canadian Federal Tribunal concluded witheringly and without pity: ‘I note above all the relentlessness with which Mme Des Forges launched her diatribe against M. [Leon]
Mugesera, and am astonished by the lack of care she has demonstrated in drawing up the report for the International Commission of Enquiry and in her Expert Assessment.’” “The Canadian judge did not hesitate to qualify Mme. Des Forges as partisan, demonstrating ‘a prejudice or preconceived position against Léon Mugesera’.
He concluded that she could not be considered an objective witness, adding that no correctly informed tribunal could take her allegations seriously. Nevertheless it was on the basis of the same arguments, and of the same fantasy report published in 1999, that she accused numerous Rwandans, all Hutu.”
“CONTINENTAL SHIFT,” one of Philip Gourevitch’s pivotal disinformation essays that appeared in the New Yorker, outlined the “new brand of African leader” exemplified by Yoweri Museveni and Paul Kagame: it is a whitewash of U.S.-backed terrorism.
“It was thus that she devoted the penultimate day of her examination, during the process against the military, to presenting Colonel Bagosora, Hutu, as the king pin in the genocide. The Tribunal in the long-running ‘Military I’ trial did not accept the ‘planning of genocide’ that Alison Des Forges never ceased to hammer on about by means of her pseudo-fax of 11 January 1994. She lied, lied and lied again. She tried a come back or to recover her credibility by criticizing her ‘hero’ Paul Kagame, the organizer the 6 April 1994 assassination of two presidents.”
“Alison Des Forges finally dared to speak of the crimes committed by the Tutsi rebels of the RPF/A: the great taboo. It was a bit late but it assuaged her conscience. For those who were condemned by the ICTR, deliberately and unjustly recorded by her, there will be no justice for them.
Can Alison Des Forges still hear their suffering and their pain? She who has done them so much harm—along with their families? She who claimed to defend the Rights of Man has without doubt violated the rights of many Rwandans, who will undoubtedly never forget her. Their homage to Mme. Des Forges would have been different, very different, to what her many friends in the media have to say.”
Timothy Longman and Des Forges, the co-authors of the HRW treatise, Leave None To Tell The Story, both worked with USAID, the U.S. State Department and the Pentagon. Des Forges was a member of the HRW board from 1988 and was “principal researcher” on Rwanda and Burundi, 1991-1994.
In this period Des Forges also consulted for USAID, and collaborated with the State Department, Pentagon, and National Security Council. Simultaneously, Des Forges worked with, informed and influenced U.S. Congress-people, Permanent Representatives at the United Nations, the U.N. Under-Secretary General, and U.N. Special Rapporteur for Rwanda and Special Rapporteur for
Summary and Arbitrary Executions.
Des Forges also pumped the disinformation into the academic world through her high-level ties to human rights committees, African and Africana Studies departments and the elite African Studies Association. In the same period, Des Forges constantly influenced the U.S. media through special briefings to the editorial boards and reporters of the New York Times, Washington Post, National Public Radio, and Associated Press, and she was frequently presented as an “expert” on genocide in Rwanda for CNN, 60 Minutes, Nightline, All Things Considered, BBC, Radio France Internationale, and the Canadian Broadcasting Company.
Such relations explain the mass media’s consistency in producing the monolithic disinformation about Rwanda that shielded the illegal U.S.-backed and covert RPF/A (Ugandan) guerrilla insurgency. The blanket media coverage falsely situated the “Rwanda genocide” as it is now widely misunderstood: 100 days of genocide, 800,000 to 1.2 million Tutsis killed with machetes; the ‘highly disciplined’ RPF/A stopping the genocide.
Such is the disinformation that indoctrinated the English-speaking media consumers and created a mass psychological hysteria about Rwanda that persists to this day. Timothy Longman worked with Des Forges in Rwanda in 1994 and has worked regularly with both USAID and HRW on contracts in Congo, Burundi and Rwanda, throughout the late 1990’s and into the present; Longman worked in Rwanda on one USAID contract for Management Systems Incorporated, a firm whose clients include the Pentagon.
Longman also worked as a consultant for HRW in the spring of 2000 conducting field research in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo and producing “a detailed report on human rights conditions in rebel-controlled areas.” The Des Forges and Longman position vis-à-vis their whitewashing of the Tutsi-led RPF/Aorganized genocide in Rwanda certainly explains the sanitation of HRW reports, and it raises questions, for example, about how Human Rights Watch ‘researchers’ navigate their ‘work’ in rebel (read: Rwandan and Ugandan) controlled areas in DRC.
It also raises questions about how, why and when HRW does or doesn’t expose the western operatives, non-government organizations and multinational corporations: a singular example is the Human Rights Watch report that mildly exposes the criminal operations of Anglo-Gold Ashanti a company partnered with the Bushconnected Barrick Gold Corporation in eastern DRC.
HRW says nothing about Moto Gold, Mwana Africa, Banro Resources, Hardmann Oil, Tullow Oil, De Beers, H Oil & Gas, OM Group, Metalurg, Kotecha, International Rescue Committee and the many proxy armies, militias, gunrunners, massacres, extortion, and all other forms of organized white collar war crimes and crimes against humanity in the Congo. The role of HRW as an intelligence conduit to the U.S. Government is incidentally confirmed by Samantha Power in her book A Problem from Hell: America in the Age of Genocide a whitewash of U.S. and allied war crimes for which she was rewarded with a Pulitzer Prize. While Power’s “bystanders to genocide” thesis about Rwanda is a total inversion of the facts, she notes in passing that “Human Rights Watch supplied exemplary intelligence to the U.S. Government and lobbied in one-on-one meetings” in April and May 1994, and that Alison Des Forges and other HRW staff visited the White House on April 21, 1994.
Samantha Power is currently a member of the National Security Council in the administration of President Barack Obama. The mass media was flooded with “Rwanda genocide” disinformation between April and July of 1994, and advertising that served up subliminal seduction and white supremacy often surrounded these ‘news’ clips.
This adverts’ sexualized message MODERN MEANS STAYING COOL, CALM AND DIRECTED is augmented by a sanitized ‘news’ clip that described the double presidential assassination as a “mysterious plane crash.” New York Times, June 12, 1994.
Alison Des Forges continued to remain silent about western corporate and military interests in the Great Lakes region to her death. A perfect example of this silence is the very unrevealing March 2008 interview by the U.S. nationalist and Zionist U.S. Holocaust Memorial Museum titled Alison Des Forges: The Impact of Rwandan Genocide in Congo.
Timothy Longman also produces significant pro-US propaganda about Sudan. Thus it is important to note that amongst the key USAID conduits for disinformation and covert operations in Sudan today is Roger Winter, one of the primary architects of the RPF/A guerrilla war, organized from Washington in 1989, that led to the loss of at least twelve million lives in the Great Lakes of Africa since October 1990.
Alison Des Forges, of course, never mentioned Roger Winter or his colleague in covert operations, Susan Rice, the Obama Administration’s Ambassador to the U.N. “Roger Winter was with the RPA on the front lines in Rwanda and he regularly briefed the Clinton Administration of the RPA’s military achievements,” says Jean Marie Vianney Higiro, former Rwandan official. “Alison Des Forges contributed to the RPF/A takeover of Rwanda.
I have no doubt about that… I met her three times, first in 1995, and in 2004 she encouraged me to testify at the ICTR. I said no way: I will only testify if RPF officials are arrested. She insisted I should testify, she was confident that the RPF were going to be arrested. I think she did not realize that the U.S. government would never accept that. She was something of an opportunist.”
“I don’t know how assassins could control icing on the wings or why it was necessary to bring down 50 other people just to silence her,” says ICTR lawyer Chris Black, commenting on the speculation that Alison Des Forges was assassinated by ‘plane crash’. “It would have been much simpler to kill her in all sorts of other ways. But she was no big critic. She made some noises, but it was just to give Human Rights Watch some credibility.”
“I hold a strong belief in the plane crash being planned,” says Remigius Kintu. “These international cabal members have no mercy to hide their crime in something like this and could care less about the other people on the plane. As for Roger Winter, he was the chief logistics boss for [RPF] Tutsis until their victory in 1994, operating from 1717 Massachusetts Avenue NW in Washington D.C.”
The zeal displayed by Alison Des Forges and Human Rights Watch in the pursuit of justice and human rights appears in sharp contradistinction to their absence of zeal in pursuing the architects of the criminal invasion of Rwanda on 10 October 1990, the double presidential assassinations of 6 April 1994, and all kinds of other nasty corporate conspiracies in Central Africa.
Thus while the world commemorated the 15th Anniversary of the “Rwanda Genocide” on 6 April 2009, innocent Rwandan asylum seekers and critics of the Kagame terrorist regime, all over the world, live under perpetual fear of being hunted down, branded as genocide perpetrators, ostracized, and persecuted by an illegitimate one-party dictatorship comprised 40 military officials indicted for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide by two international courts.
According to insiders from Rwanda, Kagame’s ruthless Directorate of Military Intelligence has dispatched some 300 agents to Europe to kill RPF opponents; some of these agents are operating under cover as bogus asylum seekers in Europe and North America.
As of January 20, 2009 the U.S. Department of Homeland Security began reopening all cases of Rwandan asylum seekers, and is criminalizing and threatening to deport legitimate refugees to Rwanda, actions that violate the 1951 United Nations High Commission for Refugees Convention and Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, April 5, 2009
Bruxelles, le 2 avril 2009
La Commémoration de toutes les victimes du génocide rwandais aura lieu lundi 6/04/2009 de 13h30 à 15h30 au Mémorial du génocide érigé au croisement de trois routes à savoir l’avenue R. Vandendriessche, l’avenue Jules César et la rue Père E. Devroye dans la Commune de Woluwe Saint Pierre (WSP). Vous êtes invités à vous rassembler au Métro Montgomery à 13h. Depuis le 1/10/1990 jusqu’à ce jour, ce génocide a frappé simultanément les Hutus, les Tutsis, les Hutsis (issus des mariages mixtes hutu-tutsi) et les Twas au Rwanda et en RDC.
En tant que rescapé du génocide rwandais et en ma qualité d’ancien Secrétaire Permanent de l’ARDHO (1ère Association Rwandaise de défense des Droits de l’Homme qui est née au Rwanda) et d’actuel Coordinateur du CLIIR (Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda), j’assume la responsabilité d’inviter tous les rescapés du génocide résidant en Belgique et dans d’autres pays européens à venir pleurer ensemble leurs proches parents et à se recueillir au Mémorial dédié à toutes les victimes et érigé à Woluwe St Pierre.
J’estime que les accablantes preuves disponibles et rassemblées sur les différents criminels par les magistrats espagnols et français démontrent suffisamment que le génocide rwandais ne peut se réduire aux seules victimes TUTSIES et ignorer les autres victimes « NON-TUTSIES ». Je déclare solennellement que toutes les victimes, quelque soit leur groupe ethnique (tutsi, twa, hutu) méritent le même respect que nous devons à tous les êtres humains massacrés au Rwanda et en République Démocratique du Congo depuis 1990 jusqu’à ce jour.
