A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Wednesday, July 15, 2009
By Reuters
Tuesday, 14 July 2009
By AFP
Wednesday, 15 July 2009
Tuesday, 14 July 2009
By AFP
Wednesday, 15 July 2009
Kigali: Les rebelles hutu rwandais des Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR) basés dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) ont nié mercredi avoir attaqué lundi une base de la force de l?ONU en RDC (Monuc), dans un communiqué.
Dans ce texte en français daté de Paris, l’organisation politico-militaire rwandaise "rejette catégoriquement les déclarations mensongères faites par le porte-parole de la Monuc, le lieutenant-colonel Jean-Paul Dietrich, selon lesquelles les FDLR auraient attaqué lundi à l'arme légère et à la roquette une base de la Monuc, blessant par balle un Casque bleu".
Selon le colonel Dietrich, des Casques bleus pakistanais basés à Mwenga, à 90 km au sud-est de Bukavu dans le Sud-Kivu (est), ont été attaqués lundi à la mi-journée par des combattants des FDLR.
"La vérité est que les éléments de la coalition" des armées rwandaise et congolaise "ont attaqué les FDLR dans les localités de Ngando, Iganda, Mwenga et Kasika, que les FDLR se sont défendues et que la coalition a subi d?énormes pertes (...) malgré l?appui substantiel de la Monuc", affirme la rébellion dans le communuiqué signé de son secrétaire exécutif, Callixte Mbarushimana.
Certains des rebelles hutu rwandais, dont le nombre est estimé entre 5.000 et 6.000 combattants, ont participé au génocide de 1994 au Rwanda contre les Tutsi, selon une liste donné par le régime autocratique de Kigali. Ils se sont ensuite installés dans l'est de la RDC, une des régions les plus instables du pays.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
By Reuters
Tuesday, 14 July 2009
Kinshasa: Most civilians in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo disapprove of the current military strategy being used to try and pacify their region, according to a survey by aid group Oxfam.
Some 85 percent of those interviewed said security conditions had got worse, not better, during United Nations-backed military operations launched this year to defeat Rwandan, Ugandan and local gunmen in Congo's east.
As in Congo's previous conflicts, civilians rather than soldiers are bearing the brunt of the killings, rapes and abuses, which analysts and aid groups say are committed by government soldiers as well as those they are attacking.
Oxfam undertook the survey in May and canvassed 764 people in 27 communities across Congo's eastern provinces, where 1 million people have fled their homes this year.
"My conclusion is that nobody asked the opinion of the people most concerned, which are eastern Congo's civilians, before launching military operations that have had catastrophic humanitarian consequences so far," Marcel Stoessel, head of Oxfam's Congo office, told Reuters.
According to Oxfam's survey, just two of the 14 communities which are affected by Rwandan Hutu rebels supported the attacks, which began in January when Rwanda sent its army across the border but have continued with U.N. support.
Ten of these communities preferred a policy of voluntary disarmament while nine of them also suggested Rwanda should open talks with rebels based in the Kivu provinces.
Some of the Rwandan rebels, now known as the FDLR, were part of the extremist Hutu militias that took part in Rwanda's 1994 genocide. Many others were not, but voluntary disarmament has stalled and Kigali refuses to negotiate with the FDLR.
The Hutu rebels have been central to Congo's wars since 1994, when they crossed into the country from Rwanda. Aid workers say some 5.4 million Congolese have died, mostly from hunger and disease, since the last war began in 1998.
Oxfam added to the criticism of the U.N. for supporting army operations which are being led by rights abusers, and Congo's government for failing to arrest officers responsible for them.
"Army support must be conditioned to the withdrawal of known authors of human rights abuse and the release of child soldiers," Stoessel said.
General Bosco Ntaganda, one of the Congolese commanders directing operations in the Kivus, is wanted by the International Criminal Court on war crimes charges.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, 14 July 2009
Kinshasa: Most civilians in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo disapprove of the current military strategy being used to try and pacify their region, according to a survey by aid group Oxfam.
Some 85 percent of those interviewed said security conditions had got worse, not better, during United Nations-backed military operations launched this year to defeat Rwandan, Ugandan and local gunmen in Congo's east.
As in Congo's previous conflicts, civilians rather than soldiers are bearing the brunt of the killings, rapes and abuses, which analysts and aid groups say are committed by government soldiers as well as those they are attacking.
Oxfam undertook the survey in May and canvassed 764 people in 27 communities across Congo's eastern provinces, where 1 million people have fled their homes this year.
"My conclusion is that nobody asked the opinion of the people most concerned, which are eastern Congo's civilians, before launching military operations that have had catastrophic humanitarian consequences so far," Marcel Stoessel, head of Oxfam's Congo office, told Reuters.
According to Oxfam's survey, just two of the 14 communities which are affected by Rwandan Hutu rebels supported the attacks, which began in January when Rwanda sent its army across the border but have continued with U.N. support.
Ten of these communities preferred a policy of voluntary disarmament while nine of them also suggested Rwanda should open talks with rebels based in the Kivu provinces.
Some of the Rwandan rebels, now known as the FDLR, were part of the extremist Hutu militias that took part in Rwanda's 1994 genocide. Many others were not, but voluntary disarmament has stalled and Kigali refuses to negotiate with the FDLR.
The Hutu rebels have been central to Congo's wars since 1994, when they crossed into the country from Rwanda. Aid workers say some 5.4 million Congolese have died, mostly from hunger and disease, since the last war began in 1998.
Oxfam added to the criticism of the U.N. for supporting army operations which are being led by rights abusers, and Congo's government for failing to arrest officers responsible for them.
"Army support must be conditioned to the withdrawal of known authors of human rights abuse and the release of child soldiers," Stoessel said.
General Bosco Ntaganda, one of the Congolese commanders directing operations in the Kivus, is wanted by the International Criminal Court on war crimes charges.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Washington: The International Crisis Group threw in the proposal last week, now a senior United States Senator has written to the Obama administration demanding that it encourages government in Kigali to have “”direct” talks with some FDLR rebels.“The international community should urge Kigali to open direct negotiations with non-genocidaire combatants of the FDLR to encourage their repatriation”, said to Senator Russ Feingold, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs.
In a letter to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, he also backs calls for an end to ongoing military operations to forcefully disarm the rebels – some of who are accused of taking part in the Tutsis massacres in Rwanda.
“It is critical to augment non-military initiatives to induce defections and open channels of dialogue between the warring parties”, says the Senator, a major voice in American foreign policy on Africa.
On March 31, 2005, the FDLR exiled political hierarchy met in Italy and released a declaration condemning the 1994 Genocide and agreeing to voluntary disarmament. In return, they demanded for talks with government. However, even just the mere mention of it in Kigali rouses bitter rebuttals.
Rwanda refuses political talks with the rebel group as a whole, but it is willing to welcome combatants on an individual basis. The initiative has seen up to 8000 combatants surrendering, according to the UN mission in Congo. Government maintains it has no business talking to criminals.
In a five-point proposal, Senator Feingold wants the Obama administration to develop a long-term policy to address the conflict in the troubled eastern region of the DRC which has left thousands of civilians at the mercy of rampaging militias - often as government and the UN look on helplessly.
The lucrative, but largely underground trade in minerals that the FDLR have depended on must be closed. The Senator says the U.S should work with governments in the region as well as end-user companies under their jurisdiction to establish a framework to bring greater transparency and regulation to the industry.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, July 14, 2009
More virulent hate-speech on BBC -Kinyarwanda against Hutus
BBC, une creation du FPR. Ni plus, Ni moins.
***
Ce n'est pas par hasard que nous revenons sur BBC-Kinyarwanda. La colère des Rwandais surtout de cette majorité de la population rwandaise, se fait sentir et augmente au fur et à mesure que cette radio ne fait que dénigrer les Hutus, les présenter comme des criminels-nés , dont ce qui est bon ne peut être vu ou reconnu chez eux. BBC veut montrer ce qu' elle veut montrer : les stéréotypes racistes contre les Hutus, l'information manipulée destinée à salir leur image.
Le discours de la haine se multiplie sur BBC-Kinyarwanda pour dire qu'ils n' ont pas à réclamer quoi que ce soir. Avoir une interview du régime raciste et ethniste du FPR suffit à BBC Kinyarwanda pour conclure à la satisfaction ou au mécontentement des Rw
andais.Et pourtant, le régime de Kigali est reconnu pour être un régime ayant marginalisé les Hutus, un régime ayant transformé les Hutus en vrais esclaves.
LA SEULE PERSONNE QUI PARLE ET PEUT ETRE ENTENDU AU RWANDA DOIT NECESSAIREMET ETRE TUTSIE. ET SI UN HUTU PARLE, IL DOIT ETRE ENTOURE DES AGENTS DE RENSEIGNEMENTS OU TOUT AU MOINS LES LOCAL DIFFENCE FORCES. LES ETRANGERS NE POURRONT RIEN REMARQUER. Les Hutus sont catégorisés sur BBC. Il suffit d'appartenir à tel ou tel autre groupe que vous pouvez parler ou pas sur BBC.
Vous vous souvenez du discours de BBC Kinyarwanda qui a précédé les massacres des réfugiés au Congo. Un discours qui a alimenté ce désir d'en finir avec ales Hutus. Le résultat : Des massacres ou assassinats des Hutus se font tous les jours sans que BBC en parle ou dénonce cette réalité. C'est la raison pour laquelle vous entendrez BBC dire que 85% de la population est Hutu et que celle-ci est assujetti au joug du FPR.
Vous entendrez seulement BBC parler des Hutus quant il s'agit des FDLR, l'ennemi no 1 du régime de Kigali et donc l'ennemi de BBC Kinyarwanda. BBC est une pure création du régime de Kigali. Tous les conflits auxquels vous assistez entre Kigali et Londres ne sont que manipulations. Ni plus ni moins. Est-ce possible qu’une population de 85% de la population soit muselée à telle point que BBC sans fin parle des exactions des FDLR alors que la population congolaise parle de militaires rwandais au sein des FARDC qui brûlent et violent?
