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Monday, August 3, 2009

FINALLY MUSEVENI ACCEPTS HIS ROLE IN THE MASS KILLINGS OF CIVILIANS IN THE 1990 – 1996 RWANDA WAR

ANALYSIS OF PRESIDENT MUSEVENI’S ROLE IN THE BLOODY RWANDA WAR OF 1990.
FINALLY UGANDA’S MUSEVENI OFFICIALLY ACCEPTS HIS ROLE IN THE MASS KILLINGS IN RWANDA FROM 01ST OCTOBER, 1990 to 31st DECEMBER, 1996.

INTRODUCTION

President Paul Kagame of Rwanda, on Saturday 04th July 2009, officially described President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda as a brother who supported the October 01st, 1990 Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) armed invasion of Rwanda from Uganda “to its conclusion.” The Ugandan leader, who was declared a hero for his role in this bloody war that brought President Paul Kagame’s RPF in power in 1994, has always maintained then that the Rwandese who served in his National Resistance Movement (NRM) Army now UPDF, escaped without his Knowledge.

For 19 years since the RPF attacked Rwanda from Uganda, that has remained the official position until July 4th, 2009, when RPF decided to publically acknowledge President Museveni’s role by awarding him the Rwanda national liberation medal “URUTI”. In his acceptance speech of his “URUTI” medal, an excited Museveni boasted, amid wild cheers and clapping that The late President Juvenal Habyarimana was deep asleep in New York when his boys attacked Rwanda and could not be woken up. “Mr. Museveni that is trickery, not leadership!”

From my own testimony, I can assure President Museveni that in actual fact Habyarimana was not sleeping and was fully aware of what was happening on the Uganda – Rwanda boarder. Late Habyarimana being a man of high integrity and calibre, deliberately refused to answer Museveni’s call in New York because Museveni had turned from being a man of his word to a blatant liar, an untrustworthy person who had no respect at all for human life.

Museveni had deliberately unleashed his Ugandan army and the RPF (A fact he has officially accepted) on innocent Rwanda civilians both Tutsi and Hutu, and their blood was already being shed in Kagitumba-Rwanda when Museveni wanted to deceive Habyarimana again. You should note here that in all his earlier meetings with President Habyarimana, President Museveni was always assuring him that he was in full control, and that he knew the hundreds of years long delicate tribal conflicts in Rwanda, and that hence he would never allow anybody to attack Rwanda from Uganda.

This is what everybody was meant to believe, but as Late President Habyarimana unfortunately found out way back on the fateful night of 01st October 1990; Museveni is someone never to be trusted as he himself exposed himself in his “URUTI” acceptance speech of 04th July 2009 in Kigali Rwanda. He exposed himself as a liar who cannot keep his word and his promises should never be believed at all.

It is this insensitive speech delivered by President Museveni to the people of Rwanda on this so called, “15th Anniversary of Rwanda Liberation” on 04th July 2009 that I have decided to add my voice to other many cries voiced before, and declare what I personally know on this very unfortunate country called Rwanda in this simple analysis of events. I lived and worked in Rwanda from 01st January 1988, till 15th November 1993. I interacted with many people in Rwanda before the 1990 war, during the war, and stayed in touch after the war.

President Museveni’s demonstration of lack of respect for human life started long before these catastrophic set of events he caused in Rwanda. Right from 1972, we know the facts that brought about his fall out with late Milton Obote of Uganda People’s Congress(UPC); facts during the 1978/79 Amin war especially the Western Uganda axis; facts during the infamous Luweero triangle war of the early–to mid 1980s; It is evident that it has been hard to trust Museveni. What is worrying is that the man does not realise it.

Even today on public rallies he openly tells his political opponents how he will send them “six feet under the ground”. What does President Museveni mean when he talks of liberating Rwanda? By dictionary definition, to “liberate” is “to release from confinement, restraint or bondage”; from whom or from what did Museveni liberate the people of Rwanda?

It would be very unfortunate and indeed myopic thinking, if Museveni believes that by causing the death of over 800,000 innocent Tutsis and moderate Hutus, killing very many innocent Hutu civilians and by chasing the rest spilling over neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo (former Zaire), Tanzania and Burundi, and by forcefully installing a Tutsi extremist’s government in Rwanda is liberating that country. The Rwandan problem must be solved by all Rwandese; Gahutu, Gatwa and Gatutsi, if meaningful peace is to be ever realised in Rwanda.

BUT WHO AM I TO BE CONCERNED?

Let President Museveni know that, I am a peace loving African citizen called Francis Xavier Ndagabanye Muhoozi. I am a Ugandan of Rwandese origin because my Grandfather Alfred Salongo Ndagabanye was a Hutu from Rwanceri, Busogo, Ruhengeri district in the Republic of Rwanda. He moved to Uganda in the early 1920s as a young boy in company of other discontented Hutu families who were escaping forced hard labour and caning by the Tutsi monarchical rule. The Tutsi monarch, mind you had ruled Rwanda with an iron fist for the last 400 years.

When my grandfather reached Rutooma village, in Kabale Uganda, he was enrolled with the British “Church Missionary Society” (CMS) who were based at Rugarama Hill. He was enrolled in school and was later sponsored to study a medical assistant course at the colonial Busoga School of Medical Assistants, where he excelled and graduated as a Medical Assistant by 1935 in Jinja-Uganda.

In 1937, my grandfather married a Mufumbira Tutsi girl by the names of Margret Joy Nyiranzayirwanda, and my father George William Ndagabanye was their first born at a place called Jinja, Busoga, Uganda in 1938. My father then married a typical Mukiga girl, Mugiri wabahimba bomurubanda called Yozefina Nyanjura, daughter of Constante Kibamukonya, omuhimba waba Kibandama, Matojo, na Kahungu, bakigugo of Kabale Uganda in 1957. I was then natively and traditionally born in December 1959 at our present home of Rwakaraba, Rutooma, Kabale Municipality in Uganda as my parents’ second child.

I am married with three children.

Since I was born, my late father made it a point of always keeping us in touch and in contact with our Rwandese relatives who were, and are still living in commune Mukingo, Rwanceri, Ruhengeri district in Rwanda. We used to visit these Rwandese relatives at least three times every year of my life, and they would also visit us occasionally in Uganda. So we all grew up well informed of our roots, and we have a big extended family still living in Rwanda, same place. This then gives me the courage to talk about Rwanda with ease, as I am always in touch with the realities on the ground.

I am forced to go through this analysis of events which happened in Rwanda with the sole purpose of letting all peace loving people living, know the truth about Rwanda, and condemn in the strongest terms possible the Egos, self-centredness, superiority complexes, and extremely poor sense of judgement that President Museveni executed and unleashed on the innocent people of Rwanda.

Let us then just analyse these events in Rwanda:-

1. Before the 1990 RPF/Uganda armed invasion.
2. During this senseless bloody war 1990 till July 1994.
3. The Assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana 06th April 1994.
4. The Genocide and crimes against humanity that followed 06th April 1994 – Today.
5. A brief look at the situation in Rwanda after the war; from 03rd July 1994...
6. Rwanda today under RPF.