Tous égaux devant la mort. Tous les rescapés sont égaux et respectables devant la Loi. Toutes les victimes ont droit à la Mémoire. Tout en prévoyant de rassembler tous les rescapés (sans discrimination) en avril 2010 devant ce Mémorial, je dénonce toute discrimination entretenue au Rwanda et en Belgique entre les survivants du génocide que nous sommes tous devenus.
Pleurer, Commémorer, se recueillir devant le Mémorial offert à toutes les victimes c’est un DROIT inaliénable mes frères et sœurs Tutsis, Hutus, Twa et Hutsis. C’est un DEVOIR sacré et incontournable pour tous les survivants.
Se recueillir au Mémorial, ce n’est pas une FAVEUR à mendier auprès de qui que ce soit. Car, aucune autorité rwandaise, belge, onusienne, européenne ou autre ne pourra ressusciter nos chers disparus, ni effacer la souffrance des peuples rwandais, congolais et burundais, ni nous dédommager en tant que survivants.
Ce génocide planifié à l’étranger et rendu possible par de petits noyaux de « prédateurs anglo-saxons et européens ». Ces prédateurs, qui portent une lourde responsabilité dans cette tragédie africaine, ont réussi à s’approprier, par le chaos et la dévastation des peuples noirs, les richesses naturelles et minières de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs.
Ce génocide, qui a été exécuté par les rwandais eux-mêmes (toutes ethnies confondues) avec le soutien politique, militaire et économique de ces prédateurs étrangers tels qu’ils ont été identifiés dans le Mémorandum adressé en février 2008 au Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU par la Cellule de la Documentation du Partenariat Intwari composée par des rescapés tutsis et hutus dont un ancien ministre de la Défense Nationale du président rwandais Paul KAGAME réfugié en Suisse fin 2003.
La Commémoration de toutes les victimes du génocide rwandais aura lieu lundi 6/04/2009 de 13h30 à 15h30 au Mémorial du génocide érigé au croisement de trois routes à savoir l’avenue R. Vandendriessche, l’avenue Jules César et la rue Père E. Devroye dans la Commune de Woluwe Saint Pierre (WSP). Vous êtes invités à vous rassembler au Métro Montgomery à 13h. Depuis le 1/10/1990 jusqu’à ce jour, ce génocide a frappé simultanément les Hutus, les Tutsis, les Hutsis (issus des mariages mixtes hutu-tutsi) et les Twas au Rwanda et en RDC.
En tant que rescapé du génocide rwandais et en ma qualité d’ancien Secrétaire Permanent de l’ARDHO (1ère Association Rwandaise de défense des Droits de l’Homme qui est née au Rwanda) et d’actuel Coordinateur du CLIIR (Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda), j’assume la responsabilité d’inviter tous les rescapés du génocide résidant en Belgique et dans d’autres pays européens à venir pleurer ensemble leurs proches parents et à se recueillir au Mémorial dédié à toutes les victimes et érigé à Woluwe St Pierre.
J’estime que les accablantes preuves disponibles et rassemblées sur les différents criminels par les magistrats espagnols et français démontrent suffisamment que le génocide rwandais ne peut se réduire aux seules victimes TUTSIES et ignorer les autres victimes « NON-TUTSIES ». Je déclare solennellement que toutes les victimes, quelque soit leur groupe ethnique (tutsi, twa, hutu) méritent le même respect que nous devons à tous les êtres humains massacrés au Rwanda et en République Démocratique du Congo depuis 1990 jusqu’à ce jour.
Tous égaux devant la mort. Tous les rescapés sont égaux et respectables devant la Loi. Toutes les victimes ont droit à la Mémoire. Tout en prévoyant de rassembler tous les rescapés (sans discrimination) en avril 2010 devant ce Mémorial, je dénonce toute discrimination entretenue au Rwanda et en Belgique entre les survivants du génocide que nous sommes tous devenus.
Pleurer, Commémorer, se recueillir devant le Mémorial offert à toutes les victimes c’est un DROIT inaliénable mes frères et sœurs Tutsis, Hutus, Twa et Hutsis. C’est un DEVOIR sacré et incontournable pour tous les survivants.
Se recueillir au Mémorial, ce n’est pas une FAVEUR à mendier auprès de qui que ce soit. Car, aucune autorité rwandaise, belge, onusienne, européenne ou autre ne pourra ressusciter nos chers disparus, ni effacer la souffrance des peuples rwandais, congolais et burundais, ni nous dédommager en tant que survivants.
Ce génocide planifié à l’étranger et rendu possible par de petits noyaux de « prédateurs anglo-saxons et européens ». Ces prédateurs, qui portent une lourde responsabilité dans cette tragédie africaine, ont réussi à s’approprier, par le chaos et la dévastation des peuples noirs, les richesses naturelles et minières de l’Afrique des Grands Lacs.
Ce génocide, qui a été exécuté par les rwandais eux-mêmes (toutes ethnies confondues) avec le soutien politique, militaire et économique de ces prédateurs étrangers tels qu’ils ont été identifiés dans le Mémorandum adressé en février 2008 au Conseil de Sécurité de l’ONU par la Cellule de la Documentation du Partenariat Intwari composée par des rescapés tutsis et hutus dont un ancien ministre de la Défense Nationale du président rwandais Paul KAGAME réfugié en Suisse fin 2003.
Pour plus d'information, vous pouvez consulter les organisateurs de ladite commémoration.
Il s’agit de :
Monsieur Gérard KARANGWA :
Tél +31 630 897 180
E-mail : gkarangwa@yahoo.fr,
Monsieur Alphonse Noël NDANYUZWE
Tél : +32 498 772 054
E-mail : ndanyuzwe.noel@caramail.com,
Monsieur Déogratias MUSHAYIDI
E-mail : dmushayidi@yahoo.fr
Général Emmanuel HABYARIMANA
Téléphone : +41 786 522 183 em.hame@laposte.net.
(Lisez la planification : pages 20, …
(Lisez comment les tutsis ont été sacrifiés pour justifier le massacre des Hutus du Rwanda) :
CENTRE DE LUTTE CONTRE L’IMPUNITE
ET L’INJUSTICE AU RWANDA (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227
1080 BRUXELLES
Tél/Fax:32.81/60.11.13 GSM: 0476.701.569
Mail : cliir2004@yahoo.fr
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, April 4, 2009
15ème anniversaire de l'attentat contre l'avion du président du Rwanda (du 6 avril 1994), les victimes françaises font confiance à la justiceParis le 3 avril 2009,
Il y a 15 ans, le 6 avril 1994, l’avion du Président du Rwanda était abattu. L’équipage, composé de trois hommes, était
français.
Leurs familles ont saisi la justice en 1997 et l’enquête a été confiée à la section anti-terroriste du parquet de Paris. Depuis 15 ans, ces familles n’ont cessé de croire en la Justice et à l’approche de cette date anniversaire souhaitent exprimer leur détermination à connaître les auteurs et les commanditaires de cet attentat.
l’AfVT, Association française des Victimes du Terrorisme, nouvellement constituée en remplacement de SOS Attentats dissoute en septembre 2008, se joint au collectif des victimes françaises de l’attentat du 6 avril 1994 pour prendre acte, non sans un certain étonnement, des décisions permettant au Colonel Rose Kabuyé, mise en examen pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste, et placée sous contrôle judiciaire, de quitter le territoire français et de retourner au Rwanda.
A l’occasion de cette autorisation, la défense du Colonel Kabuyé a pu toutefois ainsi noter que la justice française pouvait fonctionner efficacement tout en étant modérée.
Fortes de ce constat, les huit autres personnes mises en cause par les juges français dans ce dossier pourront considérer qu’il n’existe aucun obstacle à ce qu’ils se présentent à la justice, aux côtés du Colonel Kabuyé.
Cette présentation volontaire ne pourra que contribuer à la désignation des auteurs de cet attentat meurtrier : tel est le seul objectif des familles des victimes françaises.
Contrairement à l’amalgame qui est souvent fait dans les medias, la démarche du collectif et de l’Association française des Victimes du Terrorisme n’a jamais visé à intervenir dans le débat sur les responsabilités politiques du génocide mais s’inscrit dans le seul cadre de la résolution de cet attentat.
Guillaume Denoix de Saint Marc
AfVT - Association française des Victimes du Terrorisme
2 rue Juliette Lamber, 75017 Paris, France
mobile : (+33) 6 61 11 96 54
fax : (+33) 1 47 66 01 93
e-mail : gsaintmarc@AfVT.org
Il y a 15 ans, le 6 avril 1994, l’avion du Président du Rwanda était abattu. L’équipage, composé de trois hommes, était
français.Leurs familles ont saisi la justice en 1997 et l’enquête a été confiée à la section anti-terroriste du parquet de Paris. Depuis 15 ans, ces familles n’ont cessé de croire en la Justice et à l’approche de cette date anniversaire souhaitent exprimer leur détermination à connaître les auteurs et les commanditaires de cet attentat.
l’AfVT, Association française des Victimes du Terrorisme, nouvellement constituée en remplacement de SOS Attentats dissoute en septembre 2008, se joint au collectif des victimes françaises de l’attentat du 6 avril 1994 pour prendre acte, non sans un certain étonnement, des décisions permettant au Colonel Rose Kabuyé, mise en examen pour complicité d'assassinats et association de malfaiteurs, le tout en relation avec une entreprise terroriste, et placée sous contrôle judiciaire, de quitter le territoire français et de retourner au Rwanda.
A l’occasion de cette autorisation, la défense du Colonel Kabuyé a pu toutefois ainsi noter que la justice française pouvait fonctionner efficacement tout en étant modérée.
Fortes de ce constat, les huit autres personnes mises en cause par les juges français dans ce dossier pourront considérer qu’il n’existe aucun obstacle à ce qu’ils se présentent à la justice, aux côtés du Colonel Kabuyé.
Cette présentation volontaire ne pourra que contribuer à la désignation des auteurs de cet attentat meurtrier : tel est le seul objectif des familles des victimes françaises.
Contrairement à l’amalgame qui est souvent fait dans les medias, la démarche du collectif et de l’Association française des Victimes du Terrorisme n’a jamais visé à intervenir dans le débat sur les responsabilités politiques du génocide mais s’inscrit dans le seul cadre de la résolution de cet attentat.
Guillaume Denoix de Saint Marc
AfVT - Association française des Victimes du Terrorisme
2 rue Juliette Lamber, 75017 Paris, France
mobile : (+33) 6 61 11 96 54
fax : (+33) 1 47 66 01 93
e-mail : gsaintmarc@AfVT.org
http://www.afvt.org/
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
BRUXELLES, 2 avril 2009 - Selon l'ancien ministre Willy Claes, le général Kagamé, actuel président du Rwanda, a été «au moins en partie responsable du génocide rwandais en 1994».
La semaine prochaine, cela fera exactement quinze ans, qu’a éclaté au Rwanda, petit pays d’Afrique centrale, le dernier génocide du 20ème siècle.
Suite à l'assassinat de dix paras belges, le 7 avril 1994, la Belgique a retiré presque aussitôt le reste de son contingent de casques bleus.