Est-ce une information ou une incitation à la haine comme le veut l’ICG ? Les Rwandais ont vu pire. Ils assisté aux massacres des leurs pendant que BBC Kinyarwanda criait que le FPR sera à Kigali dans 3 heures, je veux dire au mois d'octobre 1990 !
En 1994, tout le monde sait ce que représentait BBC dans les camps des réfugiés. Ceci a aidé les massacres des enfants, des femmes, puisque BBC les traitait de génocidaires parmi les innocents. Et finalement, les innocents n'existaient pas. Dès notre retour au Rwanda, BBC Kinyarwanda na cessé de présenter les refugiés au retour au Rwanda comme des génocidaires retournés au Rwanda. Des massacres, des assassinats, des disparitions, des emprisonnements se multipliaient avec les explications des journalistes de la BBC -Kinyarwanda.
© SurViVors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, July 13, 2009
13.07.09 LO.
Il est des zones dans le monde où se jouent des drames, loin des caméras et des consciences occidentales. Des régions mises à feu et à sang en toute impunité par les FARDC/CNDP/RDF.
La population est formelle: "Les Fardc parlant Kinyarwanda ont incendié notre village encore une fois. Le Gouvernement congolais nous a abandonné. La Monuc assiste et ne veut pas intervenir." C'est le génocide congolais qui est en marche depuis septembre 2008!
L'armée congolaise est responsable d'exactions répandues et cruelles contre ses
propres concitoyens qui équivalent à des crimes de guerre », a indiqué Anneke Van Woudenberg, chercheuse senior pour la division Afrique à Human Rights Watch. « Le gouvernement devrait entreprendre une action urgente pour mettre fin à ces exactions. Une opération militaire qui prend pour cible les personnes que le gouvernement prétend justement protéger ne peut que conduire au désastre. »
Depuis fin janvier 2009, des soldats des forces armées congolaises, les FARDC, menant des opérations militaires dans l'est du Congo, ont attaqué des villages et tué au moins 19 civils dans la province du Nord Kivu, dont deux femmes et deux hommes âgés. Des soldats de l'armée ont aussi violé plus de 143 femmes et filles durant la même période, soit plus de la moitié des 250 cas de viols documentés par Human Rights Watch. Certaines femmes on
t été emmenées comme esclaves sexuelles par des soldats et sont détenues dans des positions militaires.
Que des prisonniers s’évadent d’une prison, il ne s’agit nullement d’un fait extraordinaire. Que les mêmes évadés aient tout le temps de violer toutes les femmes emprisonnées avant de disparaître dans la nature, il est question d’un acte prémédité.
Voilà l’une des preuves manifestes que la situation au Kivu des plus inquiétantes et qui relèvent d’un plan machiavélique pour exterminer les populations congolaises. Une situation qui se dégrade au jour le jour avec les mêmes scènes de violence dans les localités du Kivu. Viols, exactions, maisons brûlées, tueries sans discriminations de sexes et d’âge au quotidien avec comme corollaires, des milliers de déplacés cherchant même un abri d fortune.
They say that we massacre Hutu tribes. The executive secretary of CNDP is a Hutu.
. Kiwanja was liberated by the CNDP on the 28th of October, [2008]. We were in Kiwanja for one week without any killing, any rape, any looting. One week later the government [FARDC], along with Mai Mai, attacked Kiwanja and they occupied Kiwanja for 24 hours. My forces went back [withdrew] from Kiwanja. And in 24 hours, 74 people were killed.
And before we came back to Kiwanja the governor of Goma, in the morning, announced that in Kiwanja there were massacres. When I heard on the radio that there were massacres in Kiwanja, I called my guys [soldiers] on the ground and said, "Where are you?" They said, "We are in Rutshuru." I said, "Who is doing this?" They said they did not know, that they were in Rutshuru.
Le 07 Juillet 2009. Des combats sont signalés à nouveau la nuit de lundi à mardi dans la province du Nord-Kivu. Ils ont opposé les FARDC aux combattants du Pareco, dans le village de Kamandi-lac, à plus de 100 kilomètres au sud du chef-lieu du territoire de Lubero. Le bilan fait état de 6 combattants Pareco tués, deux armes récupérées et un militaire FARDC blessé, indique radiookapi.net
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Il est des zones dans le monde où se jouent des drames, loin des caméras et des consciences occidentales. Des régions mises à feu et à sang en toute impunité par les FARDC/CNDP/RDF.
La population est formelle: "Les Fardc parlant Kinyarwanda ont incendié notre village encore une fois. Le Gouvernement congolais nous a abandonné. La Monuc assiste et ne veut pas intervenir." C'est le génocide congolais qui est en marche depuis septembre 2008!
L'armée congolaise est responsable d'exactions répandues et cruelles contre ses
propres concitoyens qui équivalent à des crimes de guerre », a indiqué Anneke Van Woudenberg, chercheuse senior pour la division Afrique à Human Rights Watch. « Le gouvernement devrait entreprendre une action urgente pour mettre fin à ces exactions. Une opération militaire qui prend pour cible les personnes que le gouvernement prétend justement protéger ne peut que conduire au désastre. »Depuis fin janvier 2009, des soldats des forces armées congolaises, les FARDC, menant des opérations militaires dans l'est du Congo, ont attaqué des villages et tué au moins 19 civils dans la province du Nord Kivu, dont deux femmes et deux hommes âgés. Des soldats de l'armée ont aussi violé plus de 143 femmes et filles durant la même période, soit plus de la moitié des 250 cas de viols documentés par Human Rights Watch. Certaines femmes on
t été emmenées comme esclaves sexuelles par des soldats et sont détenues dans des positions militaires.Que des prisonniers s’évadent d’une prison, il ne s’agit nullement d’un fait extraordinaire. Que les mêmes évadés aient tout le temps de violer toutes les femmes emprisonnées avant de disparaître dans la nature, il est question d’un acte prémédité.
Voilà l’une des preuves manifestes que la situation au Kivu des plus inquiétantes et qui relèvent d’un plan machiavélique pour exterminer les populations congolaises. Une situation qui se dégrade au jour le jour avec les mêmes scènes de violence dans les localités du Kivu. Viols, exactions, maisons brûlées, tueries sans discriminations de sexes et d’âge au quotidien avec comme corollaires, des milliers de déplacés cherchant même un abri d fortune.
They say that we massacre Hutu tribes. The executive secretary of CNDP is a Hutu.
. Kiwanja was liberated by the CNDP on the 28th of October, [2008]. We were in Kiwanja for one week without any killing, any rape, any looting. One week later the government [FARDC], along with Mai Mai, attacked Kiwanja and they occupied Kiwanja for 24 hours. My forces went back [withdrew] from Kiwanja. And in 24 hours, 74 people were killed.
And before we came back to Kiwanja the governor of Goma, in the morning, announced that in Kiwanja there were massacres. When I heard on the radio that there were massacres in Kiwanja, I called my guys [soldiers] on the ground and said, "Where are you?" They said, "We are in Rutshuru." I said, "Who is doing this?" They said they did not know, that they were in Rutshuru.
Le 07 Juillet 2009. Des combats sont signalés à nouveau la nuit de lundi à mardi dans la province du Nord-Kivu. Ils ont opposé les FARDC aux combattants du Pareco, dans le village de Kamandi-lac, à plus de 100 kilomètres au sud du chef-lieu du territoire de Lubero. Le bilan fait état de 6 combattants Pareco tués, deux armes récupérées et un militaire FARDC blessé, indique radiookapi.net
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, July 12, 2009
President Obama, in Accra, Ghana delivered a speech Saturday intended for many nations in Africa with a pointed message not to blame colonialism of the past for the problems of the present.
Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. The best message to Kagame and his likes.
"He threw the ball into our own court and said if you want to play ball on the international level you have to play by the international rules," said Kwesi Aning of the Kofi Annan Peacekeeping Institute.
It will not be easy to change some old, corrupt habits but if Africa plays its part Barack Obama is promising a great deal in return including assistance to boost agriculture, trade and healthcare.
http://cosmos.bcst.yahoo.com/up/player/popup/?rn=3906861&cl=14461069&ch=4226716&src=news
***
THE PRESIDENT: (Trumpet plays.) I like this. Thank you. Thank you. I think Congress needs one of those horns. (Laughter.) That sounds pretty good. Sounds like Louis Armstrong back there. (Laughter.)
Good afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. (Applause.) I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle and Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States of America. (Applause.)
I want to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills for his outstanding leadership. To the former Presidents -- Jerry Rawlings, former President Kufuor -- Vice President, Chief Justice -- thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the wonderful institutions that you've built here in Ghana.
I'm speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of the world's leading economies. And I've come here to Ghana for a simple reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well. (Applause.)
This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world's health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.
So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world -- (applause) -- as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about today.
We must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans.
I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's -- (applause) -- my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.
Some you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade -- it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.
My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. (Applause.) Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the move.
But despite the progress that has been made -- and there has been considerable progress in many parts of Africa -- we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born. They have badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent.
In many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism, even despair. Now, it's easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far too many.
Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. (Applause.) And by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit as the majority. (Applause.) And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of growth. (Applause.)
This progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even more important to build one's own nation.
So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we've learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa's future. Instead, it will be you -- the men and women in Ghana's parliament -- (applause) -- the people you represent. It will be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized.
Now, to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good governance. (Applause.) That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That's the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.
As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I've pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa's interests and America's interests. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid that helps people scrape by -- it's whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change. (Applause.)
This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I'll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.
First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments. (Applause.)
As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: Governments that respect the will of their own people, that govern by consent and not coercion, are more prosperous, they are more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.
This is about more than just holding elections. It's also about what happens between elections. (Applause.) Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves -- (applause) -- or if police -- if police can be bought off by drug traffickers. (Applause.) No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top -- (applause) -- or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. (Applause.) That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end. (Applause.)