RWANDA SITUATION BEFORE THE RWANDA PATRIOTIC FRONT (RPF)/UGANDA INVASION OF 1990.

I wish to briefly remind President Museveni of the history of Rwanda. I am not going into this deep Rwandan history, but it is important to know that the Tutsi Monarch had ruled Rwanda segregatively in very serious tribal favouritisms to Tutsis, with an iron fist at the expense of other tribes namely the Hutus and Twas for over 400 years. This was reversed in 1959 when there was a popular Hutu revolution that started a civil war and saw the end of the Rwanda monarchical rule in 1961.
It is also worth noting that the population set up of Rwanda by December 1993 was:-
- 85% Hutu
- 10% Tutsi
- 3% Twa
- 2% others.

These were the official statistical figures of the Rwandese population composition until at least the beginning of January 1994. These were the only tribes known to be living in Rwanda at the time. As earlier mentioned the Tutsi kings had ruled these other tribes with a deceitful high handed iron fist that the majority of the population was always feeling oppressed.

The situation was not helped by the coming of the Belgian colonialists who decided to use the existing Tutsi monarchical governing structures to colonise the country. In the process they deliberately deceived the Tutsi tribe that Tutsis were superior to other tribes, and unfortunately some with simple minds believed this, and are the Tutsi extremists you hear today.

However, this marriage of convenience between Belgians and Tutsi monarchical kings failed when these Tutsis started demanding for independence. These Belgian colonialists now started teaching the Hutus how Tutsis have dominated them for many years, and revealing that after all Tutsis were not a superior race, and actually encouraged the Hutus to rise and resist the Tutsi rule. This led to a bloody Hutu uprising and the last monarchical King Kigeli V Jean Baptiste Ndahindurwa, was ousted from power and Rwanda in 1961.

There was a bloody civil war which left many Tutsis dead and some managed to escape to neighbouring countries like Uganda, where President Kagame survived as a refugee in 1959. Late Fred Rwigema who led the very first RPF/Uganda attack on Rwanda in 1990 was also among this influx of refugees who crossed into Uganda at that time.

Rwanda got its Independence from the Belgians in July 1962. The Belgians then handed the instruments of power to the Hutu Government which had won the referendum to abolish the monarchy and hence Rwanda became a Republic. Mr. Gregoire Kayibanda, a hardliner Hutu was elected the first post independence President of the Republic of Rwanda.

His rule kept a hardliner ideology against the Tutsis, and he successfully fought off several armed Tutsi attacks from outside, especially Burundi through Bugesera and Bweyeye. No single attack came from the Tutsis who had taken refuge in Uganda because the Ugandan Government at the time, under King Edward Mutesa, and Milton Obote as Prime Minister knew what the rule of law meant, especially concerning refugees armed attacks on their countries of origin.

In July 1973, Major General Habyarimana Juvenal, who had been the Defence Minister in President Kayibanda’s regime took over power, and somehow stopped or drastically reduced the Tutsi oppression that had become rampant. That is the time we started to see prominent Tutsi businessmen with the help of President Habyarimana’s government feature strongly in Rwanda especially in the business Industry.

Here I can name people like Valens Kajeguhakwa, who at one time (1980s) was rated the richest Rwandese owning companies like ERP (Caltex Rwanda), CORWACO and the executive Continental bank (BACAR). Other prominent Tutsi businessmen I can quote here are, Rwigara Assinapol, Katabarwa Ellie former ELECTROGAZ boss, Sakumi Anselme, Sisi Evariste, Rubangura Uzziel, Majyambere Silas to mention but a few. The businesses these people were managing at this time were controlling Rwanda’s economy. This I should say opened employment opportunities for very many Tutsis who were unemployed.

However, this did not go well with some hardliner Hutus who wanted always to deal with Tutsis on a quota basis, basing their reasoning on the proportionality of facilities to the number of Tutsis in the whole Rwandan population. These Hutu hardliners I can talk about are people like Kanyarengwe Alex, Lizinde Theoneste, Biseruka Stansilas, and Maniraguha Jacques, who together with the help of some other people in the Rwanda army even tried to over throw President Habyarimana’s government in an internal Military coup in 1980, but was detected and subsequently quashed by President Habyarimana’s government. These with many others who were involved were subsequently charged and jailed in Ruhengeri government prison.

The Rwanda refugee problem became so bad in Uganda in 1982 when some UPC selfish Ankole politicians tried to forcefully push the Rwandese refugees from Nakivale refugee camp, and some other areas in Ankole back into Rwanda by force. This created a very bad unrest in the Tutsi refugee population and the world leaders started ways and programs of helping the then government of Rwanda find a permanent solution to this old refugee problem.

The government of Rwanda at the time was reluctant to just allow these refugees in the country, in mass numbers, with no land prepared for them, knowing that this would bring back the bloody hatred that existed before between Tutsis and Hutus especially if they started fighting for land. International Rwandese refugee groups were invited into Rwanda in a study that would make them know about their country, help them make informed decisions, and hence those willing to return back to their country would come but not in big masses at the same time.

In my opinion, this would have created a very conducive and realistic atmosphere, to accommodate the Rwandan refugees who wanted to go back home. Some of these refugee groups had started coming into Rwanda in 1989 and early 1990. But as will be seen, some Tutsi extremists who were willing to come back to Rwanda only as rulers, decided otherwise.

SITUATION IN RWANDA DURING THE 1990-1994 WAR.

As a swarm of locusts, one bright Monday morning of 1st October 1990, Ugandan soldiers, RPF soldiers mixed with Rwandese refugees in Uganda, armed, to the teeth, in Ugandan military vehicles attacked the Rwanda/ Uganda border at Kagitumba.

They killed some Rwandan border post guards, took over the Rwandan border post and occupied the northern territory of the Republic of Rwanda forcefully. They quickly advanced to Matimba, and Gabiro deep inside Rwanda, killing whoever they could come across. Within five days they had occupied vast areas of northern Rwanda territory including big areas of Byumba Province.

There are three potential explanations for President Museveni and President Kagame’s Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) pursuing a violent challenge that could provoke tragic consequences considering the Rwanda Hutu/Tutsi bloody history:-

1. One possibility is that Museveni and the Tutsi rebels did so irrationally, without thinking of expected consequences.
2. The second is that Museveni and the Tutsi rebels did contemplate consequences, but their expectations did not include retaliation against civilians.
3. The final possibility is that Museveni and the Tutsi rebels expected their challenge to provoke genocide retaliation, but viewed this as an acceptable cost of achieving their goal of attaining power in Rwanda.

The evidence I am detailing in this analysis of events paper, supports this final explanation 3. This is because, relations between the Tutsi RPF and the local Rwandan population of the northern region where they entered Rwanda from, were hostile from the outset. Instead of attempting to win the local people over, the Ugandan Forces/RPF launched offensives that drove hundreds of thousands of people off their land into internal displacement camps.

Each Ugandan/RPF offensive prompted retaliatory attacks against Tutsi civilians. By the end of the Ugandan/RPF largest offensive of February 1993, one million Rwandan civilians were displaced from their land. The impact was greatly felt in this small country, and the fact that the RPF membership was overwhelmingly Tutsi, inevitably led to a targeting of non-combatant Tutsi families, and intensified anti-Tutsi racism.