Etant donné que les Belges formaient le noyau de la mission de l'ONU, le reste de la force onusienne est parti avec eux. C’est ainsi que le génocide a donc pu éclater et emporter près d'un million de vies humaines.
En 2000, à Kigali, capitale rwandaise, le premier ministre Guy Verhofstadt a été présenter ses excuses, au nom du gouvernement belge.
Neuf ans plus tard, Willy Claes, ministre des Affaires étrangères en 1994, déclare qu’il avait trouvé inapproprié le fait que Verhofstadt se soit également excusé auprès du général Kagamé.Paul Kagamé a été avant et pendant le génocide, le chef de la rébellion tutsie et est devenu président après le génocide. Pour Claes, il ne fait aucun doute que Kagamé est « au moins en partie responsables» du génocide.
A l’époque les excuses Verhofstadt, qui auparavant était dans l’opposition, ont été surtout considérées comme une raillerie à la politique du CVP, parti démocrate flamand, au pouvoir lors du génocide au Rwanda.
Voir interview
***
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, April 3, 2009
Agence Hirondelle 21/01/2008)
Arusha, (FH) - Les responsables militaires des Nations Unies envoyés au Rwanda avant le génocide ont été visés par une manœuvre d'intoxication de la part des rebelles du Front patriotique rwandais (FPR), a affirmé cette semaine un officier belge témoignant devant le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR).
Le colonel Luc Marchal, qui commandait le secteur de Kigali, au sein de la force des Nations Unies, a affirmé que le fameux Jean-Pierre qui avait révélé la présence de caches d'armes dans la capitale rwandaise était en contact avec des représentants du FPR, dont l'officier de liaison entre les Nations Unies et les rebelles.
Déjà, a-t-il expliqué, dès leur arrivée, ils avaient reçu une lettre d'officiers de l'armée dénonçant un « plan machiavélique » du président en exercice, Juvénal Habyarimana, qui allait se concrétiser par des massacres et des assassinats.
« Cette lettre s'est avérée être un faux », a-t-il dit. Les révélations de « Jean Pierre », estimées crédibles après une première vérification, avaient amené le chef des forces des Nations Unies du Rwanda, le général Roméo Dallaire, à demander à son quartier général à New York l'autorisation d'intervenir, mais cela lui avait été refusé. Cette incident a été longuement commenté notamment dans le livre écrit pour sa défense par le général canadien, aujourd'hui sénateur.
« Tout récemment, il y a moins de deux ans, j'ai trouvé le fil conducteur de tout cela », a expliqué l'officier belge désormais à la retraite. « Il s'agissait d'un programme permanent d'intoxication de la Minuar et de l'opinion publique internationale », a-t-il dit.
Il a cité plusieurs officiers appartenant à l'armée rwandaise et qui ont rejoint les rangs du FPR dès sa victoire en 1994. Reprise dans de nombreux livres sur le génocide, cette affaires des caches d'armes devant lesquelles les Nations Unies avaient été impuissantes, ainsi que le projet de tuer « mille tutsis en 20 minutes » faisait partie d'un plan concerté, a expliqué l'officier belge venu à Arusha témoigner en faveur de l'ancien chef d'état major de la gendarmerie rwandaise, le général Augustin Ndindiliyimana.
Ce dernier est jugé avec trois autres officiers des anciennes Forces armées rwandaises (FAR), défaites et chassées du pays en juillet 1994, par la rébellion du FPR, actuellement au pouvoir. PB/GF 18 janvier 2008
© Agence Hirondelle
© Copyright Agence Hirondelle
Arusha, (FH) - Les responsables militaires des Nations Unies envoyés au Rwanda avant le génocide ont été visés par une manœuvre d'intoxication de la part des rebelles du Front patriotique rwandais (FPR), a affirmé cette semaine un officier belge témoignant devant le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR).
Le colonel Luc Marchal, qui commandait le secteur de Kigali, au sein de la force des Nations Unies, a affirmé que le fameux Jean-Pierre qui avait révélé la présence de caches d'armes dans la capitale rwandaise était en contact avec des représentants du FPR, dont l'officier de liaison entre les Nations Unies et les rebelles.
Déjà, a-t-il expliqué, dès leur arrivée, ils avaient reçu une lettre d'officiers de l'armée dénonçant un « plan machiavélique » du président en exercice, Juvénal Habyarimana, qui allait se concrétiser par des massacres et des assassinats.
« Cette lettre s'est avérée être un faux », a-t-il dit. Les révélations de « Jean Pierre », estimées crédibles après une première vérification, avaient amené le chef des forces des Nations Unies du Rwanda, le général Roméo Dallaire, à demander à son quartier général à New York l'autorisation d'intervenir, mais cela lui avait été refusé. Cette incident a été longuement commenté notamment dans le livre écrit pour sa défense par le général canadien, aujourd'hui sénateur.
« Tout récemment, il y a moins de deux ans, j'ai trouvé le fil conducteur de tout cela », a expliqué l'officier belge désormais à la retraite. « Il s'agissait d'un programme permanent d'intoxication de la Minuar et de l'opinion publique internationale », a-t-il dit.
Il a cité plusieurs officiers appartenant à l'armée rwandaise et qui ont rejoint les rangs du FPR dès sa victoire en 1994. Reprise dans de nombreux livres sur le génocide, cette affaires des caches d'armes devant lesquelles les Nations Unies avaient été impuissantes, ainsi que le projet de tuer « mille tutsis en 20 minutes » faisait partie d'un plan concerté, a expliqué l'officier belge venu à Arusha témoigner en faveur de l'ancien chef d'état major de la gendarmerie rwandaise, le général Augustin Ndindiliyimana.
Ce dernier est jugé avec trois autres officiers des anciennes Forces armées rwandaises (FAR), défaites et chassées du pays en juillet 1994, par la rébellion du FPR, actuellement au pouvoir. PB/GF 18 janvier 2008
© Agence Hirondelle
© Copyright Agence Hirondelle
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, April 2, 2009
Let the remembrance of the innocent Hutu and Tutsi be preserved.Every year beginning April 6th, Rwandans pause in a silent moment of Remembrance of children, men and women, family members And closer friends Who died during times 1990-1998 and from forcibly repatriation. Before the RPF invasion October 1st 1990, Rwandans were fortunate So far And all things were cheerful. Then the RPF Nazi started with the untold Mega massacres Of The innocent Hutu and Tutsi "For those killed by RPF, the Rwandese Nazi"
***
As we did not forget ubwicanyi bwa FPR ,The horror remains in our minds
kwicisha udufuni, kubamba abantu ku biti, gusekura impinja ba nyina
bakazirya, kurunda abahutukazi mu mazu,
bakajugujyamo grenades haba muli Gitarama,
za Ruhengeri na Byumba,
Kurunda abagore n'abana mu birwa bya Cyohoha,
bakaribwa n'imisundwe,
gufatwa kungufu muli za gereza za communes na gendarmeries,
abana balira muzindi cells,
abandi bakicana babitegetswen'abagizi ba nabi ba RPF,
usigaye akicwa urubozo na RPF soldier,
kwica abagabo gusa(gendercide) ku musanze n'i Gitarama;
Abaphiriye mu manama, mu bukwe, ntiwareba!
Izo nzira karengane zose, haba mu Rwanda muli Congo
N'abandi bose bishwe na the RPF death squad,
parents, brothers and sisters, wives and husbands,
For all mass-slaughtered refugees,
Abo bose,They sent ripples of pain through our minds.
Memories of death and haunted fears,
And the chills begin to crawl slowly up our spines.
The shockwaves of RPF terror, then the wiping of tears,
For it was all too real once more.
We grieve for the innocent lives that were lost,
As our prayers begin to reach Heaven's door.
Take their hands Dear God we pray,
And let them know we truly cared.
Their lives will not have been lost in vain,
But we're thankful for the lives that were spared.
We share the emptiness they feel inside,
The pains of grief they bear.
he loss of direction, their questions of why,
With the smell of murder in the air.
Whether it be Byumba, Ruhengeri,Kibungo,or Gitarama,
Or out on the open waves.
These beasts keep planting the seeds of fear,
While their leaders hide in Rwanda, the temple of Impunity.
You are in our hearts and our minds,
For the losses you have suffered today.
We'll continue the prayers to our Lord above,
That He'll hold your fears at bay.
For all those victms, no kubabikoze bose bica abandi,
kuli Kagame wiyibagiza ibyaha yakoze, na RPF members,
So that we can fully reconcile,
Do more than to remember,
**
Never Forget.
**
The remembrance of the innocent Hutu refugee be preserved
Every year on April 6 and November 14,
Rwandans pause in a silent moment of remembrance of children,
men and women, family members and closer friends
Who died during times of forcibly repatriation.
We honor all of those assassinated, machetted , akandoyed
by the RPF Nazi during its dreadful crusade
across Zaïre hunting those children and women
Only because they happened to be born Hutus.
Even if they died, killed by RPF, the Rwandese Nazi,
they gave their lives and their futures
so that our generation may survive
and live in peace
3,500,000 innocent Hutus, the pride of our hearts,
died among them refugees,
forcibly returnees,
those who did not flee in 1994
when the 3rd Reich top leader Paul Kagame took power in Rwanda.
These RPF, the Rwandese Nazi wars touched the lives of Rwandans of all ages,
all races, and all social classes, all ethnic groups,
Abatwa, Abahutu and Abatutsi.
Our beloved innocent fathers,
mothers, sons, daughters and brothers,
sweethearts:
They were killed only because most of them were born Hutus,
with many Tutsis who fled the RPF Nazi,
they refused the RPF fascism and dictatorship,
they were killed because they opposed
the Paul Kagame Nazi regime,
they wanted freedom and to live in peace.
Let the remembrance of the innocent Hutu refugee be preserved
Every year on April, Rwandans pause in a silent moment
of remembrance of children, men and women,
family members and closer friends
Who died during times of forcibly repatriation.
The meaning of their massacres rests
with our collective national consciousness;
our future is ARGR Intabaza,
as the well-known organization of survivors
of RPF mega atrocities not yet prosecuted and punished.
Our closest physical and emotional experience
may be the discovery of 1996-1997 wartime
memorabilia in our family organization:
ARGR – Intabaza
Those 1996, 1997 and 1998
Hutu forcibly returned to Rwanda have never lived in peace.
Here is their daily bread: Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
· Disappearance·
Torture and Other Cruel,
Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment
· Arbitrary Arrest and/or Detention·
Denial of Fair Public Trial across the country
· RPF Arbitrary Interference with Privacy,
Family, Home or Correspondence, every movement is controlled by LDF and or LDF.
No Freedom of Speech and Press ,
situation is daily worsened by the fear of RPF Nazi
No Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association has become ancient history
No Freedom of Religion since the RPF Nazi seized power in 1994
No Freedom of Movement within the Country,
Foreign Travel highly controlled by the totalitarian regime,
Emigration, and forcibly Repatriation of Hutu ethnic members
The RPF Nazi supports Hutu child prostitution and Trafficking
Most of Internal Hutus are forced to slavery,
our kids, daughters and moms live under prostitution by coercion,
kidnapping and rape.