In the 21st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the key to success -- strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges -- (applause); an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. (Applause.) Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people's everyday lives.
Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. (Applause.) We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously -- the fact that President Mills' opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana -- (applause); victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. (Applause.) We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.
Across Africa, we've seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election -- the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's vote is their sacred right.
Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. (Applause.) Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. (Applause.)
Now, America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation. The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance -- on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard -- (applause); on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services -- (applause) -- strengthening hotlines, protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.
And we provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. (Applause.) We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do.
Now, this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.
With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of Africans in my country, America. They're doing very well. So they've got the talent, they've got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how do we make sure that they're succeeding here in their home countries? The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities -- or a single export -- has a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.
So in Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and in their infrastructure -- (applause); when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.
As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. (Applause.) That's why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers -- not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it's no longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. You can do that. (Applause.)
Now, America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interests -- for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will open up for our own goods. So it's good for both.
One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us -- particularly the developed world -- have a responsibility to slow these trends -- through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.
Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping -- leapfrogging the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to South Africa's crops -- Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.
These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the dignity of work; it's about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.
Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it's also critical to the third area I want to talk about: strengthening public health.
In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.
Yet because of incentives -- often provided by donor nations -- many African doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.
So across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care -- for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.
America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child dies of a preventable disease in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.
And that's why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges -- $63 billion. (Applause.) Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and we will work to eradicate polio. (Applause.) We will fight -- we will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in isolation -- we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children. (Applause.)
Now, as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings -- and so the final area that I will address is conflict.
Let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.
These conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. Now, we all have many identities -- of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. (Applause.) Africa's diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God's children. We all share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith. That is our common humanity.
That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justified -- never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. (Applause.) It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.
Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon -- (applause) -- and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. (Applause.) We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational forces to bear when needed.
America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there's a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems -- they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.
And that's why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa, and the world. (Applause.)
In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.
As I said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country, African Americans -- including so many recent immigrants -- have thrived in every sector of society. We've done so despite a difficult past, and we've drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra. (Applause.)
You know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."
Now that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. (Applause.) And I am particularly speaking to the young people all across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young people make up over half of the population.
And here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, and end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can -- (applause) -- because in this moment, history is on the move.
But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future. And it won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you every step of the way -- as a partner, as a friend. (Applause.) Opportunity won't come from any other place, though. It must come from the decisions that all of you make, the things that you do, the hope that you hold in your heart.
Ghana, freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was overcome, and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you,Thank you.. (Applause.)
END 1:10 P.M. GMT
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. The best message to Kagame and his likes.
"He threw the ball into our own court and said if you want to play ball on the international level you have to play by the international rules," said Kwesi Aning of the Kofi Annan Peacekeeping Institute.
It will not be easy to change some old, corrupt habits but if Africa plays its part Barack Obama is promising a great deal in return including assistance to boost agriculture, trade and healthcare.
http://cosmos.bcst.yahoo.com/up/player/popup/?rn=3906861&cl=14461069&ch=4226716&src=news
***
THE PRESIDENT: (Trumpet plays.) I like this. Thank you. Thank you. I think Congress needs one of those horns. (Laughter.) That sounds pretty good. Sounds like Louis Armstrong back there. (Laughter.)
Good afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. (Applause.) I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle and Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States of America. (Applause.)
I want to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills for his outstanding leadership. To the former Presidents -- Jerry Rawlings, former President Kufuor -- Vice President, Chief Justice -- thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the wonderful institutions that you've built here in Ghana.
I'm speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of the world's leading economies. And I've come here to Ghana for a simple reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well. (Applause.)
This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world's health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.
So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world -- (applause) -- as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about today.
We must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans.
I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's -- (applause) -- my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.
Some you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade -- it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.
My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. (Applause.) Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the move.
But despite the progress that has been made -- and there has been considerable progress in many parts of Africa -- we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born. They have badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent.
In many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism, even despair. Now, it's easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far too many.
Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. (Applause.) And by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit as the majority. (Applause.) And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of growth. (Applause.)
This progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even more important to build one's own nation.
So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we've learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa's future. Instead, it will be you -- the men and women in Ghana's parliament -- (applause) -- the people you represent. It will be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized.
Now, to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good governance. (Applause.) That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That's the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.
As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I've pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa's interests and America's interests. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid that helps people scrape by -- it's whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change. (Applause.)
This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I'll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.
First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments. (Applause.)
As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: Governments that respect the will of their own people, that govern by consent and not coercion, are more prosperous, they are more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.
This is about more than just holding elections. It's also about what happens between elections. (Applause.) Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves -- (applause) -- or if police -- if police can be bought off by drug traffickers. (Applause.) No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top -- (applause) -- or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. (Applause.) That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end. (Applause.)
In the 21st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the key to success -- strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges -- (applause); an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. (Applause.) Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people's everyday lives.
Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. (Applause.) We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously -- the fact that President Mills' opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana -- (applause); victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. (Applause.) We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.
Across Africa, we've seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election -- the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's vote is their sacred right.
Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. (Applause.) Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. (Applause.)
Now, America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation. The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance -- on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard -- (applause); on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services -- (applause) -- strengthening hotlines, protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.
And we provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. (Applause.) We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do.
Now, this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.
With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of Africans in my country, America. They're doing very well. So they've got the talent, they've got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how do we make sure that they're succeeding here in their home countries? The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities -- or a single export -- has a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.
So in Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and in their infrastructure -- (applause); when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.
As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. (Applause.) That's why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers -- not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it's no longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. You can do that. (Applause.)
Now, America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interests -- for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will open up for our own goods. So it's good for both.
One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us -- particularly the developed world -- have a responsibility to slow these trends -- through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.
Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping -- leapfrogging the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to South Africa's crops -- Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.
These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the dignity of work; it's about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.
Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it's also critical to the third area I want to talk about: strengthening public health.
In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.
Yet because of incentives -- often provided by donor nations -- many African doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.
So across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care -- for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.
America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child dies of a preventable disease in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.
And that's why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges -- $63 billion. (Applause.) Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and we will work to eradicate polio. (Applause.) We will fight -- we will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in isolation -- we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children. (Applause.)
Now, as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings -- and so the final area that I will address is conflict.
Let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.
These conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. Now, we all have many identities -- of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. (Applause.) Africa's diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God's children. We all share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith. That is our common humanity.
That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justified -- never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. (Applause.) It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.
Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon -- (applause) -- and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. (Applause.) We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational forces to bear when needed.
America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there's a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems -- they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.
And that's why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa, and the world. (Applause.)
In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.
As I said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country, African Americans -- including so many recent immigrants -- have thrived in every sector of society. We've done so despite a difficult past, and we've drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra. (Applause.)
You know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."
Now that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. (Applause.) And I am particularly speaking to the young people all across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young people make up over half of the population.
And here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, and end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can -- (applause) -- because in this moment, history is on the move.
But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future. And it won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you every step of the way -- as a partner, as a friend. (Applause.) Opportunity won't come from any other place, though. It must come from the decisions that all of you make, the things that you do, the hope that you hold in your heart.
Ghana, freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was overcome, and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you,Thank you.. (Applause.)
END 1:10 P.M. GMT
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
1) http://freegaza.org/it/home/56-news/984-a-message-from-cynthia-from-a-cell-block-in-israel2) http://www.youtube.com/gazafriends
***
This is Cynthia McKinney and I'm speaking from an Israeli prison cellblock in Ramle. [I am one of] the Free Gaza 21, human rights activists currently imprisoned for trying to take medical supplies to Gaza, building supplies - and even crayons for children, I had a suitcase full of crayons for children.
While we were on our way to Gaza the Israelis threatened to fire on our boat, but we did not turn around. The Israelis high-jacked and arrested us because we wanted to give crayons to the children in Gaza. We have been detained, and we want the people of the world to see how we have been treated just because we wanted to deliver humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza.
At the outbreak of Israel's Operation ‘Cast Lead' [in December 2008], I boarded a Free Gaza boat with one day's notice and tried, as the US representative in a multi-national delegation, to deliver 3 tons of medical supplies to an already besieged and ravaged Gaza.
During Operation Cast Lead, U.S.-supplied F-16's rained hellfire on a trapped people. Ethnic cleansing became full scale outright genocide. U.S.-supplied white phosphorus, depleted uranium, robotic technology, DIME weapons, and cluster bombs - new weapons creating injuries never treated before by Jordanian and Norwegian doctors. I was later told by doctors who were there in Gaza during Israel's onslaught that Gaza had become Israel's veritable weapons testing laboratory, people used to test and improve the kill ratio of their weapons.
The world saw Israel's despicable violence thanks to al-Jazeera Arabic and Press TV that broadcast in English. I saw those broadcasts live and around the clock, not from the USA but from Lebanon, where my first attempt to get into Gaza had ended because the Israeli military rammed the boat I was on in international water ... It's a miracle that I'm even here to write about my second encounter with the Israeli military, again a humanitarian mission aborted by the Israeli military.
The Israeli authorities have tried to get us to confess that we committed a crime ... I am now known as Israeli prisoner number 88794. How can I be in prison for collecting crayons to kids?
Zionism has surely run out of its last legitimacy if this is what it does to people who believe so deeply in human rights for all that they put their own lives on the line for someone else's children. Israel is the fullest expression of Zionism, but if Israel fears for its security because Gaza's children have crayons then not only has Israel lost its last shred of legitimacy, but Israel must be declared a failed state.
I am facing deportation from the state that brought me here at gunpoint after commandeering our boat. I was brought to Israel against my will. I am being held in this prison because I had a dream that Gaza's children could color & paint, that Gaza's wounded could be healed, and that Gaza's bombed-out houses could be rebuilt.