But whenever attacks would be directed at local Tutsi families, President Habyarimana’s government would act quickly to calm the situation. Sometimes it would require Habyarimana’s personal interventions and he visited many such areas himself. I can name places like Bugesera, Kibirira and Bigogwe in the early days of this war.

The RPF’s ability to wage war and continue planning ever more forceful offensives while negotiating peace, was due to the conducive international environment in which they operated. Vital and continuous military support was fully given to RPF by the Uganda government forces of Yoweri Museveni, a fact he himself publically accepted when he was receiving his “URUTI” medal on the 04th of July 2009.

Museveni was in turn able to provide this support (and maintain his denial that he was so doing) because of the close relations he enjoyed with the United States of America government. Amazingly, when this Rwanda war started, The United States of America drastically increased Ugandan military funding.

Through successful campaigns to demonise the Habyarimana regime, RPF was able to obscure its own human rights abuses. This support to the RPF was unfortunately given despite the absence of justification for the RPF war, despite the obvious human suffering caused by this senseless war, and despite the fear and hostility of local people toward the RPF in the war zone and its periphery.

By the end of 1992, the war had turned in the RPF’s favour.

With the signing of the Arusha Accords, the RPF was also set to become the strongest political force in the proposed transitional government. The RPF’s greatest weakness was the extent of its unpopularity within Rwandan society as a whole, which would have been made clearly evident had the scheduled elections taken place.

By the end of 1993, there were two clear opposing forces with the influential sections of the international community on the one hand, and the lack of support given to the RPF by the overwhelming majority of the Rwandan population on the other.

It is then evidently clear that the RPF under President Museveni’s clear guidance, needed to avoid elections and opt for a military seizure of power. With the long anticipated departure of the French Military from Rwanda, the way was clear for a Ugandan/RPF Military takeover of our poor small Rwanda. What was needed was an excuse to resume war.

THE ASSASSINATION OF PRESIDENT JUVENAL HABYARIMANA

The Missile attack on President Habyarimana’s plane on the 06th day of April 1994 was surely one of the worst terrorist acts of the 1990s. In the evening of this fateful day, two surface-to-air missiles were shot at the presidential jet as it prepared to land at Kanombe, Kigali International Airport.

The aeroplane was carrying two African Heads of State, President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi who had been invited specifically to a meeting of Regional Heads of State in Dar es Salaam proposed by President Museveni himself. This meeting was discussing the Rwanda RPF War.

All the high profile leaders from both Rwanda and Burundi onboard, including Major General Deogratius Nsabimana, the Rwandan Army Chief of staff were killed. The fragile peace based on the Arusha accords of 1993 was shattered, war resumed, and masses of people were massacred.

Today, the entire blame of this terrorist act is on current Rwandan President Paul Kagame. The perpetrators of this plane attack (Uganda’s Museveni and RPF’s Kagame) knew exactly what would happen. There are records showing that the shooting down of this aircraft was a carefully planned United States intelligence operation which largely contributed to ethnic massacres. (Global Research, Testimony of Paul Mugabe).

In many countries in the developing world that experienced the destabilising effects of Western intervention in the post-cold war era, Rwanda stands out as one of the most tragic and least understood. The Rwanda tragedy is evidenced by the horror of countless lives lost and livelihoods destroyed, and also the torn society that despite its poverty and reliance upon external inputs, was in the process of generating its own developmental dynamics.

What is misunderstood is the meditation between the various forms of intervention by the international community and by a few Western powers, and the dynamics that unleashed the mass slaughter that erupted in Rwanda, in 1994.

While the military victory of the RPF is attributed to the ending of the killings of Tutsi civilians, I strongly put it that the RPF bears much of the onus of responsibility for the carnage, for without Uganda and RPF invasion there would have been no genocide.

Even African Rights, a human rights organisation viewed by many as the most partisan towards the RPF, states that, “It is beyond dispute that the RPF invasion of 1st October 1990 was the single most important factor in escalating the political polarisation of Rwanda, and plunging it into a war that displaced hundreds of thousands of people.”

This was also repeated by exiled former King of the Monarchy in Rwanda King Kigeli V Jean Baptiste Ndahindurwa in his speech “The Rwanda Genocide: The most preventable Tragedy of our time,” at the Georgetown University USA.

It is a naked fact that the missiles used to shoot down the Habyarimana Presidential plane were the property of the Uganda army. Museveni’s army had bought these missiles from the Soviet Union in 1987. Some have argued that the tragedy in Rwanda was an internal crisis, but the ownership of those missiles points directly to the fact that the so called RPF rebels were high ranking members of the Ugandan Army. Until the day they invaded Rwanda, Paul Kagame had been Uganda’s Chief of Military intelligence and fully benefitted from the Ugandan army until he took over power in July 1994.

In his report when he was issuing International Arrest Warrants for RPF officials for genocide and crimes against humanity, First Vice President of “TRIBUNAL DE GRANDE INSTANCE DE PARIS” on 17th November 2006, Judge Jean Louis Bruguiere strongly condemned the United States of America, and particularly the Bill Clinton administration, who have supported Paul Kagame and the RPF unfailingly since the early 1990s. How can a country supposedly so intent in fighting terrorism treat the assassination of two African Heads of State so lightly that it never forced the United Nations (UN) get to the bottom of it all? After all, Washington has always gotten its way on Rwanda at the UN.

For instance, when it was time to act forcefully and stop the genocide by UNAMIR or the UN in 1994, another unclassified State Department document dated 15th April 1994, states that for the United States the first priority to the UN Security Council was “to instruct the Secretary General to implement an orderly withdraw of all UNAMIR (United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda) forces from Rwanda”. That is exactly what the UN did, thus prompting former UN Secretary General Boutros-Ghali to declare that “The Rwandan Genocide was 100% American responsibility.”

GENOCIDE AND INTER – TRIBAL KILLINGS

Between April 06th 1994 and July 04th 1994, an estimated 800,000 Rwandans were killed in the space of only 100 days. Most of the dead were Tutsis although many Hutu moderates and Hutus were also killed. Clearly the genocide was sparked by the death of the Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana, a Hutu, when his plane was shot down above Kigali Airport on 06th April 1994.

Many Reports, Classified UN information, and a French Terrorist Judge Bruguiere have blamed current Rwandan President Paul Kagame, a known Tutsi extremist at the time leader of a Tutsi rebel group RPF, with complete support of Ugandan leader dictator Yoweri Museveni, and some of his close associates for carrying out this disastrous rocket attack that unfortunately started the 1994 genocide in Rwanda.

History of Violence

Ethnic tension in Rwanda is nothing new. There have always been bitter disagreements between the majority Hutus and minority Tutsis since the history of Rwanda begun. However the animosity between them has grown substantially since the colonial period. When the Belgians arrived in Rwanda in 1916, they introduced identity cards classifying people according to their ethnicity for their easy “divide and rule” management.

They considered the Tutsi to be superior to other tribes especially the majority Hutus. This excited many Tutsis and hence they enjoyed better services and advantages like better jobs, almost exclusively educational opportunities, and many others.