The ethnic composition of the population denial
has led to the disappearance of
the Abatwa as the well-known minority group in Rwanda;
their rights are hijacked by RPF Tutsis extremists and Nazi.
The RPF Government refused to register CAURWA,
an advocacy group for Abatwa,
because its program of advocating
on behalf of one ethnic group was perceived as "divisive.
"RPF Incitement to
Acts of Discrimination at all social levels:
The RPF Nazi regime encourages Tutsi citizens
to make false accusations against or discriminate against Hutus.
Gacaca courts were created with the same purpose.
The RPF Nazi regime promotes
the Forced and or Compulsory
Labor aimed to enslave Hutus.
The Hutu child has no guarantee
for not being exploited in the organized Hutu child labor.
He knows no minimum Age for Employment.
Question: I s it possible to prosecute
Belgian and Dutch NGOs actually working in Rwanda
shoulder to shoulder with the RPF Nazi regime in Rwanda?
What about grouping dwellings “Imidugudu”
followed by Hutu expropriation by RPF High ranking military
and RPF leadership for large-scale farms: amarancha?
We ask everyone to light a candle during this month
of remembrance in their time zone.
Spread the word, increase support, inform your neighbor and
make people aware of killing innocent people,
refugees, and humankind loss.
Caution:
We believe that God's call i
s always to peace for ALL RWANDANS,
but it is also to justice and mercy.
When Paul Kagame and his RPF Nazis are trampled
upon with force and impunity,
war, we repeat again, war becomes inevitable
and even necessary. It is often the best we can do
when faced with great evil in an imperfect world.
So
that
we can fully reconcile,
Do more than to remember,
Never Forget.
Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana
ARGR - Intabaza.
Executive Secretary
© SurViVors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, March 31, 2009
Déjà le Sénat Belge note que le FPR serait responsable du massacre d'au moins 500 000 Rwandais, pour la plupart des Hutus
Over de genocide in Rwanda: 'Onze militaire inspanningen waren er niet alleen op gericht om blanken te ontzetten, zoals achteraf gezegd werd. Maar we hebben toen een ultimatum gekregen van een zekere mijnheer Kagame, die me zei: jullie krijgen 48 uur de tijd. Als jullie militairen dan niet vertrokken zijn, geef ik bevel om op hen te schieten.
Aan diezelfde mijnheer Kagame is Guy Verhofstadt later de excuses van de Belgische regering gaan aanbieden. Ik zeg u, en ik wik mijn woorden: ik acht Kagame mede verantwoordelijk voor de genocide.
Ik zou het zelfs nog veel stouter kunnen zeggen, want ik ben ervan overtuigd dat hij de hand heeft gehad in het drama dat zich toen voltrokken heeft.'
Piet Piryns en Hubert van Humbeeck
"Excuses aan misdadiger als Kagame misplaatst"
Vijftien jaar na de genocide in Rwanda heeft voormalig minister van Buitenlandse Zaken Willy Claes (SP.A) harde woorden voor zowel het toenmalige Hutu-bewind als het huidige Tutsi-regime in Rwanda.
In een exclusief interview met onze tv-collega Peter Verlinden toont toenmalig minister van Buitenlandse Zaken Willy Claes zich nog altijd wrang 15 jaar na de genocide op Tutsi's en gematigde Hutu's in Rwanda. Daarbij zijn ruim 700.000 mensen vermoord.
(AP)
Claes herinnert zich dat hij op bezoek was in Roemenië toen het vliegtuig van de Rwandese president Juvénal Habiyarimana werd neergeschoten en tien Belgische blauwhelmen werden vermoord.Toen hij in allerijl terugkeerde naar België, had het kernkabinet de beslissing om de Belgische blauwhelmen terug te trekken, al genomen, zei Claes, maar hij voegde er wel aan toe dat hij achter die beslissing stond.
De moorden kwamen ook niet uit de lucht gevallen. Claes wijst erop dat hij VN-secretaris-generaal Boutros Boutros Ghali in de maanden voor het drama gewezen had op het ontsporen van de situatie. Claes had de VN toen om een versterking van de vredesmacht gevraagd, maar de Veiligheidsraad wou daar niet op ingaan, onder meer omdat zowel Amerikanen als Russen opkeken tegen de extra kosten daarvan.
"Kagame wou de macht grijpen"
Over de verantwoordelijkheden voor het bloedbad in Rwanda wijst Claes zowel het toenmalige Hutu-regime als de voormalige rebellengroep FPR van huidig president Paul Kagame (foto) met de vinger.
(AP)
Die hadden zich verbonden tot de vredesakkoorden van Arusha, maar Claes verwijt beide kampen dat ze daarin niet geïnteresseerd waren en de macht wilden grijpen en hun tegenstanders elimineren.Meteen na het begin van de genocide rukte het FPR van Kagame overigens op naar de hoofdstad Kigali, die korte tijd later ook in hun handen viel.Claes verwijt Kagame ook dat hij België een ultimatum stelde toen Belgische troepen landgenoten en buitenlanders kwamen evacueren. Die moesten toen snel weg omdat Kagame geen getuigen wou, aldus Claes.
"De VN heeft gefaald"
Toch zijn niet enkel de strijdende partijen in Rwanda, maar ook de internationale gemeenschap verantwoordelijk. Claes wijst op de onwil of onmacht van de VN om radicale Hutu-milities te ontwapenen voor het begin van de genocide.
Ook hoge VN-bevelhebbers en zelfs VN-topman Boutros Ghali wilden niet dat de blauwhelmen die ontwapening zouden leiden. Die moest uitgevoerd worden door het Rwandese leger, wat uiteraard niet gebeurde.Hoe dan ook heeft de VN volgens Claes de spanningen in Rwanda onderschat.
"België is naïef geweest"
Als klein land heeft België gedaan wat het kon, aldus Claes. Ons land en de regering kunnen enkel verweten worden dat we naïef zijn geweest. Claes begrijpt wel dat ex-premier Guy Verhofstadt tijdens een bezoek aan Rwanda jaren na de feiten zijn excuses heeft uitgesproken aan het Rwandese volk, maar dat hij dat ook deed tegenover huidig president Kagame, ligt Claes op de lever.
Over wie het vliegtuig van de vermoorde Hutu-president heeft neergeschoten en zo het vuur aan de lont heeft gestoken, wil Claes zich niet uitlaten, maar hij sluit niet uit dat het FPR daar zelf achter zat. Claes merkt overigens op dat er geen bewijzen zijn, maar dat aanwijzingen nadien systematisch verdwenen zijn.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, March 30, 2009
respectivement président et rapporteur de la mission parlementaire sur le génocide du Rwanda (1998), publié dans le Figaro du 28 mars 2009, sous le titre "Rwanda: cessons de diaboliser la France"
Le génocide de près d’un million de Tutsis au Rwanda, en 1994, a mis en évidence, aux yeux du monde, la force exterminatrice de la haine. La mort a frappé partout dans le pays, systématiquement, monstrueusement, des femmes, des enfants, des villages entiers, au nom de la volonté d’un Rwanda ethniquement pur.
Pendant les longs mois qui précédèrent avril 1994, la « radio des milles collines », instrument de propagande des extrémistes hutus, a lancé ses appels au meurtre : « l’extermination des cafards » a pu y être théorisée, sans qu’à aucun moment la communauté internationale n’ait pris la moindre disposition pour faire taire ceux qui les émettaient.
Au moment même où cette tragédie se produisait et dans les années qui suivirent, des intellectuels, des journalistes, des représentants d’organisations non gouvernementales se sont exprimés pour dire leur indignation et pour situer les responsabilité s politiques.
La France, présente au Rwanda depuis le début des années 1990, en vertu d’accords de coopération militaire, se trouva alors gravement mise en cause. Quelles étaient les accusations ?
La coopération avec les forces armées rwandaises du président Habyarimana l’aurait conduite à s’engager au côté de ces dernières, contre le Front patriotique rwandais de Paul Kagamé, sur le théâtre des combats de l’armée française. Certains allèrent même jusqu’à accuser les militaires français d’avoir entraîné les miliciens qui perpétrèrent le génocide…
Dans cet imbroglio d’accusations graves, mettant en cause la France, le Président de la République, François Mitterrand et le gouvernement français, la communauté internationale et les autres Etats bénéficiaient d’une relative mansuétude, comme si la faillite de l’ONU au Rwanda n’avait été qu’anecdotique et le cynisme américain - qui y avait grandement contribué - sans conséquence face aux évènements.
Alors qu’en Belgique, au Canada, les parlementaires enquêtaient déjà sur le génocide, le Parlement français demeurait silencieux, comme tétanisé à l’idée d’affronter l’accusation qui semblait nous accabler seuls.
Pour qu’un travail de vérité et de mémoire s’engage enfin, le Parlement devait faire la part des accusations, parfois infondées, véhiculées par certains commentateurs et s’imposer face au gouvernement, naturellement suspicieux à l’égard de députés souhaitant exercer leur pouvoir de contrôle sur les responsables de notre politique extérieure et de défense.
C’est dans ce contexte que la Commission de la défense de l’Assemblée nationale a décidé, en 1998, d’instituer en son sein une mission d’information parlementaire, dont l’objectif était d’apporter un éclairage rigoureux sur les évènements, en établissant le rôle joué par la France, les grandes puissances et la communauté internationale dans son ensemble.
Pour atteindre cet objectif, des milliers de documents (notes, télégrammes diplomatiques, ordres et comptes-rendus d’opérations militaires…) ont été déclassifiés et attentivement analysés par la mission. Des dizaines d’auditions ont eu lieu, dont certaines au Rwanda, qui, sans prétendre à l’exhaustivité , ont permis d’entendre la plupart des acteurs concernés.
Le rapport, méticuleusement et sans rien occulter de ce qui avait pu être établi, a pointé les erreurs commises et situé les responsabilité s. Alors que, pendant les longs mois d’auditions et de travaux de la mission parlementaire, certains commentateurs avaient stigmatisé un « exercice de complaisance » et déjà donné leur opinion sur un rapport dont ils n’avaient pas lu la première ligne, la publication de nos conclusions fit l’objet de commentaires plus équilibrés et d’appréciations moins tranchées.
Il semblait que la rigueur que nous nous étions imposée à nous mêmes avait permis à la vérité de se frayer un chemin certes étroit, mais suffisant pour qu’un dialogue plus profond puisse se nouer avec les rescapés du génocide et qu’un travail de mémoire puisse s’engager, par respect pour les victimes.
Plus de dix années après l’achèvement de ces travaux, le débat, qui n’a jamais cessé d’alimenter suspicions et polémiques, se poursuit en prenant parfois une tournure nouvelle. Comme si le temps avait contribué à faire oublier les progrès accomplis par les efforts convergents des chercheurs, des intellectuels et des politiques pour faire émerger la vérité, comme si la dégradation continue de la situation politique et humanitaire dans la région des Grands Lacs depuis 1994 ne dictait aux observateurs aucun enseignement, la manipulation a de nouveau droit de cité.