But I've learned an interesting thing by being inside this prison. First of all, it's incredibly black: populated mostly by Ethiopians who also had a dream ... like my cellmates, one who is pregnant. They are all are in their twenties. They thought they were coming to the Holy Land. They had a dream that their lives would be better ... The once proud, never colonized Ethiopia [has been thrown into] the back pocket of the United States, and become a place of torture, rendition, and occupation. Ethiopians must free their country because superpower politics [have] become more important than human rights and self-determination.
My cellmates came to the Holy Land so they could be free from the exigencies of superpower politics. They committed no crime except to have a dream. They came to Israel because they thought that Israel held promise for them. Their journey to Israel through Sudan and Egypt was arduous. I can only imagine what it must have been like for them.
And it wasn't cheap. Many of them represent their family's best collective efforts for self-fulfilment. They made their way to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees. They got their yellow paper of identification. They got their certificate for police protection. They are refugees from tragedy, and they made it to Israel only after they arrived Israel told them "there is no UN in Israel."
The police here have license to pick them up & suck them into the black hole of a farce for a justice system. These beautiful, industrious and proud women represent the hopes of entire families. The idea of Israel tricked them and the rest of us. In a widely propagandized slick marketing campaign, Israel represented itself as a place of refuge and safety for the world's first Jews and Christian. I too believed that marketing and failed to look deeper.
The truth is that Israel lied to the world. Israel lied to the families of these young women. Israel lied to the women themselves who are now trapped in Ramle's detention facility. And what are we to do? One of my cellmates cried today. She has been here for 6 months. As an American, crying with them is not enough. The policy of the United States must be better, and while we watch President Obama give 12.8 trillion dollars to the financial elite of the United States it ought now be clear that hope, change, and ‘yes we can' were powerfully presented images of dignity and self-fulfilment, individually and nationally, that besieged people everywhere truly believed in.
It was a slick marketing campaign as slickly put to the world and to the voters of America as was Israel's marketing to the world. It tricked all of us but, more tragically, these young women.
We must cast an informed vote about better candidates seeking to represent us. I have read and re-read Dr. Martin Luther King Junior's letter from a Birmingham jail. Never in my wildest dreams would I have ever imagined that I too would one day have to do so. It is clear that taxpayers in Europe and the U.S. have a lot to atone for, for what they've done to others around the world.
What an irony! My son begins his law school program without me because I am in prison, in my own way trying to do my best, again, for other people's children. Forgive me, my son. I guess I'm experiencing the harsh reality which is why people need dreams. [But] I'm lucky. I will leave this place. Has Israel become the place where dreams die?
Ask the people of Palestine. Ask the stream of black and Asian men whom I see being processed at Ramle. Ask the women on my cellblock. [Ask yourself:] what are you willing to do?
Let's change the world together & reclaim what we all need as human beings: Dignity. I appeal to the United Nations to get these women of Ramle, who have done nothing wrong other than to believe in Israel as the guardian of the Holy Land, resettled in safe homes. I appeal to the United State's Department of State to include the plight of detained UNHCR-certified refugees in the Israel country report in its annual human rights report. I appeal once again to President Obama to go to Gaza: send your special envoy, George Mitchell there, and to engage Hamas as the elected choice of the Palestinian people.
I dedicate this message to those who struggle to achieve a free Palestine, and to the women I've met at Ramle. This is Cynthia McKinney, July 2nd 2009, also known as Ramle prisoner number 88794.
***
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
While we were on our way to Gaza the Israelis threatened to fire on our boat, but we did not turn around. The Israelis high-jacked and arrested us because we wanted to give crayons to the children in Gaza. We have been detained, and we want the people of the world to see how we have been treated just because we wanted to deliver humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza.
At the outbreak of Israel's Operation ‘Cast Lead' [in December 2008], I boarded a Free Gaza boat with one day's notice and tried, as the US representative in a multi-national delegation, to deliver 3 tons of medical supplies to an already besieged and ravaged Gaza.
During Operation Cast Lead, U.S.-supplied F-16's rained hellfire on a trapped people. Ethnic cleansing became full scale outright genocide. U.S.-supplied white phosphorus, depleted uranium, robotic technology, DIME weapons, and cluster bombs - new weapons creating injuries never treated before by Jordanian and Norwegian doctors. I was later told by doctors who were there in Gaza during Israel's onslaught that Gaza had become Israel's veritable weapons testing laboratory, people used to test and improve the kill ratio of their weapons.
The world saw Israel's despicable violence thanks to al-Jazeera Arabic and Press TV that broadcast in English. I saw those broadcasts live and around the clock, not from the USA but from Lebanon, where my first attempt to get into Gaza had ended because the Israeli military rammed the boat I was on in international water ... It's a miracle that I'm even here to write about my second encounter with the Israeli military, again a humanitarian mission aborted by the Israeli military.
The Israeli authorities have tried to get us to confess that we committed a crime ... I am now known as Israeli prisoner number 88794. How can I be in prison for collecting crayons to kids?
Zionism has surely run out of its last legitimacy if this is what it does to people who believe so deeply in human rights for all that they put their own lives on the line for someone else's children. Israel is the fullest expression of Zionism, but if Israel fears for its security because Gaza's children have crayons then not only has Israel lost its last shred of legitimacy, but Israel must be declared a failed state.
I am facing deportation from the state that brought me here at gunpoint after commandeering our boat. I was brought to Israel against my will. I am being held in this prison because I had a dream that Gaza's children could color & paint, that Gaza's wounded could be healed, and that Gaza's bombed-out houses could be rebuilt.
But I've learned an interesting thing by being inside this prison. First of all, it's incredibly black: populated mostly by Ethiopians who also had a dream ... like my cellmates, one who is pregnant. They are all are in their twenties. They thought they were coming to the Holy Land. They had a dream that their lives would be better ... The once proud, never colonized Ethiopia [has been thrown into] the back pocket of the United States, and become a place of torture, rendition, and occupation. Ethiopians must free their country because superpower politics [have] become more important than human rights and self-determination.
My cellmates came to the Holy Land so they could be free from the exigencies of superpower politics. They committed no crime except to have a dream. They came to Israel because they thought that Israel held promise for them. Their journey to Israel through Sudan and Egypt was arduous. I can only imagine what it must have been like for them.
And it wasn't cheap. Many of them represent their family's best collective efforts for self-fulfilment. They made their way to the United Nations High Commission for Refugees. They got their yellow paper of identification. They got their certificate for police protection. They are refugees from tragedy, and they made it to Israel only after they arrived Israel told them "there is no UN in Israel."
The police here have license to pick them up & suck them into the black hole of a farce for a justice system. These beautiful, industrious and proud women represent the hopes of entire families. The idea of Israel tricked them and the rest of us. In a widely propagandized slick marketing campaign, Israel represented itself as a place of refuge and safety for the world's first Jews and Christian. I too believed that marketing and failed to look deeper.
The truth is that Israel lied to the world. Israel lied to the families of these young women. Israel lied to the women themselves who are now trapped in Ramle's detention facility. And what are we to do? One of my cellmates cried today. She has been here for 6 months. As an American, crying with them is not enough. The policy of the United States must be better, and while we watch President Obama give 12.8 trillion dollars to the financial elite of the United States it ought now be clear that hope, change, and ‘yes we can' were powerfully presented images of dignity and self-fulfilment, individually and nationally, that besieged people everywhere truly believed in.
It was a slick marketing campaign as slickly put to the world and to the voters of America as was Israel's marketing to the world. It tricked all of us but, more tragically, these young women.
We must cast an informed vote about better candidates seeking to represent us. I have read and re-read Dr. Martin Luther King Junior's letter from a Birmingham jail. Never in my wildest dreams would I have ever imagined that I too would one day have to do so. It is clear that taxpayers in Europe and the U.S. have a lot to atone for, for what they've done to others around the world.
What an irony! My son begins his law school program without me because I am in prison, in my own way trying to do my best, again, for other people's children. Forgive me, my son. I guess I'm experiencing the harsh reality which is why people need dreams. [But] I'm lucky. I will leave this place. Has Israel become the place where dreams die?
Ask the people of Palestine. Ask the stream of black and Asian men whom I see being processed at Ramle. Ask the women on my cellblock. [Ask yourself:] what are you willing to do?
Let's change the world together & reclaim what we all need as human beings: Dignity. I appeal to the United Nations to get these women of Ramle, who have done nothing wrong other than to believe in Israel as the guardian of the Holy Land, resettled in safe homes. I appeal to the United State's Department of State to include the plight of detained UNHCR-certified refugees in the Israel country report in its annual human rights report. I appeal once again to President Obama to go to Gaza: send your special envoy, George Mitchell there, and to engage Hamas as the elected choice of the Palestinian people.
I dedicate this message to those who struggle to achieve a free Palestine, and to the women I've met at Ramle. This is Cynthia McKinney, July 2nd 2009, also known as Ramle prisoner number 88794.
***
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, July 11, 2009
Liste non exhaustive du matériel récupéré par les FDLR sur les soldats de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC à Mianga et Busurungi dans le Nord Kivu en Mai 2009.
Dans notre communiqué de presse N° 07/SE/CD/MAI/ 2009 nous vous avions promis de vous donner la liste du matériel récupéré sur les soldats de la coalition de l'Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR/RDF) et des FARDC à Mianga et Busurungi en Mai 2009.
Les FDLR publient cette liste non exhaustive du matériel et des divers documents saisis sur les soldats de la coalition de l'APR (RDF) et des FARDC morts dans les combats de Mai 2009.
- Matériel saisi sur les soldats et dégâts subis par la coalition regroupés dans le 202ème bataillon commandé par Lt Col Gahengeli à Mianga/Kanyundo:
- Le Commandant du 202ème bataillon fut blessé et fut évacué à Goma pour des soins
- 47 cadavres de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC furent recensés
- Plusieurs dizaines de blessés du côté de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC
- Matériel saisi:
o un mortier 60mm,
o un lance-roquette,
o 19 fusils kalachnikov,
o des roquettes,
o des bombes de mortiers 60,
o des bombes de mortiers 81,
o des boxes munitions PKM,
o des boxes de munitions pour kalachnikovs,
o des émetteurs-récepteurs Motorolla de type GP 340.