Resentment among the Hutus gradually built up, culminating in a series of riots that saw the end of the Tutsi Monarchical rule in 1961. More than 20,000 Tutsis were killed, and many more fled to the neighbouring countries, Burundi, Tanzania, Congo and Uganda.

After their first delight in gaining power, and in 1962 Independence for Rwanda, a politically inexperienced Hutu government began to face internal conflict itself. Tension grew between communities and provincial factions. Some extremist Hutus were on the rise, and for example they tried to exclude young Tutsis from Secondary schools and the University, insisting on relative population quotas, ethic ratios being strictly enforced.

This extremist tendency of the extremist Hutus is what President Habyarimana fought against and took over power from Gregoire Kayibanda’s post Independence government in July 1973. Here I can comfortably say that the situation started to improve.

Hutu/Tutsi relations drastically improved and people started witnessing increased mixed marriages between Hutus and Tutsis.

This is just to show President Museveni and his extremist Tutsis that the Rwanda ethnic tension is a long time problem that they should have handled in a calmer and mature manner, building on what other Leaders had built on so far, and in any case avoid something that would bring direct hatred and confrontation to our tribes again. Surely, did Museveni think that the Tutsi war he unleashed on the poor people of Rwanda would solve these problems? Again Museveni’s poor sense of judgement caused the deaths of so many innocent people of Rwanda.

CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY AND GENOCIDE UNLEASHED ON THE PEOPLE OF RWANDA

As can be seen and concluded, individuals from both sides of the armed conflict perpetuated serious breaches of international humanitarian law and crimes against humanity. This view was officially shared by even the United Nations. (The United Nations and Rwanda, 1993 – 1996 page 64).

For clarity, we are going to separate the crimes committed by these two groups of individuals namely:-

1. Crimes of Individuals in The Rwandan population at that time.
2. Crimes of The Rwanda Patriotic Front.

Crimes of Individuals in the Rwandan Population at the time

The population of Rwanda, especially the Hutu, were thrown into a state of panic and shock when after a meeting with the Tutsi–RPF leaders in Dar es Salaam; President Habyarimana’s official plane was shot down as it came in to land in Kigali in the evening of 06th April 1994.

This was clearly a re-awakening of their past bloody tribal differences suspecting that the RPF Tutsis have killed the Hutu’s only hope of defence. It should also be noted that the strong Rwandan Army Chief of Staff Major General Deogratius Nsabimana was also killed in the same plane crush.

As can be easily seen, this assassination represented a decapitation of the Rwandan Hutu government and its army, leaving the Hutu population feeling hopeless. This is when the overzealous groups of the Hutu population decided to take revenge on the Tutsis, unfortunately starting on innocent neighbours, not realising that their real enemy was this external aggressor from Uganda, the RPF.

The next day, Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, a Hutu moderate but a strong RPF collaborator was assassinated by the members of the Rwanda army. Ten Belgian UNAMIR soldiers, sent to protect the Prime Minister were killed.

Within a very short period of time, individuals in the Rwandan army and the Hutu militia the Interahamwe had killed many people they suspected were collaborating with the RPF-Tutsis. For the next 100 days, these individuals went on rampage killing an estimated 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. It is also estimated that half a million women were raped during the genocide.

Crimes of the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF)

Surprisingly, many people, organisations and even some News media have deliberately not covered the crimes and atrocities committed to the Rwandan people by the RPF. This is mainly due to the sympathy extended to the Tutsi population in general. However, it should be clearly established that many Tutsi civilians did not at the beginning support an armed invasion of their country, knowing very well the consequences if anything went wrong.

This was especially so with the peace loving Tutsis who were comfortably living in Rwanda at the time. Our overall goal should be to fight impunity and help bring justice in Rwanda as a nation. Whoever killed a Tutsi must face the consequences, and so is the one who killed a Hutu, and so is the one who killed a Twa, and so is the one who killed a foreigner. They must equally pay for their crimes.

RPF President Paul Kagame, the current President of Rwanda is now believed to be the one behind the shooting down of the plane carrying late President Habyarimana, and hence he is the suspected triggerman of the Rwandan genocide of 1994. Kagame denies these allegations. But the only and better way to refute these charges and clear his name once and for all, is to allow an independent investigation to look into these crimes.

Let us now analyse some of the RPF crimes that Human rights organisations and international observers have acknowledged as war crimes, crimes of genocide, and crimes against humanity. This will be done briefly for the period from 1st October 1990 to date.

Rwanda Patriotic Front Crimes from 01st October 1990 – December 1993

1. The Ruhengeri town attack of 23rd January 1991:- RPF staged a night attack on the town of Ruhengeri resulting in heavy civilian causalities and heavy property damage. More than 500 people, who helped them carry their loot they had looted from the town to Uganda, were all killed by the RPF. (Abdul Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire Secrete, 2005, page 132)

2. The Butaro massacre of May 1992:- At Rusasa of commune Butaro, RPF shot and killed 150 people civilians. (Testimony of Witness still living)

3. The Byumba/Ruhengeri Massacre of 8th February 1993:- This is commonly referred to as the notorious massacre of the two Districts. During this attack, RPF killed a total of 24,400 people in Ruhengeri, and 15,800 in Byumba. (James K. Gasana, Rwanda: du parti-Etat a l’Etat Garninson, 2002, Page 185)

4. Political assassination of Emmanuel Gapyisi 18th May 1993:- This prominent political leader, The Vice President of MDR the biggest opposition political party was gunned down by RPF hit squad. Gapyisi was a very powerful opponent of RPF.

5. Throughout the year 1993:- Rwanda experienced acts of armed banditry, grenade attacks and minibus taxi explosions in several parts of the country. All these acts were the work of infiltrated RPF hit squad members and spy operatives all belonging to the RPF network who were assigned to spread violence and insecurity, thus rendering the country ungovernable in a bid to overthrow the government and seize power by force. (Testimony of Abdul Ruzibiza, march 14th 2004).

6. Kigali Night Club bomb blast December 1992:- I personally survived a bomb blast aimed at my young friends, sons and daughters of prominent Rwandese businessmen, politicians and intellectuals in a club called Kigali Night Club (A very popular night club frequented by many at the time) on the eve of Christmas of 1992 (24th December 1992).

RPF operatives planted a very powerful bomb under the table prepared for us to sit on, and as God saves his children, the bomb went off when all of us had just left the table and gone to the dancing floor to dance. The bomb completely blew off every flesh on the waiter’s legs that was standing near the table. 50% of the whole nightclub was completely razed down. All investigations led to one direction; the advance RPF hit squad.(Living Witness).

RPF War Crimes Against Humanity and Crimes of Genocide. (January 1st 1994 – December 31st 1994).

1. 1. Political assassination of Felicien Gatabazi on February 21st 1994:- This prominent Rwandan politician was the General Secretary of the PSD party, another major political opposition party in Rwanda. He was ambushed and killed by the RPF in front of his house. While drinking in Kigali bars in the festive days following the capture of Kigali, RPF operatives were reported to have openly bragged about this. (Abdul Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire secrete, 2005).