Le rapport Mucyo, commandé par le gouvernement rwandais et publié il y a quelques mois, est emblématique de cette dérive. Ce document sans nuance, s’appuyant souvent sur des témoignages douteux, est une « commande » aux objectifs trop transparents pour aider à approcher la vérité des faits. Destiné en effet à apporter les « éléments de preuve » de « l’implication de l’Etat français dans la préparation et l’exécution du génocide »
-pourtant perpétré par des Rwandais contre des Rwandais, dans l’indifférence de la communauté internationale- , il vise tout simplement à faire de la France la principale responsable du million de victimes tutsies ! Pour avoir au Rwanda, pendant notre mission, demandé en vain au gouvernement de Paul Kagamé qu’il établisse les preuves de ses accusations et qu’il nous les communique pour publication, nous avons pu mesurer la part de manipulation que revêtait un tel discours.
Dès lors, deux questions se posent : quels sont les moyens de poursuivre le travail de vérité historique, qui ne saurait être la préoccupation de la seule France? Pourquoi la recherche de la vérité est-elle si difficile face à la manipulation?
1)- Depuis 1994, de nombreux travaux ont analysé par le détail le génocide du Rwanda : enquêtes, commissions parlementaires, rapports d’institutions internationales, travaux menés par des ONG et des chercheurs.
Il devrait être possible –pourquoi pas sous l’égide de l’ONU- de soumettre l’ensemble de ces documents à l’examen d’une commission constituée de personnalités indépendantes à l’expertise reconnue. Ainsi pourrait être établie, à l’intention des gouvernements et des opinions, une analyse impartiale et incontestable, qui apporterait une contribution essentielle à la réconciliation et à la reconstruction dans la région des Grands Lacs.
2)- Tant qu’un tel travail n’aura pas été réalisé, la manipulation risque de se poursuivre, dans la mesure où elle prend sa source dans la convergence des intérêts : intérêts de ceux qui veulent écrire une histoire du génocide légitimant leur pouvoir ; intérêts de ceux qui aimeraient que leurs responsabilité s soient oubliées ou édulcorées.
- Parmi les premiers, se trouve le gouvernement rwandais, qui souhaite que soit minorée sa responsabilité dans la déstabilisation de la Région des Grands Lacs depuis son avènement au pouvoir, que ne soit jamais établie son éventuelle implication dans l’attentat contre l’avion d’Habyarimana -élément déclenchant du génocide-, que soit occultée la part de cynisme qui conduisit le FPR à privilégier parfois la logique de l’affrontement à celle de la paix.De ce point de vue, la diabolisation d’une puissance comme la France, dont la présence en Afrique est suffisamment entachée d’erreurs pour que sa condamnation apparaisse vraisemblable, constitue une aubaine dont le gouvernement rwandais use et abuse, sans aucune retenue.
- Parmi les seconds, figurent ceux qui n’ont pas pris la mesure des évènements qui se produisaient au Rwanda en 1994 et qui par indifférence, par cynisme ou par intérêt, ont accepté que les Nations Unies retirent une grande partie de leurs forces présentes sur place (la MINUAR) au moment où se déclenchait le génocide, en prenant bien soin de ne jamais qualifier les massacres.
Les Etats Unis sont ici en première ligne, ce qui ne les empêche pas de bénéficier de l’amitié et de la compréhension du gouvernement rwandais. Il est vrai que l’un comme l’autre ne voient que des avantages à ce que la culpabilité de la communauté internationale soit incarnée par la seule France.
**********
Par notre travail et par la rigueur sincère qui l’a inspiré, nous avons reconstitué l’enchaînement des faits, pour fonder une démarche historique rigoureuse. Cette quête n’est en rien dérisoire. Elle seule répond au devoir de mémoire, qui impose que l’on établisse toutes les responsabilité s, que l’on dénonce toutes les logiques funestes des massacres orchestrés.
C’est ainsi que la vérité fera peu à peu son chemin. C’est ainsi que le souvenir des victimes du génocide ne se confondra pas avec les intérêts de ceux qui prétendent parler en leur nom.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, March 23, 2009
Les FDLR mettent en garde contre la campagne de manipulation menée par certains agents des organisations internationales travaillant en RDC sur les souffrances des populations civiles.Les Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda ( FDLR ) démentent et condamnent les mensonges propagés dans les médias par certaines autorités congolaises et par les agents de certains organismes se trouvant en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) selon lesquels les FDLR seraient entrain de se venger sur les populations congolaises et que celles-ci fuiraient devant les exactions commises sur elles par les FDLR .
Les FDLR s’indignent de la manipulation par la distorsion de la vérité effectuée particulièrement par des agents du HCR qui ont déclaré que « depuis mi-janvier, les attaques des FDLR ont provoqué la fuite de plus de 160.000 civils ». Ce que ces agents du HCR semblent ignorer, c’est que c’est la coalition de l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR/RDF) et des Forces Armées de la RDC (FARDC) qui a mené des attaques contre les FDLR , les réfugiés rwandais et les populations congolaises de l’est du pays.
Les FDLR ont toujours condamné et continuent à condamner cette sale guerre que les va-t-en guerre leur ont imposée. Pourquoi le HCR qui sait pertinemment par expérience que toute guerre provoque des déplacements de populations, des souffrances, des maladies et la mort n’a pas une seule fois condamné cette guerre et pointé du doigt ceux qui veulent la faire à tout prix à savoir le régime de Kigali et les autorités congolaises?
Les FDLR rappellent que ça fait maintenant 15 ans que les réfugiés rwandais vivent en parfaite harmonie avec les populations autochtones congolaises dans le Kivu et les FDLR n’ont jamais attaqué les populations civiles congolaises et ne les attaqueront jamais car ce sont des populations sœurs qui ont accueilli les réfugiés rwandais en attendant qu’ils aient la possibilité de retourner dignement, dans la paix et en toute sécurité dans leur pays.. Par ailleurs, ce n’est pas la première fois que le régime de Kigali impose une guerre injuste et insensée à ces populations.
Les FDLR ont à maintes reprises informé le public et les médias des exactions graves commises par les éléments de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC sur les réfugiés rwandais se trouvant actuellement à l’Est de la RDC et sur les populations autochtones congolaises qu’ils accusent de sympathiser avec les FDLR . Une partie non négligeable de la population fuit leurs villages pour éviter d’être encerclée dans des zones de combats engagés par la coalition.
Dans divers communiqués, les FDLR ont attiré l’attention du public et de la Communauté Internationale sur des exactions graves que cette coalition a commises après que leurs unités aient subi des déboires militaires face aux vaillants combattants Abacunguzi (voir par exemple le Communiqué des FDLR du 12 Mars 2009 sur www.fdlr.org ). Pourquoi le HCR semble ignorer toutes ces déclarations qui ont été par ailleurs corroborées par les populations locales et leurs représentants régionaux sur les ondes des radios nationales ?
Les FDLR rappellent que c’est la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC qui a pris l’initiative de commencer cette guerre injuste, insensée et inutile et c’est cette même coalition aussi qui doit déclarer sa fin et doit être tenue pour responsable de toutes les conséquences de cette guerre.
Les FDLR restent attachées à une solution pacifique à la crise meurtrière en cours mais elles se défendront devant qui que ce soit qui attaquera leurs membres et défendront les populations congolaises et rwandaises civiles qui sont avec elles.
Les FDLR demandent instamment à toutes les organisations internationales et locales présentes à l’est de la RDC de s’abstenir d’exploiter la misère des populations civiles en faisant de la manipulation avec de fausses déclarations parce qu’elles ne font qu’attiser inutilement les tensions et encourager les va-t-en guerre.
Les FDLR appellent les décideurs de la Communauté Internationale de rester vigilants dans leur prise de décision sur une quelconque solution à la crise actuelle qui secoue la région des Grands Lacs Africains.
Les FDLR sont toujours disposées à participer à toute initiative visant à résoudre dans la paix, la dignité et définitivement le problème politique rwandais.
Fait à Paris, le 23 Mars 2009.
Callixte Mbarushimana
Secrétaire Exécutif des FDLR
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Après avoir choisi de recevoir Gordon Brown en premier, le président américain inflige un nouveau camouflet à Nicolas Sarkozy : sa première lettre à un Français est adressée à… Jacques Chirac !
«Je suis certain que nous pourrons au cours des quatre années à venir collaborer ensemble dans un esprit de paix et d'amitié afin de construire un monde plus sûr».
A votre avis, à qui s'adresse la lettre de Barack Obama dont cette phrase est extraite? (indice : c'est un français).Vous avez répondu Nicolas Sarkozy?
Vous avez tout faux :
cette lettre a été envoyée, il y a une quinzaine de jours, à… Jacques Chirac. Le nouveau président des Etats-Unis a, paraît-il, apprécié la farouche opposition de l'ancien président français à l'intervention en Irak, il y a cinq ans.
En revanche, le fayotage de Sarkozy — dont le dernier exemple est le retour de la France dans l'Otan —est bien mal récompensé : caniche un jour, caniche toujours, semble se dire Obama. Pourtant, Nicolas Sarkozy avait tout fait pour être le premier à poser en photo au côté d'un Obama fraîchement élu.
En vain. Puis il avait tout tenté pour être le premier dirigeant européen à être reçu par le président américain. Sans succès : c'est Gordon Brown qui lui a soufflé la plac, ruinant ses espoirs d'être l'interlocuteur privilégié du dirigeant américain en Europe.
Et voilà qu'il doit, en plus, se battre pour être tout bêtement le premier interlocuteur d'Obama… en France.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, March 22, 2009
Chers amis villepinistes, chers lecteurs, Je vous annonce la réouverture de mon blog pour l'avenir, pour notre combat: la France. L'idéal politique porté et défendu par l'homme d’État Dominique de Villepin, suscite un espoir, une alternative pour notre pays. Le villepinisme est plus que jamais d'actualité. "Avançons avec Dominique de Villepin".http://halte-au-complot-contre-villepin.over-blog.com/ Contact: blogvillepin@yahoo.fr
Chers amis villepinistes, chers lecteurs, Je vous annonce la réouverture de mon blog pour l'avenir, pour notre combat: la France. L'idéal politique porté et défendu par l'homme d’État Dominique de Villepin, suscite un espoir, une alternative pour notre pays. Le villepinisme est plus que jamais d'actualité. "Avançons avec Dominique de Villepin".http://halte-au-complot-contre-villepin.over-blog.com/
Chers amis villepinistes, chers lecteurs, Je vous annonce la réouverture de mon blog pour l'avenir, pour notre combat: la France. L'idéal politique porté et défendu par l'homme d’État Dominique de Villepin, suscite un espoir, une alternative pour notre pays. Le villepinisme est plus que jamais d'actualité. "Avançons avec Dominique de Villepin".http://halte-au-complot-contre-villepin.over-blog.com/
Contact: blogvillepin@yahoo.fr
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Een land dat etnisch zo hopeloos verdeeld is dat er in 1994 honderduizenden doden vielen, wie wil dat nu regeren? A country that is ethnically so hopelessly divided that in 1994 hundreds of thousands of deaths, who wants to govern?