2- Matériel saisi sur les soldats et dégâts subis par la coalition regroupés dans le 203ème bataillon d'infanterie spéciale commandé par le Major Zikito à Busurungi :
- 51 cadavres des militaires de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC furent recensés dont voici l?identification de quelques-uns :
o Le Lt Maniragabe Alexis numéro matricule 427228/k,
o Adjudant premier Kololo Ibanda numéro matricule 150762/k,
o Sergent Major Wedunga Umoza numéro matricule 186191/e,
o 1er Sergent Bilolo Kanumuangi numéro matricule 441722/k,
o Sergent Muranza Masala numéro matricule 468393/e,
o Caporal Nandate Patrice numéro matricule 202117/l.
- Plusieurs dizaines de blessés de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC furent évacués.
- Documents saisis à Busurungi:
o la liste de paie du 1er peloton de la 3ème compagnie du 203ème Bataillon,
o un carnet de recensement no HC 3006211D du Lt Mushanganya Kahombo numéro matricule 427429/k,
o une carte de recensement no SK 300529 bn du Commandant Sadiki Bavukahe,
o une liste nominative du 1er peloton de la 3ème compagnie du 203ème bataillon,
o une carte du 1er Sergent Lololo Kamumwangi.
- Matériel saisi sur la coalition :
o 18 armes ont été récupérées dont des fusils kalachnikovs portant les numéros suivants : 3148, 6263, 22893, 9042, 06524, 27845, 26529, 13228, 08368, 1113, 8156 ;
o des lance-roquettes portant les numéros A3-966, NBC 455, 285 ;
o un PKM portant les numéros 245
o les pièces trépieds et un berceau d?une mitrailleuse anti-aérien portant le numéro 0359-120401 ;
o Beaucoup de munitions pour :
§ les mortiers 82,
§ les mortiers 60,
§ les mitrailleuses lourdes,
§ les mitrailleuses anti-aériennes,
§ les kalachnikovs,
o un panneau solaire,
o beaucoup de roquettes.
Les FDLR demandent aux autorités de Kigali et de Kinshasa ainsi qu'à la MONUC d'arrêter immédiatement cette guerre inutile, injuste et sans issue que les armées de cette coalition appuyée par la MONUC ne pourra jamais gagner.
Les FDLR lancent encore un appel à ces deux régimes pour l'ouverture dans les brefs délais de négociations directes avec les FDLR afin d?étudier ensemble des modalités de retour dans la dignité dans leur pays.
Fait à Paris, le 9 Juillet 2009
Callixte Mbarushimana
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Dans notre communiqué de presse N° 07/SE/CD/MAI/ 2009 nous vous avions promis de vous donner la liste du matériel récupéré sur les soldats de la coalition de l'Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR/RDF) et des FARDC à Mianga et Busurungi en Mai 2009.
Les FDLR publient cette liste non exhaustive du matériel et des divers documents saisis sur les soldats de la coalition de l'APR (RDF) et des FARDC morts dans les combats de Mai 2009.
- Matériel saisi sur les soldats et dégâts subis par la coalition regroupés dans le 202ème bataillon commandé par Lt Col Gahengeli à Mianga/Kanyundo:
- Le Commandant du 202ème bataillon fut blessé et fut évacué à Goma pour des soins
- 47 cadavres de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC furent recensés
- Plusieurs dizaines de blessés du côté de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC
- Matériel saisi:
o un mortier 60mm,
o un lance-roquette,
o 19 fusils kalachnikov,
o des roquettes,
o des bombes de mortiers 60,
o des bombes de mortiers 81,
o des boxes munitions PKM,
o des boxes de munitions pour kalachnikovs,
o des émetteurs-récepteurs Motorolla de type GP 340.
2- Matériel saisi sur les soldats et dégâts subis par la coalition regroupés dans le 203ème bataillon d'infanterie spéciale commandé par le Major Zikito à Busurungi :
- 51 cadavres des militaires de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC furent recensés dont voici l?identification de quelques-uns :
o Le Lt Maniragabe Alexis numéro matricule 427228/k,
o Adjudant premier Kololo Ibanda numéro matricule 150762/k,
o Sergent Major Wedunga Umoza numéro matricule 186191/e,
o 1er Sergent Bilolo Kanumuangi numéro matricule 441722/k,
o Sergent Muranza Masala numéro matricule 468393/e,
o Caporal Nandate Patrice numéro matricule 202117/l.
- Plusieurs dizaines de blessés de la coalition APR(RDF)/FARDC furent évacués.
- Documents saisis à Busurungi:
o la liste de paie du 1er peloton de la 3ème compagnie du 203ème Bataillon,
o un carnet de recensement no HC 3006211D du Lt Mushanganya Kahombo numéro matricule 427429/k,
o une carte de recensement no SK 300529 bn du Commandant Sadiki Bavukahe,
o une liste nominative du 1er peloton de la 3ème compagnie du 203ème bataillon,
o une carte du 1er Sergent Lololo Kamumwangi.
- Matériel saisi sur la coalition :
o 18 armes ont été récupérées dont des fusils kalachnikovs portant les numéros suivants : 3148, 6263, 22893, 9042, 06524, 27845, 26529, 13228, 08368, 1113, 8156 ;
o des lance-roquettes portant les numéros A3-966, NBC 455, 285 ;
o un PKM portant les numéros 245
o les pièces trépieds et un berceau d?une mitrailleuse anti-aérien portant le numéro 0359-120401 ;
o Beaucoup de munitions pour :
§ les mortiers 82,
§ les mortiers 60,
§ les mitrailleuses lourdes,
§ les mitrailleuses anti-aériennes,
§ les kalachnikovs,
o un panneau solaire,
o beaucoup de roquettes.
Les FDLR demandent aux autorités de Kigali et de Kinshasa ainsi qu'à la MONUC d'arrêter immédiatement cette guerre inutile, injuste et sans issue que les armées de cette coalition appuyée par la MONUC ne pourra jamais gagner.
Les FDLR lancent encore un appel à ces deux régimes pour l'ouverture dans les brefs délais de négociations directes avec les FDLR afin d?étudier ensemble des modalités de retour dans la dignité dans leur pays.
Fait à Paris, le 9 Juillet 2009
Callixte Mbarushimana
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, July 9, 2009
NDLR: The same role has been played by Charles Taylor of Liberia in the Sierra Leone massacres. Years, we have been told there was a Civil War in Rwanda!The Ugandan leader, who was declared a hero for his role in the war that brought President Paul Kagame’s RPF to power in 1994, has always maintained then that the Rwandese who served in his National Resistance Army (now UPDF), escaped without his knowledge.
In late September 1990, while both the presidents of Rwandan (Habyarimana) and Uganda (Museveni) were away in New York attending a UNICEF meeting, 4000 soldiers and high ranking officers from the Ugandan National Army ‘mutinied’ and invaded Rwanda.
Immediately after the invasion, Paul Kagame – who was in the United States at the time of the invasion being trained by the U.S. military in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas – retur
ned to Uganda to take up a position as the commander of invading Ugandan forces (soon to be known as the Rwandan Patriotic Forces.
• MUSEVENI AND RWANDA GENOCIDE Part 1 - By Munishi - GTV
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DdUuHEZyuEA&feature=related
• MUSEVENI AND RWANDA GENOCIDE Part 2 - By Munishi - GTV
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a1xUnijYVBY&NR=1
Immediately after the invasion, Paul Kagame – who was in the United States at the time of the invasion being trained by the U.S. military in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas – retur
ned to Uganda to take up a position as the commander of invading Ugandan forces (soon to be known as the Rwandan Patriotic Forces.• MUSEVENI AND RWANDA GENOCIDE Part 1 - By Munishi - GTV
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DdUuHEZyuEA&feature=related
• MUSEVENI AND RWANDA GENOCIDE Part 2 - By Munishi - GTV
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a1xUnijYVBY&NR=1
• MUSEVENI AND RWANDA GENOCIDE Part 3 - By Munishi - GTV
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_eDVQRa7R5c&feature=related
***
The path of the Rwanda Genocide
Certainly the extent of violence and brutality that "human beings" (PaulKagame and his RPF) inflicted upon their fellow citizens was unbelievable. The systematic slaughter of interior Tutsis and of millions of Hutus who were selected for murder because of they happened to be born Hutus went beyond the limits of human comprehension.
We should lament the fact that the four Western governments which could have intervened by military force in April 1994 to stop the killings—the United States, Britain, and Belgium did not, even though they were fully aware of the consequences.The London Times, which, on April 7, admitted to the guilt of the Anglo-American establishment.
Kagame's Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front. The RPF was based in and backed by Uganda, the main Anglo-American proxy in the region. Rwandan rebels in the Ugandan military received training from the British. Kagame attended a U.S. army and staff college in Kansas." The commentary even blamed the international financial institutions for their role: "By 1994, Western interference—and a harsh World Bank 'adjustment' programme—had helped to turn Rwanda into a tinderbox."
The genocide of 1994 in Rwanda was the culmination of a process of reorganization of the power structures in East/Central Africa during the 1990s, a policy of "regime change"—even at the price of genocide. This policy had been pushed since the 1980s by one faction of the Anglo-American establishment. It succeeded, and brought governments to power which are, to this day, dependent on the Anglo-Americans. The dictatorships in Kampala (Uganda) and Kigali (Rwanda), as well as the fragile regime combinations in Bujumbura (Burundi) and Kinshasa (Congo), keep the raw materials-rich region under control for unlimited looting of gold, strategic metals such as coltan, as well as diamonds and timber.
The claim by those regimes and their backers at the UN and in Western governments, that they have brought democracy, good governance, and economic development to their countries, is a crude joke. Everywhere the population continues to suffer from increased poverty and violence, as is most dramatically the case in Museveni's Northern Uganda.