2. The political assassination of Martin Bucyana on the 23rd February 1994:- Factual and testimonial evidence available today shows that the youths who killed him were heavily infiltrated by the death squad elements of the RPF. Martin Bucyana was the leader of the perceived Hutu extremist party CDR. (Abdul Ruzibiza L’Histoire Secrete, 2005).

3. The Double assassination of Rwandan and Burundi Presidents on April 6th 1994:- In the evening of this fateful day, it is now general knowledge that RPF shot down the presidential Aircraft carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, and everyone onboard this aircraft was killed. All eleven high profile leaders onboard were killed including Major General Deogratias Nsabimana the Rwandan Army Chief of Staff.

This Assassination represented a decapitation of the Rwandan government and Army. All available evidence including witness testimony clearly indicated that this terrorist crime was the act of the RPF headed by President Kagame.

It really defies logic why the UN Security Council has never mandated an investigation of this airplane missile attack and establishes officially who was responsible, especially since everyone agrees it was the one incident that ignited the mass killings commonly referred to as the “Rwandan genocide of 1994”.

Uganda’s Museveni and Kagame’s RPF in conspiring to kill President Habyarimana at this time of war knew exactly what kind of catastrophe was going to follow. The death of a Hutu President along with his Hutu entourage, only two months after two other Hutu prominent political leaders (Gatabazi and Bucyana) as mentioned above definitely pushed Rwandan Hutus overboard and drove them to their killing frenzy against the Tutsis.

Here please also note that another democratically elected, 1st ever Hutu President in Burundi, Melchior Ndadaye had been assassinated on October 21st 1993 by the Tutsi Burundi army, barely 4 months after his historic election. (Public statement Carla Del Ponte 17th April 2000).

4. RPF Mass murders: - In Byumba sectors Nyabisiga, Birengo, Zoko and Gitumba of the commune Buyoga and Giti. Also in Communes Mugambazi and Rutongo in the province of Kigali, RPF reportedly killed over 20,000 innocent civilians in all these areas in April 1994. Mass graves have been found here. RPF would summon villages for a meeting on security issues or to collect food supplies and instead would throw grenades into the crowd and finish off the remaining civilians using machine guns. (Testimonies provided by witnesses still living).

5. RPF selective killing of intellectuals on 07th April 1994:- In the sector of Remera in Kigali City, an area under RPF control, the RPF selectively killed 121 people, mostly Hutu intellectuals and their entire families using an already drawn up list of targeted victims. All those killed are well documented. (Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs Menteurs: Rwanda 1990 – 1994, 2005, page 249).

6. The targeted Massacres of youths at Kabuye in April 1994:- A team of RPF killers is reported to have exterminated more than 3,000 Youths in at Kabuye in the month of April alone. (Abdul J. Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire Secrete, 2005, page 261).

7. Killings at Kiziguro Parish in Kibungo Province: - The Interahamwe Hutu militia killed about 1,000 Tutsis sheltered at this Kiziguro parish. Later when the RPF Tutsis army came, they killed more than 10,000 Hutus civilians who had sought refuge at the parish also. (Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs Menteurs: Rwanda 1990 – 1994, 2005, page 263).

8. RPF killing of stranded Kibungo and Byumba civilians at the Tanzania border:- The many floating bodies washing up into lake Victoria in Uganda were not of the Tutsi victims of the Interahamwe, but of Hutu victims of RPF soldiers. The villagers unable to cross into Tanzania before the arrival of the RPF army were all rounded up and shot with machine guns, grenades, and their bodies were massively piled up and burned or tossed into the Akagera River, and hence floated to Uganda.(Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Page 265).

9. RPF Decapitating of the Catholic Church in Rwanda: - This crime was committed on the 05th of June 1994 at Kabgayi in Gitarama. Three Bishops including Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva of Kigali, along with nine Priests, one Brother, and three Nuns were gunned down by the RPF on direct orders from their superiors. RPF tried to kill whoever was around here to try and eliminate possible eye witness testimonies. (Venuste Linguyeneza, Testimony on the 1994 Bishops’ killings).

10. Other RPF Deliberate killings: - a) 23rd April 1994 collective massacre of clergy men at the Junior Seminary of Rwesero – Byumba. b) Prominent families in Nyanza, c) The infamous Byumba City selective killings of evacuees, d) The massacre of Paul Rusesabagina’s family members in Murama Gitarama July 1994. e) The cold blooded murder of entire wedding celebrants at Mbazi on July 1st 1994.(Testimony of Abdul Ruzibiza, March 14th 2004)
These are some of the many RPF high handed killings that need to be thoroughly investigated and offenders brought to Justice.

RPF Crimes From 1st January 1995 – End of 2006.

1. The gruesome Kibeho Massacre of 17th -23rd April 1995:- An estimated 4,000 internally displaced people were reportedly killed on the orders of Major General Paul Kagame when RPF army units fired on this Kibeho Hutu refugee camp.

It took one whole night of non-stop body disposal by trucks towards Nyungwe forest for burning. (Paul Jordan, Witness to Genocide – A personal Account of the 1995 Kibeho Massacre). What really confuses me is that this was carried out openly in the presence of the United Nations Military contingent from Zambia and officials from NGOs assisting the massacred refugees. One sincerely wonders why there has not been any independent inquiry so that perpetrators are identified and punished.

2. The mass murder of Rwandan refugees in their camps in The Democratic Republic of Congo: - 1996 is the deadliest year in the history of this Rwanda war. During the forced repatriation of Rwandese refugees back to Rwanda from Congo refugee camps, there were organised mass murders of these refugees.

RPF army carried out the most brutal and genocide campaign in modern history by shelling these camps in both Goma and Bukavu, using heavy artillery from Rwanda. In these huge camps there were more than two million helpless Rwandan Hutu refugees, including many women and children. Even if RPF argues that it did this because there were some armed men and women in these camps, shooting indiscriminately put the guilty and innocent together for elimination.

Crowds of unarmed Hutu civilians, especially women, children, and the elderly were all killed because they could not move fast to escape this massacre into the deeper forests of Congo. By all account, it is estimated that this whole RPF operation claimed the lives of more than 400,000 Hutu refugees.

3. The RPF army operation to force Rwandese refugees back to hostile Rwanda in 1996:- While shooting at these Congo camps, the RPF army was busy driving some of these Hutu refugees, herding them like cattle back to hostile Rwanda against their will. An estimated 700,000 refugees were either air lifted, or forced to walk back on foot to their respective original Communes in Rwanda.

Then the RPF started a long organised criminal process of killing these returnees, and as of today, more than 50% of these repatriated refugees have been systematically killed and eliminated in Rwanda by the RPF. These horrific crimes both in Congo and Rwanda were executed on clear orders of RPF Superior leaders. I personally lost six members of my Rwanda extended family in Commune Mukingo, Ruhengeri. (Testimony by witnesses still living; Marie Beatrice Umutetsi, Fuir ou Mourir au Zaire: Le Vecu d’une refugiee Rwandaise, 2000).