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza (40) is vastbesloten als president haar landgenoten in Rwanda tot verzoening te brengen. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza (40) is determined as president her countrymen in Rwanda to bring reconciliation. Ze bereidt haar campagne voor de verkiezingen van 2010 voor vanuit een rijtjeshuis in Zevenhuizen. She prepares her campaign for the elections of 2010 from a house in Zevenhuizen.
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza stelt zich vanuit Nederland kandidaat voor het presidentschap van Rwanda: "We hebben een genocide gehad, er zijn veel mensen vermoord, maar we moeten verder." Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza arises from the Netherlands candidate for the presidency of Rwanda: "We have had a genocide, there are many people killed, but we need more." Ze is een tengere verschijning, maar spreekt als een volleerd politicus. She is a slim appearance, but speaks like a seasoned politician.
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza wil dan ook president van haar geboorteland Rwanda worden. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza would also president of her native Rwanda are. De moeder van drie kinderen spreekt met beheerste passie en inzicht over haar volk en land. The mother of three children spoke with controlled passion and insight about her people and country.
Voor steun aan haar kandidatuur sprak ze met Barack Obama en een hele rij andere westerse politici, maar voorlopig voert ze oppositie vanuit Zevenhuizen (bij Rotterdam) tegen de regering van ex-generaal Paul Kagame, die ze een dictator noemt. To support her candidacy she spoke with Barack Obama and a whole row of other Western politicians, but they perform opposition from Zevenhuizen (at Rotterdam) against the government of ex-General Paul Kagame, who is called a dictator. De taak die ze zich stelt, is gigantisch en niet zonder risico.
The task that she is asking, is enormous and not without risk. Ze wil het in 2010 bij de presidentsverkiezin gen opnemen tegen Kagame om het land daarna in stabieler vaarwater te leiden. She wants the 2010 presidential elections against Kagame to the country then lead to more stable waters. Elke drie dagen krijgt ze een rapport over de gebeurtenissen in Rwanda.
Every three days, a report on the events in Rwanda. Ze spreekt regelmatig via de BBC en Voice of America haar landgenoten toe. She speaks regularly on the BBC and Voice of America to its countrymen. Als ze een tijd niet op de radio is, wordt er gevraagd: "Waar blijft Victoire?" In haar woonkamer, waar ze ons te woord staat, prijkt een beeldje van Maria van Fatima op de kast. If a time is not on the radio, we asked: "Where is Victoire?" In her living room, where they are calling us, displays a statue of the Virgin of Fatima in the closet.
De genocide The genocide Umuhoza is heel persoonlijk betrokken geweest bij de genocide in haar land, waar na 1994 tussen de 500.000 en 1 miljoen mensen werden vermoord, voornamelijk Tutsi's en gematigde Hutu's. Umuhoza is personally involved in the genocide in her country, which after 1994 between 500,000 and 1 million people were killed, mainly Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
De aanleiding tot de moordpartijen was het bericht dat het vliegtuig met de Rwandese president Habyarimana en de president van Burundi op 6 april1994 was neergeschoten. The response to the killings was the message that the plane with the Rwandan President Habyarimana and the President of Burundi on 6 april1994 was shot. Umuhoza verbleef op dat moment in Nederland waar ze op bezoek was bij een vriendin.
Umuhoza stayed at that moment in the Netherlands where she was visiting a friend. Op 7 april vernam ze dat er een volkerenmoord in haar land aan de gang was. On 7 April they learned that a genocide in her country was taking place. Na twee dagen kreeg ze telefonisch contact met haar man, maar halverwege het gesprek moest hij zich verstoppen. After two days they had telephone contact with her husband, but halfway through the conversation he was hiding. Pas vier maanden later belde hij weer, vanuit een vluchtelingenkamp in het oosten van de Democratische Republiek Congo.
Only four months later he called again, from a refugee camp in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Via een journalist van de KRO en Artsen zonder Grenzen lukte het hem met hun twee kinderen naar Nederland te komen. Through a journalist at the KRO and Doctors Without Borders succeeded him with their two children to the Netherlands to come.
De politiek in Politics in Nu ze wisten hoe vreselijk de omstandigheden in de kampen waren, richtten ze een vereniging op om de mensen te helpen.
Now they knew how horrible the conditions in the camps were set up an association to help the people. Maar Umuhoza wilde meer: er moest een algehele oplossing komen voor de enorme problemen in Rwanda. But Umuhoza wanted more: there was an overall solution to the enormous problems in Rwanda. Dus ging ze de politiek in. So she went into politics. Toen alle Rwandese oppositiepartijen zich in 2005 verenigden in de United Democratic Forces (UDF) werd ze gekozen tot internationaal voorzitter. When all Rwandan opposition parties united in 2005 in the United Democratic Forces (UDF), she was elected international president.
Haar plan om voor het presidentschap te gaan, rijpte toen de regering na de genocide niets bleek te doen om de etnische groepen bij elkaar te brengen. Her plan for the presidency to go ripened when the government after the genocide appeared to do nothing for the ethnic groups together. "In 1995 raakte ik ervan overtuigd dat alles de verkeerde kant uitging. "In 1995 I became convinced that everything the wrong side out. Men dreef etnische groepen uit elkaar om zo de macht te houden. We drove ethnic groups from each other so as to keep power. We hebben een genocide gehad, er zijn veel mensen vermoord, maar we moeten verder.
We have had a genocide, there are many people killed, but we need more. We moeten geen politiek bedrijven op basis van wat er gebeurd is, maar een politiek die vooruit kijkt. We have no politics on the basis of what happened, but a policy that looks ahead. Ik vind dat we nu te veel gevangen zitten in het verleden." I think that we too are trapped in the past. "
Kerk en verzoening Church and reconciliation Het is altijd zo geweest dat in Rwanda drie etnische groepen leefden: Hutu's, Tutsi's en Twa. It's always been that in three ethnic groups lived Rwanda: Hutus, Tutsis and Twa. De Hutu's waren in de meerderheid (ruim 84 procent).
The Hutus were the majority (over 84 per cent). De Tutsi's vormden een minderheid (15 procent), maar ze waren in de koloniale tijd en voor de onafhankelijkheid in 1962 wel altijd aan de macht. The Tutsis were a minority (15 percent), but they were in the colonial era and independence in 1962 are still in power. De Hutu's waren min of meer de slaven van de Tutsi's.
The Hutus were more or less the slaves of the Tutsis. Dat veranderde toen de katholieke missionarissen in de jaren vijftig mee gingen werken aan de emancipatie van de Hutu's. That changed when the Catholic missionaries in the fifties went to work for the emancipation of the Hutu's. Ze bouwden scholen waar ook Hutu's onderwijs kregen. They built schools where education were Hutus.
`De Kerk kan natuurlijk ook veel betekenen voor de verzoening' "The Church can mean a lot for reconciliation ' "Dat is nu heel anders", constateert Umuhoza. "That is very different," notes Umuhoza. "De regering houdt alles in handen. "The Government keeps all hands. Via beslissingen over bouwgrond verhindert ze het bouwen van katholieke scholen. Through decisions on land prevents them build Catholic schools. En dat vind ik jammer. And I find that unfortunate.
Want de Kerk kan in arme landen als Rwanda een grote rol spelen. Because the Church can in poor countries like Rwanda, a major role. Niet alleen door onderwijs, maar ook door gezondheidszorg in goede ziekenhuizen. Not only education but also health care in good hospitals. Dertien procent van de Rwandezen is besmet met hiv. Thirteen percent of Rwandans are infected with HIV. En dan heb je nog malaria. And you have malaria. De Kerk kan natuurlijk ook veel betekenen voor de verzoening. The Church can mean a lot for the reconciliation. Dat vind ik het allerbelangrijkste.
I think the important thing. Mensen hebben elkaar afgemaakt en de haat is er nog altijd. People have killed each other and the hatred is still there. De Kerken die dicht bij het volk leven kunnen de mensen leren elkaar lief te hebben. The Churches that are close to the people live, people can learn to love each other. Als ik gekozen word, zal ik de Kerken vragen meer te doen voor het volk."
If I am elected, I will churches to do more for the people. "
Internationale druk International pressure De presidentskandidate heeft goede contacten met de donorlanden Nederland, Amerika, België en Canada. The presidential candidate has good contacts with the donor Netherlands, America, Belgium and Canada.
"Zeventig procent van het nationaal inkomen is afkomstig van deze landen en daarmee kan de regering-Kagame onder druk gezet worden. "Seventy percent of the national income comes from these countries and the Kagame government is put under pressure. Een voorbeeld: toen uit een rapport bleek dat Rwanda de rebellen in Congo met wapens steunde, trokken Nederland en Zweden hun financiële steun aan Rwanda in. An example: when a report showed that the Rwandan rebels in Congo with arms supported, the Netherlands and Sweden withdrew their financial support to Rwanda.
Meteen de volgende dag beëindigde Kagame zijn steun aan de rebellen. The next day Kagame ended its support for the rebels. Daaruit blijkt dat de donorlanden directe druk kunnen uitoefenen. This shows that the donor may exert direct pressure. En dat is belangrijk voor het introduceren van een democratisch systeem in ons land en voor het vrij en eerlijk verlopen van de verkiezingen in 2010." And that is important to introduce a democratic system in our country and for the free and fair the elections in 2010. "
Onmogelijke opgave Impossible task In Umuhoza's betoog klinkt vaak het woord `verzoening' . In Umuhoza's speech sounds often the word 'reconciliation' . Ze vindt het een cruciaal thema. She is a key issue. Maar ze keurt de tactiek van Kagame af om helemaal niet meer te spreken van Hutu's en Tutsi's. But they adopt the tactics of Kagame agreed to no longer speak of Hutus and Tutsis.
De haat en verdeeldheid moet fundamenteler bestreden worden. The hatred and division must be fundamentally contested grower. "Om verzoening te bereiken, is het van kolossaal belang de macht eerlijk te verdelen tussen de twee groepen. "In order to achieve reconciliation, it is of colossal importance in power are divided fairly between the two groups. Nu gebruikt men de etnische geschillen om een verdeel-en-heerstac tiek toe te passen." Now use the ethnic conflicts to divide and rule tactics to apply. "
`Het is van kolossaal belang de macht eerlijk te verdelen' "It is of colossal importance to the fair sharing of power ' Het verkiezingsprogramm a van de UDF spreekt over het berechten van misdadigers en het compenseren van slachtoffers. The election of the UDF is talking about bringing criminals and compensate victims. Dat laatste lijkt een haast onmogelijke opgave als je familieleden vermoord zijn. The latter seems an almost impossible task if you have family members murdered.