In Rwanda, the old oligarchy, which had ruled the country up until 1959, has returned from exile and established an iron grip over the country, and, blessed by the UN and the international community, silenced any opposition.
As the London Times also pointed out, Kagame's government has skillfully manipulated the memory of the 1994 genocide to its own advantage. It, in particular, managed to avoid being held responsible for the well-documented crimes that Rwandan troops committed later on, in the 1998-99 war in Congo.
The actions of the U.S. and British governments in the Security Council show that it was not neglect or unfortunate circumstances that led to the fateful decision to withdraw UNAMIR, but rather was conscious policy. The Anglo-American governments were simply determined to change the regime in Kigali and bring Kagame's RPF to power.
To bring the RPF to power had been Anglo-American strategy since the beginning of the war in 1990. It guided the British and U.S. diplomatic approach to the peace negotiations in Arusha, Tanzania in 1993, where the Habyarimana regime was blackmailed to accept suicidal provisions in favor of the RPF. And it motivated the covert military support the RPF received from the United States and Britain.
It may be no accident, that the origins of the RPF strategy to "solve" the Rwanda refugee problem by war, go back to the time of the senior Bush Administration in 1988, when the U.S.-government-funded Committee for Refugees, headed by Roger Winter, helped organize an RPF congress in Washington, where the strategy of war, not just to solve the refugee crisis, but for the RPF leadership to come to power in Kigali, was adopted.
Since that time, circles of the U.S. and British governments were organizing actively for the RPF, partly directly and partly through the government and military of Uganda. As the report of French judge Jean Louis Bruguière indicates (EIR, March 26, 2004), this operational support for the RPF apparently continued all the way until the fateful shooting down of the plane on April 6, 1994, killing Presidents Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira (of Burundi). If the operation was planned by Kagame and Museveni, it immediately raises the question, what U.S. and British intelligence services knew about it. Were they actively involved? From their record in Africa since the 1960s, it would not be surprising at all.
Genocide Continues
The genocide did not stop in Rwanda in July 1994, but continued in Congo in 1996, when Uganda and Rwanda organized a rebellion to bring Laurent Kabila to power in Kinshasa. Again U.S. and British government agencies participated, sometimes disguised as private groups. And both governments refused to intervene to save civilians from being murdered. Rwandan RPF troops in particular were chasing Rwandan refugees throughout Eastern Congo and killing them by the thousands.
The UN knew it, the U.S. government knew it, and so did the British government. A U.S.-led military intervention to save the refugees was prepared, but then called off, with the cynical excuse that clouds prevented air reconnaissance from locating the refugees. Hundreds of thousands died in Congo in 1996, because the West refused to intervene. But even the toppling of former U.S. asset Mobutu Sese Seko from power in Kinshasa was not the end; Rwanda and Uganda started another war of rebellion in Eastern Congo in 1998, to replace Laurent Kabila. (He was assassinated in January 2001, and replaced by his son Joseph.)
The Bruguière report establishes the RPF, under the direction of Paul Kagame, as the organizers of the shooting down of the presidential Falcon jet on April 6, 1994. In response, Kagame provocatively told journalists that he is not sorry for Habyarimana's death. He was also clearly willing to pay the price of the mass killings that ensued, against his own ethnic group, to gain power in Kigali.
The report of the French judge is not the first one to point to crimes of the RPF. But because of political pressure, other reports were suppressed, such as the Gersony report, which, in 1994, documented the massacres that the RPF committed against the civilian population during their march on Kigali.
Also, the massacres of Rwandan refugees fleeing into Congo, by RPF troops in 1996-97, have been documented. Carla del Ponte, the chief prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in 2003, had the material to hand down indictments against high officials of the RPF. But UN Secretary General Annan, under pressure from the U.S. government, forced her to resign from the ICTR.
At the end of the 1980s, the British and U.S. governments proclaimed these so-called revolutionary leaders as the new leaders for Africa. Instead of Marxism, they, led by Museveni, adopted radical free-market economics, much to the liking of the New York and London financial institutions.
Right after he took power in Uganda, President Museveni was visited by Britain's Secretary for Commonwealth Affairs Lynda Chalker, and has been praised ever since as a shining example of new African leadership. Except for Charles Taylor, most of the other radicals have, in the meantime, become the willing executioners of mostly Anglo-American neocolonial policy for Africa. Soon, they may put the last of their number, John Garang, into power in Khartoum. The wars that most of these leaders conducted fitted very well into the geopolitics designed for Africa in London, Washington, Paris, or Brussels.
The genocide in Rwanda, Congo, and Burundi during the 1990s marks one of the darkest chapters of global policy after World War II. Led by the Anglo-American powers, but not opposed by any other power, African people were condemned to go through another version of colonial oppression, called globalization. And to this day there are enough African leaders and governments who willingly become complicit in this policy.
The genocide in Rwanda, Congo, and Burundi during the 1990s marks one of the darkest chapters of global policy after World War II. Led by the Anglo-American powers, but not opposed by any other power, African people were condemned to go through another version of colonial oppression, called globalization. And to this day there are enough African leaders and governments who willingly become complicit in this policy.
© Executive Intelligence Review
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_eDVQRa7R5c&feature=related
***
The path of the Rwanda Genocide
Certainly the extent of violence and brutality that "human beings" (PaulKagame and his RPF) inflicted upon their fellow citizens was unbelievable. The systematic slaughter of interior Tutsis and of millions of Hutus who were selected for murder because of they happened to be born Hutus went beyond the limits of human comprehension.
We should lament the fact that the four Western governments which could have intervened by military force in April 1994 to stop the killings—the United States, Britain, and Belgium did not, even though they were fully aware of the consequences.The London Times, which, on April 7, admitted to the guilt of the Anglo-American establishment.
Kagame's Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front. The RPF was based in and backed by Uganda, the main Anglo-American proxy in the region. Rwandan rebels in the Ugandan military received training from the British. Kagame attended a U.S. army and staff college in Kansas." The commentary even blamed the international financial institutions for their role: "By 1994, Western interference—and a harsh World Bank 'adjustment' programme—had helped to turn Rwanda into a tinderbox."
The genocide of 1994 in Rwanda was the culmination of a process of reorganization of the power structures in East/Central Africa during the 1990s, a policy of "regime change"—even at the price of genocide. This policy had been pushed since the 1980s by one faction of the Anglo-American establishment. It succeeded, and brought governments to power which are, to this day, dependent on the Anglo-Americans. The dictatorships in Kampala (Uganda) and Kigali (Rwanda), as well as the fragile regime combinations in Bujumbura (Burundi) and Kinshasa (Congo), keep the raw materials-rich region under control for unlimited looting of gold, strategic metals such as coltan, as well as diamonds and timber.
The claim by those regimes and their backers at the UN and in Western governments, that they have brought democracy, good governance, and economic development to their countries, is a crude joke. Everywhere the population continues to suffer from increased poverty and violence, as is most dramatically the case in Museveni's Northern Uganda.
In Rwanda, the old oligarchy, which had ruled the country up until 1959, has returned from exile and established an iron grip over the country, and, blessed by the UN and the international community, silenced any opposition.
As the London Times also pointed out, Kagame's government has skillfully manipulated the memory of the 1994 genocide to its own advantage. It, in particular, managed to avoid being held responsible for the well-documented crimes that Rwandan troops committed later on, in the 1998-99 war in Congo.
The actions of the U.S. and British governments in the Security Council show that it was not neglect or unfortunate circumstances that led to the fateful decision to withdraw UNAMIR, but rather was conscious policy. The Anglo-American governments were simply determined to change the regime in Kigali and bring Kagame's RPF to power.
To bring the RPF to power had been Anglo-American strategy since the beginning of the war in 1990. It guided the British and U.S. diplomatic approach to the peace negotiations in Arusha, Tanzania in 1993, where the Habyarimana regime was blackmailed to accept suicidal provisions in favor of the RPF. And it motivated the covert military support the RPF received from the United States and Britain.
It may be no accident, that the origins of the RPF strategy to "solve" the Rwanda refugee problem by war, go back to the time of the senior Bush Administration in 1988, when the U.S.-government-funded Committee for Refugees, headed by Roger Winter, helped organize an RPF congress in Washington, where the strategy of war, not just to solve the refugee crisis, but for the RPF leadership to come to power in Kigali, was adopted.
Since that time, circles of the U.S. and British governments were organizing actively for the RPF, partly directly and partly through the government and military of Uganda. As the report of French judge Jean Louis Bruguière indicates (EIR, March 26, 2004), this operational support for the RPF apparently continued all the way until the fateful shooting down of the plane on April 6, 1994, killing Presidents Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira (of Burundi). If the operation was planned by Kagame and Museveni, it immediately raises the question, what U.S. and British intelligence services knew about it. Were they actively involved? From their record in Africa since the 1960s, it would not be surprising at all.
Genocide Continues
The genocide did not stop in Rwanda in July 1994, but continued in Congo in 1996, when Uganda and Rwanda organized a rebellion to bring Laurent Kabila to power in Kinshasa. Again U.S. and British government agencies participated, sometimes disguised as private groups. And both governments refused to intervene to save civilians from being murdered. Rwandan RPF troops in particular were chasing Rwandan refugees throughout Eastern Congo and killing them by the thousands.
The UN knew it, the U.S. government knew it, and so did the British government. A U.S.-led military intervention to save the refugees was prepared, but then called off, with the cynical excuse that clouds prevented air reconnaissance from locating the refugees. Hundreds of thousands died in Congo in 1996, because the West refused to intervene. But even the toppling of former U.S. asset Mobutu Sese Seko from power in Kinshasa was not the end; Rwanda and Uganda started another war of rebellion in Eastern Congo in 1998, to replace Laurent Kabila. (He was assassinated in January 2001, and replaced by his son Joseph.)