4. The RPF civilian slaughter at the Nyarutovu wedding, January 18th-19th 1997.
5. The Hutu Christmas massacre of Kayonza 25th-26th December,1998:- An estimated 5,000 innocent Hutu civilians, including a cousin of the eye witness still living, perished at RPF hands in this two day operation.

6. Brutal RPF response on the “Abacengezi” of 1997 – 2000:- The Brutal RPF reprisal campaigns against Abacengezi and the ethnic cleansing in the Mutara region (1995 and after), left more than 50,000 Hutus killed.

OTHER EXTRAORDINARY RWANDA PATRIOTIC FRONT CRIMES AGAINST HUMANITY

1. RPF Death Squads: - These are known to be ruthless Tutsi commandos whose main job is to trail opponents inside and outside Rwanda and eliminate them: - a) On 16th May 1998 they killed a former RPF Interior Minister Seth Sendashonga in Nairobi Kenya where he had run away to from the Rwandan RPF government.

b) On 06th October 1996 they killed Colonel Theoneste Lizinde who had run away from RPF top intelligence circles and sought refuge in Kenya. Together with his friend businessman Augustin Bigirimfura they were gunned down in Nairobi Kenya on this day under very suspicious circumstances pointing 100% on RPF.

c) On 14th February 1999, they killed Pasteur Musabe former Chief Executive Officer (CEO) of Rwanda African Continental Bank (BACAR) in Yauonde, Cameroon. This squad has killed many people outside Rwanda and also in Rwanda, and is still terrorising people even today.

2. Inhumane treatment of Hutu Prisoners: - RPF is on record to have used Hutu prisoners to detonate landmines planted by both themselves and the retreating Hutu government forces by forcing them to run around mined fields. Hundreds of Hutu prisoners have died in this style. (Testimonies provided by witnesses still living.)

3. Use of Hutu Prisoners to loot Congo: - It is well known how RPF used forced labour of Hutu prisoners to loot The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in the areas they had occupied. These prisoners were used to dig minerals like Coltan, Gold and Diamonds in DRC areas occupied by RPF/Ugandan forces which would be shared by the RPF top brass in the army, Kagame taking the biggest share of course.

It should be noted that the list of Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) crimes is by no means exhaustive. There are numerous reports of countless RPF crimes before 1994, in 1994, and after 1994 that have not been included in this brief analysis of events.

RWANDA TODAY

President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and President Paul Kagame of Rwanda celebrated 15 years of “Liberating Rwanda” on 04th July 2009. What these two Gentlemen are failing to realise and accept is the bitter hatred their egos and mis-judgements have put in peace loving entire Rwandese population. The time immemorial bloody wounds between the Rwandese tribes, Hutu and Tutsi, which had gradually started to heal, were savagely opened by these so called revolutionists in 1990.

These men have taken Rwandese communities a thousand years back in as far as the trust between Hutu/Tutsi people is concerned because of their poor judgement and thirst for power.
What is most worrying today is that Museveni and Kagame are not doing anything to try and rectify the situation.

They have worked hard with the current ICTR Prosecutor to wrongly convince the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) to try only Hutu government individuals and deceive the world that RPF did not commit any crime that instead they stopped genocide and so should not be tried. Seriously speaking, there is no way Museveni and Kagame are going to deceive the world forever, and their time will definitely come for them to take their responsibilities for their own crimes in as far as the people of Rwanda are concerned.

They definitely started this genocide by starting this useless war and have so far managed to wave off any independent inquiry to clear or convict their names in this Rwanda war. “How can you talk of reconciliation when you are shielding offenders from justice? The power of the gun is not final my dear brothers and you all know it.”

Currently, there is a general hate sponsored crime being perpetuated by the RPF government against an entire segment of the Rwandan population, specifically Hutus, through the infamous Gacaca Courts. This government is officially incriminating the biggest number of Rwandans, labelling them killers or genocidaires thus ostracizing them from public life and society. This creates a class of the untouchables who with their descendants will always live in constant fear in their own country. And unfortunately these will always be Hutus.

Contrary to RPF claim, there is absolutely no real peace in Rwanda. This explains why far too many Rwandans continue to flee overseas and are easily granted Asylum or refugee status. All classes of the Hutus are living in constant fear thus explaining why many have decided to stay out of politics or have joined RPF just to protect themselves. The distribution of civil service opportunities are completely very biased and fear is looming everywhere.

For Heaven’s sake! For how long is the RPF going to use genocide as pretext to strife democracy? RPF has officially entrenched one of the most predatory dictatorships ever. Political opposition is completely muzzled and non-existent. How long will the people of Rwanda continue to die a slow death? Why are businessmen being killed? We want reasons why Fulgence Nsengiyumva of Gitatarama a prominent businessman was killed by the RPF on 06th August, 2006.

Kagame is manipulating the government and Parliament in particular to make for his personal, selfish motives. He recently passed a law in Parliament to give him immunity from prosecution for life! Anyway, that is Rwanda. In another attempt to hoodwink the World, the Rwandan Parliament passed the law saying that the constitution will now refer to the 1994 genocide as a “genocide committed on Tutsis”.

Isn’t this re-writing History? What of the so called moderate Hutus who were also killed? It is now an established fact that some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were slaughtered in 1994. Are there any Hutu souls in this Rwandan Parliament to fight for the cause of thousands and more moderate Hutus who perished in this RPF caused carnage?

CONCLUSION

Now President Museveni, it is time to own up to what happened in Rwanda. You were officially exposed and described as “a brother who supported the Rwanda Patriotic Front October 1990 invasion of Rwanda to its conclusion” by President Kagame himself, and declared a hero for that war that brought them to power in 1994.

You publically accepted in your speech of 04th July 2009 in Kigali Rwanda and were decorated with the “URUTI” medal. Mr. President Sir! Do you realise that by officially accepting “URUTI” you declared openly that you are a blatant liar? Do you realise that your lie costed the poor parents of Africa more than one million innocent lives in a very short period of time?

Mr. Museveni I have heard you several times saying that you love and believe in God, and hence respect the Bible, please read with me, 1 John 4:20 “If anyone makes a statement: “I Love God,” and yet he is hating his brother, he is a liar. For he who does not love his brother, whom he has seen, cannot be loving God, whom he has not seen”.

You cannot unleash children of God to shed the blood of their own brothers as you did on 01st October 1990, and claim to love God.

Following the recommendations of the Experts Commission Report set up by The United Nations Secretary General in 1994, it was concluded that “Individuals from both sides of the Armed conflict in Rwanda perpetuated serious breaches of International humanitarian law and crimes against humanity”.(United Nations and Rwanda, 1993 – 1996, page 64)

On 08th November 1994, The United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 955 which established The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), “For the Prosecution of persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of International humanitarian Law committed in the Territory of Rwanda between January 1st 1994 and December 31st 1994.

It may also deal with the prosecution of Rwandan Citizens responsible for genocide and other such violations of International Law committed in the territory of neighbouring States during the same Period.” (ICTR Statute as adopted by UN Security Council Resolution S/RES/955 (1994) of 08th November 1994.)