"Dat is natuurlijk moeilijk goed te maken. "It is difficult to make. Maar er is ook veel materiële schade. But there is also much material damage. Er zijn heel veel mensen die hun woningen verloren hebben door verwoesting of doordat anderen er nu wonen. There are many people who have lost their homes by destruction or by others now live. Er leven als gevolg daarvan veel vrouwen, weduwen en kinderen op straat. It lives as a result, many women, widows and children on the street. Ze zijn in dubbele zin slachtoffers: door het verlies van familieleden en door het uitblijven van regeringssteun. " They are victims in a double sense: by the loss of family members and by the lack of government support. "
Kapot rechtssysteem Broken justice Na de oorlog in 1994 was er nauwelijks nog iets over van het rechtssysteem in Rwanda. After the war in 1994 there was hardly anything about the judicial system in Rwanda. De internationale gemeenschap, die het lelijk had laten afweten bij het voorkomen van de genocide, wilde iets terugdoen. The international community, the ugly had failed to prevent genocide, wanted something back. Dus richtte de VN een tribunaal op dat zitting had in Arusha (Tanzania).
So, the UN tribunal that sat in Arusha (Tanzania). Daar zouden de 100.000 Hutu's die meegewerkt hadden aan het moorden, aangeklaagd worden vanwege genocide en misdaden tegen de menselijkheid. There were 100,000 Hutus who had participated in the killings, sued because of genocide and crimes against humanity. Het tribunaal vaardigde aanklachten uit tegen 21 verdachten.
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza wil dan ook president van haar geboorteland Rwanda worden. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza would also president of her native Rwanda are. De moeder van drie kinderen spreekt met beheerste passie en inzicht over haar volk en land. The mother of three children spoke with controlled passion and insight about her people and country.
Voor steun aan haar kandidatuur sprak ze met Barack Obama en een hele rij andere westerse politici, maar voorlopig voert ze oppositie vanuit Zevenhuizen (bij Rotterdam) tegen de regering van ex-generaal Paul Kagame, die ze een dictator noemt. To support her candidacy she spoke with Barack Obama and a whole row of other Western politicians, but they perform opposition from Zevenhuizen (at Rotterdam) against the government of ex-General Paul Kagame, who is called a dictator. De taak die ze zich stelt, is gigantisch en niet zonder risico.
The task that she is asking, is enormous and not without risk. Ze wil het in 2010 bij de presidentsverkiezin gen opnemen tegen Kagame om het land daarna in stabieler vaarwater te leiden. She wants the 2010 presidential elections against Kagame to the country then lead to more stable waters. Elke drie dagen krijgt ze een rapport over de gebeurtenissen in Rwanda.
Every three days, a report on the events in Rwanda. Ze spreekt regelmatig via de BBC en Voice of America haar landgenoten toe. She speaks regularly on the BBC and Voice of America to its countrymen. Als ze een tijd niet op de radio is, wordt er gevraagd: "Waar blijft Victoire?" In haar woonkamer, waar ze ons te woord staat, prijkt een beeldje van Maria van Fatima op de kast. If a time is not on the radio, we asked: "Where is Victoire?" In her living room, where they are calling us, displays a statue of the Virgin of Fatima in the closet.
De genocide The genocide Umuhoza is heel persoonlijk betrokken geweest bij de genocide in haar land, waar na 1994 tussen de 500.000 en 1 miljoen mensen werden vermoord, voornamelijk Tutsi's en gematigde Hutu's. Umuhoza is personally involved in the genocide in her country, which after 1994 between 500,000 and 1 million people were killed, mainly Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
De aanleiding tot de moordpartijen was het bericht dat het vliegtuig met de Rwandese president Habyarimana en de president van Burundi op 6 april1994 was neergeschoten. The response to the killings was the message that the plane with the Rwandan President Habyarimana and the President of Burundi on 6 april1994 was shot. Umuhoza verbleef op dat moment in Nederland waar ze op bezoek was bij een vriendin.
Umuhoza stayed at that moment in the Netherlands where she was visiting a friend. Op 7 april vernam ze dat er een volkerenmoord in haar land aan de gang was. On 7 April they learned that a genocide in her country was taking place. Na twee dagen kreeg ze telefonisch contact met haar man, maar halverwege het gesprek moest hij zich verstoppen. After two days they had telephone contact with her husband, but halfway through the conversation he was hiding. Pas vier maanden later belde hij weer, vanuit een vluchtelingenkamp in het oosten van de Democratische Republiek Congo.
Only four months later he called again, from a refugee camp in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. Via een journalist van de KRO en Artsen zonder Grenzen lukte het hem met hun twee kinderen naar Nederland te komen. Through a journalist at the KRO and Doctors Without Borders succeeded him with their two children to the Netherlands to come.
De politiek in Politics in Nu ze wisten hoe vreselijk de omstandigheden in de kampen waren, richtten ze een vereniging op om de mensen te helpen.
Now they knew how horrible the conditions in the camps were set up an association to help the people. Maar Umuhoza wilde meer: er moest een algehele oplossing komen voor de enorme problemen in Rwanda. But Umuhoza wanted more: there was an overall solution to the enormous problems in Rwanda. Dus ging ze de politiek in. So she went into politics. Toen alle Rwandese oppositiepartijen zich in 2005 verenigden in de United Democratic Forces (UDF) werd ze gekozen tot internationaal voorzitter. When all Rwandan opposition parties united in 2005 in the United Democratic Forces (UDF), she was elected international president.
Haar plan om voor het presidentschap te gaan, rijpte toen de regering na de genocide niets bleek te doen om de etnische groepen bij elkaar te brengen. Her plan for the presidency to go ripened when the government after the genocide appeared to do nothing for the ethnic groups together. "In 1995 raakte ik ervan overtuigd dat alles de verkeerde kant uitging. "In 1995 I became convinced that everything the wrong side out. Men dreef etnische groepen uit elkaar om zo de macht te houden. We drove ethnic groups from each other so as to keep power. We hebben een genocide gehad, er zijn veel mensen vermoord, maar we moeten verder.
We have had a genocide, there are many people killed, but we need more. We moeten geen politiek bedrijven op basis van wat er gebeurd is, maar een politiek die vooruit kijkt. We have no politics on the basis of what happened, but a policy that looks ahead. Ik vind dat we nu te veel gevangen zitten in het verleden." I think that we too are trapped in the past. "
Kerk en verzoening Church and reconciliation Het is altijd zo geweest dat in Rwanda drie etnische groepen leefden: Hutu's, Tutsi's en Twa. It's always been that in three ethnic groups lived Rwanda: Hutus, Tutsis and Twa. De Hutu's waren in de meerderheid (ruim 84 procent).
The Hutus were the majority (over 84 per cent). De Tutsi's vormden een minderheid (15 procent), maar ze waren in de koloniale tijd en voor de onafhankelijkheid in 1962 wel altijd aan de macht. The Tutsis were a minority (15 percent), but they were in the colonial era and independence in 1962 are still in power. De Hutu's waren min of meer de slaven van de Tutsi's.
The Hutus were more or less the slaves of the Tutsis. Dat veranderde toen de katholieke missionarissen in de jaren vijftig mee gingen werken aan de emancipatie van de Hutu's. That changed when the Catholic missionaries in the fifties went to work for the emancipation of the Hutu's. Ze bouwden scholen waar ook Hutu's onderwijs kregen. They built schools where education were Hutus.
`De Kerk kan natuurlijk ook veel betekenen voor de verzoening' "The Church can mean a lot for reconciliation ' "Dat is nu heel anders", constateert Umuhoza. "That is very different," notes Umuhoza. "De regering houdt alles in handen. "The Government keeps all hands. Via beslissingen over bouwgrond verhindert ze het bouwen van katholieke scholen. Through decisions on land prevents them build Catholic schools. En dat vind ik jammer. And I find that unfortunate.
Want de Kerk kan in arme landen als Rwanda een grote rol spelen. Because the Church can in poor countries like Rwanda, a major role. Niet alleen door onderwijs, maar ook door gezondheidszorg in goede ziekenhuizen. Not only education but also health care in good hospitals. Dertien procent van de Rwandezen is besmet met hiv. Thirteen percent of Rwandans are infected with HIV. En dan heb je nog malaria. And you have malaria. De Kerk kan natuurlijk ook veel betekenen voor de verzoening. The Church can mean a lot for the reconciliation. Dat vind ik het allerbelangrijkste.
I think the important thing. Mensen hebben elkaar afgemaakt en de haat is er nog altijd. People have killed each other and the hatred is still there. De Kerken die dicht bij het volk leven kunnen de mensen leren elkaar lief te hebben. The Churches that are close to the people live, people can learn to love each other. Als ik gekozen word, zal ik de Kerken vragen meer te doen voor het volk."
If I am elected, I will churches to do more for the people. "
Internationale druk International pressure De presidentskandidate heeft goede contacten met de donorlanden Nederland, Amerika, België en Canada. The presidential candidate has good contacts with the donor Netherlands, America, Belgium and Canada.
"Zeventig procent van het nationaal inkomen is afkomstig van deze landen en daarmee kan de regering-Kagame onder druk gezet worden. "Seventy percent of the national income comes from these countries and the Kagame government is put under pressure. Een voorbeeld: toen uit een rapport bleek dat Rwanda de rebellen in Congo met wapens steunde, trokken Nederland en Zweden hun financiële steun aan Rwanda in. An example: when a report showed that the Rwandan rebels in Congo with arms supported, the Netherlands and Sweden withdrew their financial support to Rwanda.
Meteen de volgende dag beëindigde Kagame zijn steun aan de rebellen. The next day Kagame ended its support for the rebels. Daaruit blijkt dat de donorlanden directe druk kunnen uitoefenen. This shows that the donor may exert direct pressure. En dat is belangrijk voor het introduceren van een democratisch systeem in ons land en voor het vrij en eerlijk verlopen van de verkiezingen in 2010." And that is important to introduce a democratic system in our country and for the free and fair the elections in 2010. "
Onmogelijke opgave Impossible task In Umuhoza's betoog klinkt vaak het woord `verzoening' . In Umuhoza's speech sounds often the word 'reconciliation' . Ze vindt het een cruciaal thema. She is a key issue. Maar ze keurt de tactiek van Kagame af om helemaal niet meer te spreken van Hutu's en Tutsi's. But they adopt the tactics of Kagame agreed to no longer speak of Hutus and Tutsis.
De haat en verdeeldheid moet fundamenteler bestreden worden. The hatred and division must be fundamentally contested grower. "Om verzoening te bereiken, is het van kolossaal belang de macht eerlijk te verdelen tussen de twee groepen. "In order to achieve reconciliation, it is of colossal importance in power are divided fairly between the two groups. Nu gebruikt men de etnische geschillen om een verdeel-en-heerstac tiek toe te passen." Now use the ethnic conflicts to divide and rule tactics to apply. "
`Het is van kolossaal belang de macht eerlijk te verdelen' "It is of colossal importance to the fair sharing of power ' Het verkiezingsprogramm a van de UDF spreekt over het berechten van misdadigers en het compenseren van slachtoffers. The election of the UDF is talking about bringing criminals and compensate victims. Dat laatste lijkt een haast onmogelijke opgave als je familieleden vermoord zijn. The latter seems an almost impossible task if you have family members murdered.