The Bruguière report establishes the RPF, under the direction of Paul Kagame, as the organizers of the shooting down of the presidential Falcon jet on April 6, 1994. In response, Kagame provocatively told journalists that he is not sorry for Habyarimana's death. He was also clearly willing to pay the price of the mass killings that ensued, against his own ethnic group, to gain power in Kigali.
The report of the French judge is not the first one to point to crimes of the RPF. But because of political pressure, other reports were suppressed, such as the Gersony report, which, in 1994, documented the massacres that the RPF committed against the civilian population during their march on Kigali.
Also, the massacres of Rwandan refugees fleeing into Congo, by RPF troops in 1996-97, have been documented. Carla del Ponte, the chief prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in 2003, had the material to hand down indictments against high officials of the RPF. But UN Secretary General Annan, under pressure from the U.S. government, forced her to resign from the ICTR.
At the end of the 1980s, the British and U.S. governments proclaimed these so-called revolutionary leaders as the new leaders for Africa. Instead of Marxism, they, led by Museveni, adopted radical free-market economics, much to the liking of the New York and London financial institutions.
Right after he took power in Uganda, President Museveni was visited by Britain's Secretary for Commonwealth Affairs Lynda Chalker, and has been praised ever since as a shining example of new African leadership. Except for Charles Taylor, most of the other radicals have, in the meantime, become the willing executioners of mostly Anglo-American neocolonial policy for Africa. Soon, they may put the last of their number, John Garang, into power in Khartoum. The wars that most of these leaders conducted fitted very well into the geopolitics designed for Africa in London, Washington, Paris, or Brussels.
The genocide in Rwanda, Congo, and Burundi during the 1990s marks one of the darkest chapters of global policy after World War II. Led by the Anglo-American powers, but not opposed by any other power, African people were condemned to go through another version of colonial oppression, called globalization. And to this day there are enough African leaders and governments who willingly become complicit in this policy.
The genocide in Rwanda, Congo, and Burundi during the 1990s marks one of the darkest chapters of global policy after World War II. Led by the Anglo-American powers, but not opposed by any other power, African people were condemned to go through another version of colonial oppression, called globalization. And to this day there are enough African leaders and governments who willingly become complicit in this policy.
© Executive Intelligence Review
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
ARUSHA, Tanzanie (AFP) — Le Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU a prorogé jusqu'à la fin 2010 le mandat du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR) qui devait initialement terminer cette année les procès en première instance, a-t-on appris jeudi.
Il s'agit de la deuxième prolongation de mandat pour ce tribunal qui aurait dû, initialement, terminer ses affaires en première instance fin 2008.
Dans sa résolution 1878 adoptée mardi à l'unanimité, le Conseil "décide de proroger le mandat des juges (siégeant dans les chambres de première instance) jusqu'au 31 décembre 2010, ou jusqu'à l'achèvement des affaires dont ils sont saisis si celui-ci intervient à une date antérieure".
Le Conseil espère que "la prorogation du mandat de juges viendra améliorer l'efficacité des procédures et concourir à l'exécution de la stratégie de fin de mandat" du TPIR et prie "instamment le Tribunal pénal international de prendre toutes mesures en son pouvoir pour achever ses travaux dans les meilleurs délais".
Cette prorogation de mandat avait été demandée le mois dernier par le président du TPIR, le juge Dennis Byron.
Le magistrat avait expliqué qu'au moins un procès ne serait pas terminé cette année et que les jugements dans de nombreuses affaires ne pourraient être rendus qu'en 2010.
Onze procès impliquant 24 accusés sont en cours d'auditions de témoins ou en phase de rédaction de jugement. En outre, cinq accusés, dont deux anciens ministres, attendent de comparaître.
Créé par une résolution du Conseil de sécurité en novembre 1994, le TPIR a pour mandat de rechercher et juger les principaux responsables présumés du génocide perpétré d'avril à juillet 1994 au Rwanda et qui a fait, selon l'ONU, environ 800.000 morts, parmi la minorité tutsi et les Hutu modérés.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Il s'agit de la deuxième prolongation de mandat pour ce tribunal qui aurait dû, initialement, terminer ses affaires en première instance fin 2008.
Dans sa résolution 1878 adoptée mardi à l'unanimité, le Conseil "décide de proroger le mandat des juges (siégeant dans les chambres de première instance) jusqu'au 31 décembre 2010, ou jusqu'à l'achèvement des affaires dont ils sont saisis si celui-ci intervient à une date antérieure".
Le Conseil espère que "la prorogation du mandat de juges viendra améliorer l'efficacité des procédures et concourir à l'exécution de la stratégie de fin de mandat" du TPIR et prie "instamment le Tribunal pénal international de prendre toutes mesures en son pouvoir pour achever ses travaux dans les meilleurs délais".
Cette prorogation de mandat avait été demandée le mois dernier par le président du TPIR, le juge Dennis Byron.
Le magistrat avait expliqué qu'au moins un procès ne serait pas terminé cette année et que les jugements dans de nombreuses affaires ne pourraient être rendus qu'en 2010.
Onze procès impliquant 24 accusés sont en cours d'auditions de témoins ou en phase de rédaction de jugement. En outre, cinq accusés, dont deux anciens ministres, attendent de comparaître.
Créé par une résolution du Conseil de sécurité en novembre 1994, le TPIR a pour mandat de rechercher et juger les principaux responsables présumés du génocide perpétré d'avril à juillet 1994 au Rwanda et qui a fait, selon l'ONU, environ 800.000 morts, parmi la minorité tutsi et les Hutu modérés.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
RUD-Urunana
Urunana rw'Abaharanira Ubumwe na Demokarasi
Ralliement pour l'Unité et la Démocratie
Rally for Unity and Democracy
Tel: 001-201-794-6542 /
001-506-461-3919
Email: urunana@optonline.net
url: www.rud-urunana.org
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Communiqué de Presse PP/No. 01/July/09
Décoration des Dignitaires Sponsors du FPR : Insulte à la Mémoire de
toutes les Victimes tant au Rwanda que dans la Région
Contrairement à ce que les ténors du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR) et
les dignitaires du régime de Kigali ont toujours voulu faire croire au
peuple rwandais et à une partie de la Communauté Internationale, la
décoration de certains dignitaires de la région lors des cérémonies qui
ont eu lieu à Kigali ce 4 juillet 2009 atteste clairement que derrière
ce soi-disant mouvement de libération se cachaient des intérêts occultes
qui ont fait et font toujours couler le sang des millions de victimes au
Rwanda et dans la région des Grands-Lacs.
Au moment de son invasion à partir de l'Ouganda, le 1 Octobre 1990, le
FPR clamait haut et fort qu'il voulait libérer le peuple rwandais de la
dictature sans commune mesure des régimes rwandais qui l'ont précédé
pour installer une démocratie exemplaire. Ce faisant; ce front niait à
tue-tête l'aide qu'il bénéficiait des puissances étrangères dont
l'Uganda et des autres pays de la sous-région. Contrairement à toute
évidence, il allait jusqu'à marteler que la National Resistance Army
(NRA), armée ougandaise, n'y était pour rien.
Voilà qu'en espace de quelques jours, deux événements viennent
contredire ces idées reçues : d’une part, les éléments ougandais qui ont
fait le travail réclament leurs butins à savoir les rémunérations qui
leur avaient été promis dans cette aventure meurtrière et d’autre part
le régime donne des médailles à quelques uns de ses bienfaiteurs dans
l'annihilation de plusieurs centaines de milliers de personnes
innocentes tant au Rwanda que dans toute la région des Grands Lacs.
Ces derniers événements révèlent clairement le vrai visage de ce Front
que plusieurs rwandais connaissent depuis Octobre 1990: au lieu de
constituer une alternative politique qui voulait vraiment s'attaquer aux
problèmes auxquels notre pays faisait face, le FPR constituait et
constitue plutôt un outil d’une clique d’individus au service d’intérêts
occultes qui n'étaient ni intéressés à trouver des solutions durables et
équilibrées de notre pays ni à installer un régime qui serait soumis aux
règles démocratiques. Plutôt, ce Front finira en mettre en place dans
notre pays, un des régimes les plus répressifs que le monde ait connu.
Ainsi, nul ne devrait être surpris de la suite des événements. Pour
assouvir sa soif du pouvoir et réconforter ses alliés, la clique
dirigeante du FPR va ordonner l'annihilation de centaines de milliers de
rwandais y compris l’assassinat de deux chefs d'état africains. Ce
dernier acte terroriste fut le détonateur de la tragédie qui endeuille
la région depuis Avril 1994. Au regard de l’histoire récente de la
région, cette dernière décoration constitue une moquerie voire une
insulte à la mémoire des millions de personnes innocentes qui ont
succombé suite à la folie machiavélique de ce Front et ses sponsors.
Au lieu d'aider les rwandais à trouver des solutions qui leur permettent
de reconstruire leurs vies et de bâtir une nation répondant aux
aspirations légitimes de toutes les composantes de la population, notre
organisation est profondément indignée voire choquée par le fait que ces
dignitaires aient voulu plutôt s'associer avec un régime qui a sur ces
mains le sang non seulement des victimes rwandais mais des centaines de
milliers parmi les populations de la région.
Nous voudrons profiter de l'occasion pour inviter le peuple rwandais
dans son ensemble et les autres peuples de la région à reconnaître que
l'épicentre de l'instabilité de la région se trouve au Rwanda. Notre
organisation lance un appel solennel aux personnes, aux organisations
éprises de paix et aux peuples de la région pour qu'ils aident toutes
les composantes de la population rwandaise à engager un dialogue franc
entre elles pour assoir un régime qui répondrait à leurs aspirations
légitimes et un état reposant sur des valeurs réellement démocratiques.
En effet, notre organisation reste convaincu qu’il n’y a pas
d’alternative au Dialogue pour trouver une solution durable à la
tragédie rwandaise et à l’instabilité de la sous-région.