“The ICTR whose original mandate was to reconcile the Rwandan People among other things; what is going to be your legacy for Rwanda when your time expires?” The proceedings at this international Tribunal at Arusha Tanzania raise very serious doubts whether it will serve the purpose of contributing to the process of national reconciliation and to the restoration and maintenance of peace in Rwanda.

Considering that this ICTR has only tried and successfully convicted the former Hutu government officials in its entire period of over 15 years, and has only one year to conclude its cases, its failure to address the War Crimes committed by the RPF will have proved that ICTR only delivered Victor’s justice. This will then be a very poor legacy for this historic effort at international justice.

As seriously recommended, The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) should urgently indict Senior Officers of the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) who are alleged to have committed war crimes in Rwanda in 1994.

To date 15 years after the Tribunal was set up, it has tried only leading figures responsible for the Rwanda 1994 genocide, and has failed to bring cases against RPF officers despite having jurisdiction to pursue these crimes. Unlike the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, which has prosecuted crimes committed by all parties to the conflict, the ICTR has only prosecuted persons belonging to only one side.

“Justice must be impartial and must be done and seen to be done for all, regardless of who the victims or perpetrators are. True reconciliation in Rwanda must involve showing that the rule of law does not discriminate for or against anyone. The Tribunal’s work should contribute to this process.”(Amnesty International – International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda – Trials and Tribulations, April 1998).

This Museveni supported Tutsi dominated RPF, led by President Kagame, killed tens of thousands of civilians in the same three-month period the Rwandan genocide was taking place. It should be noted here that seeking justice for the victims of RPF crimes neither denies the genocide nor equates these crimes with genocide; it simply asserts that all victims regardless of the power of the alleged perpetrators, have the right to see justice done.

At least four United Nations Agencies, The Human Rights Watch, and other Non-governmental organisations have also documented RPF crimes. The Tribunal has investigated crimes committed by the RPF for more than 10 years and has gathered witness testimony and physical evidence.

Instead of pursuing indictments of such cases at this mandated Arusha-based ICTR, Chief Prosecutor Hassan Jallow decided in June 2008 to transfer files of RPF suspects to Rwanda for domestic prosecution. Why these double standards Mr. Prosecutor? However, eventually the prosecution of RPF officers in Rwanda proved to be a political “white wash”. We just hope and pray that Prosecutor Hassan Jallow does not betray the rights of the victims’ families to get justice and risk undermining the Tribunal’s legitimacy in the eyes of future generations.

You will be surprised to know that as early as in the summer of 2003, Swiss Judge Carla Del Ponte, then Chief Prosecutor for both the Yugoslavia and Rwanda Tribunals publically announced that she would soon begin the prosecution of members of Kagame’s government for the same kinds of crimes now charged in the French and Spanish warrants.

But more than five years later, not a single case has been filed against one member of Kagame’s government, or against Kagame himself. These Del-Ponte announced prosecutions did not go forward because she was replaced at the ICTR within 90 days of her announcement by Abubacar Hassan Jallow, a US/UK approved prosecutor who pledged not to prosecute any on Kagame’s side, no matter what the Del-Ponte and the European Judges found. Can anyone explain exactly why Del-Ponte was replaced? (Read a book written by Florence Hartman published in September 2007 and see the whole truth).

The naked truth is that Judge Del-Ponte refused to ignore her UN mandate to prosecute all crimes committed during the 1994 war by both the Kigali regime at the time, and Kagame’s RPF the current government in Kigali.

Thus she was sacked by the United States and The United Kingdom. According to sworn affidavits, placed in the ICTR records in early 2006, well respected ICTR Lead investigative Prosecutor Michael Hourigan, an Australian QC, recommended that Kagame himself be prosecuted for the assassination of President Habyarimana in 1997.

But the Chief UN Prosecutor at the time Louise Arbour of Canada, ordered him to drop the Kagame investigations; to forget it ever happened; and to burn his notes! Hourigan resigned rather than comply and copies of his original notes are now part of the ICTR public record for all to see. According to Michael Hourigan affidavit Kagame cannot deny their “Rwanda genocide” cover up on Bill Clinton’s watch.

Just be sure that the UN documents describing 1994 “cover up” meetings involving Clinton senior Diplomat Brian Atwood, Rwandan Foreign Minister Jean Marie Ndagijimana, and UN’s Koffi Annan in Kigali, are well documented. For more of the Pentagon complicity in the 1994 Rwandan War read the damning report, “GERSONY REPORT”.

Mr. Kagame Sir, we now know the existence of a separate Pentagon foreign policy on Rwanda. This completely tallies with the ICTR testimony of former Ambassador Robert Flaten who testified that he seriously doubts that Habyarimana’s supporters planned to kill civilians on a massive scale 1990 – 1993.

Evidently, the evidence that is now in public record shows that during the 1994 Rwandan genocide, the Pentagon could have stopped the carnage with just a phone call. The UN’s General Romeo Daillaire personally testified in Arusha that, Kagame would not agree to a ceasefire and use the forces to stop the genocide because he was winning the war with the help of the Pentagon through Uganda’s Museveni.

Right thinking people would have us blindly believe the Official story that the Rwandan Tragedy was simply the work of horrible Hutu genocidaires who planned and executed a satanic scheme to eliminate nearly a million Tutsis after a plane crashed in the heart of dark Africa on April 6, 1994. On the other hand, former UN Secretary General Boutros-Boutros-Ghali declared to Mr. Robin Philpot that the “Rwandan genocide was 100% American responsibility.”

How can such contradictory interpretations coexist? (Rwanda 1994: Colonialism dies hard. By Robin Philpot.)

The ICTR Prosecutor closed his investigations way back by the end of 2004 and surprised many that despite overwhelming evidence on record so far, he did not address at all the attack on the Presidential jet in Rwanda on 06th April 1994 considered by many as the spark that led to the genocide. He deliberately even does not take into account the crimes committed by the RPF rebels then, and even after they took over power in July 1994.

This Prosecutor caused complaints to be filed and the opening of legal proceedings before other jurisdictions, like France and Spain.

The issuance on 23rd November 2006 of International arrest warrants by a French Judge Jean Louis Bruguiere, against 9 close collaborators of Rwandan President Paul Kagame for shooting down the Presidential jet that killed President Habyarimana and everyone onboard, may hopefully pave the way for genuine reconciliation among Rwandans.

The 40 arrest warrants issued against officials of the Rwandan RPF army by a Spanish Judge on 6th February 2008 are in connection with crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and terrorism committed between 1990 and 2002 and hence put in a delicate position the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) which should have, a long time ago, prosecuted the authors of these acts. Judge Fernando Andreu says that he has concrete evidence implicating Rwanda’s current President Paul Kagame, who has immunity from prosecution because he is a country’s head of state.

One can just conclude that unless something is done about these mind cracking facts, this ICTR is seriously tainted by political expediency in favour of the victorious RPF and the geopolitical intentions of the United States and British governments, which backed the RPF in their march from Uganda 1990 – 1994. Friends, justice for the people of Rwanda can only be done if the whole truth of the events between 1990 and 1994 comes out openly so that perpetrators are accordingly punished, and justice is seen to be done on both sides.