"Dat is natuurlijk moeilijk goed te maken. "It is difficult to make. Maar er is ook veel materiële schade. But there is also much material damage. Er zijn heel veel mensen die hun woningen verloren hebben door verwoesting of doordat anderen er nu wonen. There are many people who have lost their homes by destruction or by others now live. Er leven als gevolg daarvan veel vrouwen, weduwen en kinderen op straat. It lives as a result, many women, widows and children on the street. Ze zijn in dubbele zin slachtoffers: door het verlies van familieleden en door het uitblijven van regeringssteun. " They are victims in a double sense: by the loss of family members and by the lack of government support. "
Kapot rechtssysteem Broken justice Na de oorlog in 1994 was er nauwelijks nog iets over van het rechtssysteem in Rwanda. After the war in 1994 there was hardly anything about the judicial system in Rwanda. De internationale gemeenschap, die het lelijk had laten afweten bij het voorkomen van de genocide, wilde iets terugdoen. The international community, the ugly had failed to prevent genocide, wanted something back. Dus richtte de VN een tribunaal op dat zitting had in Arusha (Tanzania).
So, the UN tribunal that sat in Arusha (Tanzania). Daar zouden de 100.000 Hutu's die meegewerkt hadden aan het moorden, aangeklaagd worden vanwege genocide en misdaden tegen de menselijkheid. There were 100,000 Hutus who had participated in the killings, sued because of genocide and crimes against humanity. Het tribunaal vaardigde aanklachten uit tegen 21 verdachten.
The Tribunal issued indictments against 21 suspects. Dertien van hen zitten gevangen, onder wie slechts één landelijke leider van de genocideplegers. Thirteen of them are caught, including a national leader of the genocide perpetrators.
Omdat er nog tienduizenden Hutu's wachten op een rechtszitting besloot de Tutsi-regering van Kagame een traditionele vorm van rechtspraak in ere te herstellen: de gacaca . Because there are tens of thousands of Hutus are awaiting a court hearing, the Tutsi Kagame government of a traditional form of law to restore the gacaca. Daarbij komen verdachten, ooggetuigen en slachtoffers bij elkaar om na te gaan wat er werkelijk gebeurd is. There are suspects, witnesses and victims together to determine what really happened. Umuhoza ziet er niets in. Umuhoza looks empty.
"Deze rechtspraak kan gekleurd worden door persoonlijke vetes waarvan onschuldigen het slachtoffer worden. "This law may be colored by personal feuds which innocent victims. Omdat de gacaca door de regering tot stand is gebracht, zullen daar nooit leden van de regering-Kagame hoeven te verschijnen, terwijl ze wel betrokken waren bij de genocide. Since the gacaca by the government is established, there will never be members of the Kagame government's need to appear, while they were involved in the genocide. Ook bij het VN-tribunaal over Rwanda in Arusha, dat was bedoeld om recht te spreken en verzoening te bewerkstelligen, bleven de mensen van Kagame buiten schot.
Even when the UN tribunal on Rwanda in Arusha, which was designed to administer justice and achieve reconciliation, the people were shot outside of Kagame. Zo komt er van verzoening onder het volks niks terecht. If there is reconciliation among the people nothing right. Ik zal alles in het werk stellen om de mensen werkelijk vrij te laten zeggen wat er gebeurd is. I will do everything possible to people genuinely free to say what happened. Dan kun je slachtoffers pas echt helpen." Then you can really help victims. "
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, March 19, 2009
Date: Vendredi 19 Mars 2009, 15h 25Ce soir s'ouvrira officiellement la semaine du mrax contre le racisme....
Mesdames,
Messieurs,
Sachant ou croyant que politique, histoire, vérité, honnêteté intellectuelle sont des termes qui vous parlent, je vous informe de ce qui suit.
Depuis quelques mois, presque des années, je m'intéresse (pas exclusivement ni à temps plein) au sujet du génocide Rwanda, pour lequel il faut bien hélas aujourd'hui, parler de "réécriture de l'histoire", comme différentes éléments plus bas vous le montreront (voire vous le prouveront).
A un récent envoi, il me fut répondu par une personne avisée et digne de foi pour diverses raisons:
"Je n'ai pas eu le temps de consulter les sources écrites... Mais je sais que Kigali a décidé de parler de "génocide des Tutsi" en lieu et place de "génocide rwandais". En cela, le MRAX utilise le même langage que Kagame.C'est plus qu'une question de chiffres: l'histoire est écrite par les vainqueurs (militaires) ... Quant aux liens avec le Burundi, on peut en trouver sur le site www.tutsi.org" .
J'espère que votre bonne volonté trouvera parfois le temps d'y prendre attention et de coopérer pour plus de vérité si vous ne voulez pas que l'histoire continue de se répéter et si vous dites non aux mensonges qui sont en train d'être créés. Je ne manquerai pas de vous les rappeler.
Merci de diffuser si vous pensez que cette tâche puisse intéresser d'autres personnes.
Bien à vous,
© Annick Ferauge
Date: Vendredi 13 Mars 2009, 17h46
5 mars 2009
**
Mesdames , messieurs, membres, anciens membres, non membres du mrax,
Ayant reçu l'invitation à l'ag du mrax (mais je ne suis pas effective), je lis dans les candidatures déposées pour devenir membres effectifs, page 5, deuxième candidature sur les 7 exposées, ceci:
"Said Baidji
M. le Président, J'apprécie énormément le travail que vous avez effectué ces dernières années, notamment sur la question du négationnisme. Je suis militaire de carrière et je n'oublierai jamais le génocide des Tutsis qui aurait pu être évité si nous avions mieux tiré les leçons du passé.
Je veux me battre à vos côtés sur cette question et sur d'autres."
Ces propos m'incitent à attirer votre attention sur les propos plus bas et sur le fait qu'il a été reconnu en 2008 que le génocide au rwanda avait été programmé par kagame lui-même tutsi, le fpr et consorts, actuellement au pouvoir.
Pourquoi attirer votre attention? Parce que de nos jours circule l'idée (comme en atteste la candidature plus haut) que ceux qui appelle le génocide tel qu'il fut, à savoir génocide rwandais (et non tutsi) sont taxés de "révisionnisme ou négationnisme" .
Or, qu'en fut il et reconnu d'une part par le Tpir - tribunal pénal international pour le rwanda, d'autre part par le juge espagnol Merelles et par le juge français Bruguières? Le génocide fit périr tutsis, hutus, prêtres, évêques,^prêtres espagnols et d'autres pays. Pour rappel,le coup d'envoi fut l'attentat sur l'avion qui vit périr les chefs d'états rwandais et burundais (hutus) et plusieurs soldats français entre autres. La plus que grande majorité des rwandais tués étaient hutus (les trois quarts?).
Alors, qui est négationniste? Ne serait ce pas ceux-là mêmes qui en accusent d'autres (l'attaque étant pour certains la meilleure défense), ceux qui influencent les autres en employant de grands mots pour prétendre leur bonne foi et faire taire tous les autres?
Alors, la bonne attitude ne serait elle pas de remettre en question ces termes employés et la quasi main mise sur le terme génocide, le pré carré, la presque exclusivité revendiquée de ceux qui crient fort et ont pignon sur rue et voie d'accès direct (autoroute) aux médias?
Je pense que ces termes et l'histoire réelle devraient avant tout être mis à plat et faire l'objet de colloques publics avec toutes les parties en présence, en sécurité bien entendu.
Je vous remercie pour votre attention et votre réflexion sur ces propos.
Note: le 21 mars 2008 s'est tenu dans les locaux du parlement belge un colloque sur la reconnaissance ou non reconnaissance ou négation des génocides (je ne connais pas les termes exacts car j'en ai pris connaissance à la radio le soir de l'événement).
5 mars 2009
**
Mesdames , messieurs, membres, anciens membres, non membres du mrax,
Ayant reçu l'invitation à l'ag du mrax (mais je ne suis pas effective), je lis dans les candidatures déposées pour devenir membres effectifs, page 5, deuxième candidature sur les 7 exposées, ceci:
"Said Baidji
M. le Président, J'apprécie énormément le travail que vous avez effectué ces dernières années, notamment sur la question du négationnisme. Je suis militaire de carrière et je n'oublierai jamais le génocide des Tutsis qui aurait pu être évité si nous avions mieux tiré les leçons du passé.
Je veux me battre à vos côtés sur cette question et sur d'autres."
Ces propos m'incitent à attirer votre attention sur les propos plus bas et sur le fait qu'il a été reconnu en 2008 que le génocide au rwanda avait été programmé par kagame lui-même tutsi, le fpr et consorts, actuellement au pouvoir.
Pourquoi attirer votre attention? Parce que de nos jours circule l'idée (comme en atteste la candidature plus haut) que ceux qui appelle le génocide tel qu'il fut, à savoir génocide rwandais (et non tutsi) sont taxés de "révisionnisme ou négationnisme" .
Or, qu'en fut il et reconnu d'une part par le Tpir - tribunal pénal international pour le rwanda, d'autre part par le juge espagnol Merelles et par le juge français Bruguières? Le génocide fit périr tutsis, hutus, prêtres, évêques,^prêtres espagnols et d'autres pays. Pour rappel,le coup d'envoi fut l'attentat sur l'avion qui vit périr les chefs d'états rwandais et burundais (hutus) et plusieurs soldats français entre autres. La plus que grande majorité des rwandais tués étaient hutus (les trois quarts?).
Alors, qui est négationniste? Ne serait ce pas ceux-là mêmes qui en accusent d'autres (l'attaque étant pour certains la meilleure défense), ceux qui influencent les autres en employant de grands mots pour prétendre leur bonne foi et faire taire tous les autres?
Alors, la bonne attitude ne serait elle pas de remettre en question ces termes employés et la quasi main mise sur le terme génocide, le pré carré, la presque exclusivité revendiquée de ceux qui crient fort et ont pignon sur rue et voie d'accès direct (autoroute) aux médias?
Je pense que ces termes et l'histoire réelle devraient avant tout être mis à plat et faire l'objet de colloques publics avec toutes les parties en présence, en sécurité bien entendu.
Je vous remercie pour votre attention et votre réflexion sur ces propos.
Note: le 21 mars 2008 s'est tenu dans les locaux du parlement belge un colloque sur la reconnaissance ou non reconnaissance ou négation des génocides (je ne connais pas les termes exacts car j'en ai pris connaissance à la radio le soir de l'événement).
Ce colloque était tenu dans la semaine contre le racisme mais n'était pas annoncé dans le dépliant du mrax concerné. Les infos radio ont mentionné des propos de M. Shreiber (ULB), Radouane Bouhlal (juriste et président du Mrax), une autre personne. Contacté la semaine dernière à ce sujet pour obtenir infos et actes, le secrétariat du mrax a répondu n'avoir vu circuler aucun document sur le sujet.
L'un ou l'autre d'entre vous serait il au courant, aurait il participé et pourrait il en dire plus?
Merci et bien sûr merci pour tout commentaire bienvenu.
© Annick Ferauge
L'un ou l'autre d'entre vous serait il au courant, aurait il participé et pourrait il en dire plus?
Merci et bien sûr merci pour tout commentaire bienvenu.
© Annick Ferauge
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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