5 Juillet 2009
Dr. Augustin Dukuze
Porte-Parole
Urunana rw'Abaharanira Ubumwe na Demokarasi
Ralliement pour l'Unité et la Démocratie
Rally for Unity and Democracy
Tel: 001-201-794-6542 /
001-506-461-3919
Email: urunana@optonline.net
url: www.rud-urunana.org
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Communiqué de Presse PP/No. 01/July/09
Décoration des Dignitaires Sponsors du FPR : Insulte à la Mémoire de
toutes les Victimes tant au Rwanda que dans la Région
Contrairement à ce que les ténors du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR) et
les dignitaires du régime de Kigali ont toujours voulu faire croire au
peuple rwandais et à une partie de la Communauté Internationale, la
décoration de certains dignitaires de la région lors des cérémonies qui
ont eu lieu à Kigali ce 4 juillet 2009 atteste clairement que derrière
ce soi-disant mouvement de libération se cachaient des intérêts occultes
qui ont fait et font toujours couler le sang des millions de victimes au
Rwanda et dans la région des Grands-Lacs.
Au moment de son invasion à partir de l'Ouganda, le 1 Octobre 1990, le
FPR clamait haut et fort qu'il voulait libérer le peuple rwandais de la
dictature sans commune mesure des régimes rwandais qui l'ont précédé
pour installer une démocratie exemplaire. Ce faisant; ce front niait à
tue-tête l'aide qu'il bénéficiait des puissances étrangères dont
l'Uganda et des autres pays de la sous-région. Contrairement à toute
évidence, il allait jusqu'à marteler que la National Resistance Army
(NRA), armée ougandaise, n'y était pour rien.
Voilà qu'en espace de quelques jours, deux événements viennent
contredire ces idées reçues : d’une part, les éléments ougandais qui ont
fait le travail réclament leurs butins à savoir les rémunérations qui
leur avaient été promis dans cette aventure meurtrière et d’autre part
le régime donne des médailles à quelques uns de ses bienfaiteurs dans
l'annihilation de plusieurs centaines de milliers de personnes
innocentes tant au Rwanda que dans toute la région des Grands Lacs.
Ces derniers événements révèlent clairement le vrai visage de ce Front
que plusieurs rwandais connaissent depuis Octobre 1990: au lieu de
constituer une alternative politique qui voulait vraiment s'attaquer aux
problèmes auxquels notre pays faisait face, le FPR constituait et
constitue plutôt un outil d’une clique d’individus au service d’intérêts
occultes qui n'étaient ni intéressés à trouver des solutions durables et
équilibrées de notre pays ni à installer un régime qui serait soumis aux
règles démocratiques. Plutôt, ce Front finira en mettre en place dans
notre pays, un des régimes les plus répressifs que le monde ait connu.
Ainsi, nul ne devrait être surpris de la suite des événements. Pour
assouvir sa soif du pouvoir et réconforter ses alliés, la clique
dirigeante du FPR va ordonner l'annihilation de centaines de milliers de
rwandais y compris l’assassinat de deux chefs d'état africains. Ce
dernier acte terroriste fut le détonateur de la tragédie qui endeuille
la région depuis Avril 1994. Au regard de l’histoire récente de la
région, cette dernière décoration constitue une moquerie voire une
insulte à la mémoire des millions de personnes innocentes qui ont
succombé suite à la folie machiavélique de ce Front et ses sponsors.
Au lieu d'aider les rwandais à trouver des solutions qui leur permettent
de reconstruire leurs vies et de bâtir une nation répondant aux
aspirations légitimes de toutes les composantes de la population, notre
organisation est profondément indignée voire choquée par le fait que ces
dignitaires aient voulu plutôt s'associer avec un régime qui a sur ces
mains le sang non seulement des victimes rwandais mais des centaines de
milliers parmi les populations de la région.
Nous voudrons profiter de l'occasion pour inviter le peuple rwandais
dans son ensemble et les autres peuples de la région à reconnaître que
l'épicentre de l'instabilité de la région se trouve au Rwanda. Notre
organisation lance un appel solennel aux personnes, aux organisations
éprises de paix et aux peuples de la région pour qu'ils aident toutes
les composantes de la population rwandaise à engager un dialogue franc
entre elles pour assoir un régime qui répondrait à leurs aspirations
légitimes et un état reposant sur des valeurs réellement démocratiques.
En effet, notre organisation reste convaincu qu’il n’y a pas
d’alternative au Dialogue pour trouver une solution durable à la
tragédie rwandaise et à l’instabilité de la sous-région.
5 Juillet 2009
Dr. Augustin Dukuze
Porte-Parole
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, July 7, 2009
News
Written by TUGUMIZEMU VERNON
Sunday, 05 July 2009 17:20
Uganda’s hitherto unclear role in the war that brought Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) to power in Kigali became clearer last week after 235 Ugandan retired soldiers claimed they were part of a 616 mercenary force that helped overthrew the government in 1994.
The fighters are demanding their gratuity from the current Rwanda Government, saying they have not been paid for the services rendered. They say they were demobilised in 1996, two years after helping RPF seize power.
The Observer has been told that the Ugandan fighters signed an agreement with the RPF in which they were promised between Shs 300,000 and 740,000 [depending on rank] as monthly salary for the duration of their services. The RPF invaded Rwanda from Uganda in 1990.
Col. Sam Kaka, the former Rwandese Army Chief of Staff, signed on behalf of the RPF. This payment was supposed to have been effected in September 1996 when the group was repatriated back to Uganda.
Some of the former combatants have told The Observer that they are considering legal action against the Rwandan Government to force it to pay up.
They include 60 former fighters who suffered injuries. Ten of them were seriously injured and move in wheel chairs, and on clutches. The group’s spokesman, Sgt. Aquino Matega, said they are demanding about 3billion Rwandese Francs.
“On August 28, 1996, we met with H.E. Paul Kagame at Camp Kigali Army Barracks and [he] bid us farewell, he promised to speed up our package and told us to register our names with our respective DISOs and RDCs [in Uganda] as he would get in touch with the [Uganda] Government,” Matega said.
Matega, who now works with Masaka Municipality, claimed that they have petitioned several offices, including the Rwanda Embassy in Uganda, Uganda’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Sam Kutesa, and President Yoweri Museveni without success.
“In 2004 we went to Christine Umutoni, the Rwandese Ambassador to Uganda, she told us to go to our Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The chief of protocol told us that he would contact Rwanda to verify, but nothing happened,” he said.
Last week, about 70 members of the group met at Kasana football ground in Nyendo-Ssenyange Division, in Masaka town, and resolved to give Rwanda an ultimatum of two weeks to pay their claims or be dragged to court.
But Kutesa told The Observer on phone that the former fighters should remain calm because the two countries will discuss the matter. Matega, who is personally demanding Shs 17 million, however said his colleagues have been calm for 13 years. His leg was shattered by a landmine during the war.
Maj. Karangwa, an official in Rwanda’s Ministry of Defence, told this journalist by phone from Kigali that he was aware of the issue and his government was working with its embassy in Uganda to compensate these soldiers.
Another former fighter, Rubega Ibrahim, who claims that he nearly got killed during one of the major battles in Virunga Forest, said that he was disappointed that Rwanda had “let us down because we are the reason that peace was restored in Rwanda.” He says he is claiming about Shs 6 million.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Written by TUGUMIZEMU VERNON
Sunday, 05 July 2009 17:20
Uganda’s hitherto unclear role in the war that brought Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) to power in Kigali became clearer last week after 235 Ugandan retired soldiers claimed they were part of a 616 mercenary force that helped overthrew the government in 1994.
The fighters are demanding their gratuity from the current Rwanda Government, saying they have not been paid for the services rendered. They say they were demobilised in 1996, two years after helping RPF seize power.
The Observer has been told that the Ugandan fighters signed an agreement with the RPF in which they were promised between Shs 300,000 and 740,000 [depending on rank] as monthly salary for the duration of their services. The RPF invaded Rwanda from Uganda in 1990.
Col. Sam Kaka, the former Rwandese Army Chief of Staff, signed on behalf of the RPF. This payment was supposed to have been effected in September 1996 when the group was repatriated back to Uganda.
Some of the former combatants have told The Observer that they are considering legal action against the Rwandan Government to force it to pay up.
They include 60 former fighters who suffered injuries. Ten of them were seriously injured and move in wheel chairs, and on clutches. The group’s spokesman, Sgt. Aquino Matega, said they are demanding about 3billion Rwandese Francs.
“On August 28, 1996, we met with H.E. Paul Kagame at Camp Kigali Army Barracks and [he] bid us farewell, he promised to speed up our package and told us to register our names with our respective DISOs and RDCs [in Uganda] as he would get in touch with the [Uganda] Government,” Matega said.
Matega, who now works with Masaka Municipality, claimed that they have petitioned several offices, including the Rwanda Embassy in Uganda, Uganda’s Foreign Affairs Minister, Sam Kutesa, and President Yoweri Museveni without success.
“In 2004 we went to Christine Umutoni, the Rwandese Ambassador to Uganda, she told us to go to our Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The chief of protocol told us that he would contact Rwanda to verify, but nothing happened,” he said.
Last week, about 70 members of the group met at Kasana football ground in Nyendo-Ssenyange Division, in Masaka town, and resolved to give Rwanda an ultimatum of two weeks to pay their claims or be dragged to court.
But Kutesa told The Observer on phone that the former fighters should remain calm because the two countries will discuss the matter. Matega, who is personally demanding Shs 17 million, however said his colleagues have been calm for 13 years. His leg was shattered by a landmine during the war.
Maj. Karangwa, an official in Rwanda’s Ministry of Defence, told this journalist by phone from Kigali that he was aware of the issue and his government was working with its embassy in Uganda to compensate these soldiers.
Another former fighter, Rubega Ibrahim, who claims that he nearly got killed during one of the major battles in Virunga Forest, said that he was disappointed that Rwanda had “let us down because we are the reason that peace was restored in Rwanda.” He says he is claiming about Shs 6 million.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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