Finally, President Museveni of Uganda and President Kagame of Rwanda should know and appreciate that people will always opt out of repressive systems, and especially so when all normal avenues of judicial redress are blocked. If therefore rebel groups arise from time to time, the repressive and oppressive conduct of their governments is to blame.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:-

1. Global Research, Testimony of Paul Mugabe.
2. The United Nations and Rwanda.
3. Abdul Ruzibiza, Rwanda L’Histoire Secrete, 2005.
4. James Gasana, Rwanda: du Parti-Etat a L’Etat Garninson, 2002.
5. Carla Del Ponte – Public Statement.
6. Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs Menteurs: Rwanda 1990 – 1994.
7. Venuste Linguyeneza; Testimony on the 1994 Bishops’ killings.
8. Paul Jordan, Witness to genocide.
9. Marie Beatrice Umutetsi, Fuir ou Mourir au Zaire; le Vecu d’une refugiee Rwandaise, L’harmattan, 2000.
10. Amnesty International – International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda – Trials and Tribulations April 1998.
11. Rwanda Florence Hartman – September 2007.
12. Gersony Report.
13. Rwanda 1994: Colonialism dies hard By Robin Philpot.
14. Reyntjens, Filip and Desuoter, Serge, Rwanda, Les Violations des droits.

Compiled and Written by:-
Francis Xavier Ndagabanye Muhoozi
This 22nd day of July 2009.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Lettre de la Candidate Ecolo Cynthia McKinney au President Clinton. Une lettre exprimant l'amértume, l'indignation sur la vraie situation en RDC

****

Excellence William I Clinton
Président des Etats- Unis
La Maison Blanche
Washington D.C. 20500

Cher Bill Clinton,
Monsieur le Président,
Au cours des récentes semaines, il est devenu de plus en plus clair que l‘Armée Patriotique Rwandaise de Paul Kagame

— un gouvernement avec lequel les Etats- Unis ont entretenu des relations extrêmement proches — ont massacré des milliers de réfugiés Hutu à l‘Est du Congo (ancien Zaïre) ainsi qu’à I ‘intérieur du Rwanda. Les victimes sont des hommes, des femmes et des enfants, et ces massacres paraissent se baser sur une partie du plan délibéré et systématique visant leur élimination pour des raisons ethniques.

II a également été constaté récemment que les Etats- Unis ont continué à donner une formation militaire y compris celle de tireur d’élite à ces mêmes forces rwandaises pendant la période où ces massacres avaient lieu. Les Etats-Unis ont aussi mené des opérations conjointement avec ces forces.

La réponse du gouvernement des Etats-Unis devant les rapports concernant ces massacres a été constamment faible.

L ‘ambassade des Etats- Unis au Rwanda, au lieu de prendre des mesures vigoureuses afin de vérifier l’exactitude des rapports de ces atrocités reçus déjà des le début du mois de novembre dernier, semble considérer ces rapports avec un extrême scepticisme.

Notre attitude officielle envers ces rapports extrêmement détaillés sur ces atrocités commises par l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise et leurs allies aux Zaïre semble avoir été d’opter pour une sorte d’expression polie de notre désaccord alors que nous aurions dû procéder au changement de notre politique sur le terrain. Par exemple, nous n ‘avons cessé ni la formation militaire, ni les exercices militaires conjoints.

Par conséquent je vous écris pour vous prier de vous renseigner immédiatement afin de savoir si un mandataire ou n’importe quel autre fonctionnaire de l‘Etat a été complice, soit par des actes, soit par négligence, des massacres perpétrés par nos alliés rwandais. Une action énergique et immédiate doit aussi être entreprise pour convaincre le gouvernement rwandais — aussi bien que ses admirateurs parmi les autorités chargées de la politique extérieure des Etats-Unis — qu’un minimum de respect des règles les plus élémentaires de décence est le prix à payer pour mériter l‘aide militaire des Etats- Unis.

Je vous prie aussi d’exiger des responsables officiels concernés au sein du Département d’Etat, du Département de la Défense et des autres services du gouvernement, qu’ils fournissent les informations sur les sujets ci-après afin de permettre au Sou- comité des Operations Internationales et des Droits de l’Homme de s’acquitter de l’ensemble de ses taches:

I. La réaction des Etats-Unis face aux rapports sur les massacres
Le 4 décembre 1996, notre Sous-comité a tenu une conférence au cours de laquelle plusieurs organismes des Droits de l’Homme ont témoigné des massacres perpétrés contre les réfugiés Hutu par les rebelles de l’ethnie essentiellement tutsi dans ce qui était l’Est du Zaïre.

On savait déjà que ceux-ci étaient des allies proches du gouvernement rwandais. Par exemple, le 17 novembre 1996, les rebelles Tutsi du Zaïre ont vraisemblablement massacré des centaines de refugies civils dont ceux qu’us avaient attires par des promesses de retour au Rwanda. Les réfugiés ont également rapporté que les forces tutsi capturaient les hommes et les jeunes garçons et les empêchaient de retourner au Rwanda auprès de leurs familles. Selon les réfugiés, ces hommes et ces jeunes gens ont été liquidés.

Au cours de la conférence du 4 décembre, j’ai demandé aux membres de l‘administration leurs avis sur de tels rapports. La réponse a été que le comportement des forces rebelles avait semblé être « remarquablement meilleur qu’auparavant’ » (témoignage de l’ambassadeur Richard Bogosian). Mais celui-ci a ajouté que « nous avons aussi entendu ces récits des massacres » et que « nous en tenons compte... et... savons qu’à la fin la vérité se révélera »‘ (témoignage c/u Secrétaire assistant Phyllis Oakley). Veuillez nous présenter les faits détaillés des décisions prises par le gouvernement des Etats-Unis pendant ou vers décembre 1996 dans le but d’établir la vérité sur ces massacres.

II. La formation militaire dispensée aux forces rwandaises par les Etats- Unis
J’ai encore demandé durant la conférence du 4 décembre si nous avions dispense une formation militaire aux forces du Rwanda et s’il était possible que cette formation ou toute autre forme de soutien ait pu être utilisée pour aider les rebelles qui sera lent en train de commettre des massacres. Un représentant du ministère de la Défense m’a assuré : « Je ne vois nullement la manière dont ce/a pourrait avoir lieu » (témoignage du représentant du Secrétaire assistant Vincent Kern).

On m’a encore assuré que notre entraînement aux forces rwandaises « concerne presque exclusivement les droits de 1‘Homme, ce qui est différent des opérations purement militaires » (témoignage de l’ambassadeur Bogosian) et que « nous leur avons apporté une formation légère... nous n’avons apporté au Rwanda aucune sorte de formation militaire intensive que vous rencontreriez chez les officiers de Fort Bragg, ni des choses semblables » (témoignage de Monsieur Kern).

Il apparaît donc que nous étions en train de dispenser aux forces rwandaises une formation militaire très large comprenant les Op-Psy (opérations psychologiques), les « stratégies militaires et les techniques fondamentales de tir à la mitraillette et que cette formation avait en réalité comme finalité les droits de l’Homme....

Autre chose curieuse, certains des formateurs venaient vraisemblablement de Fort Bragg. Ces informations nous ont été données le 20 août 1997 par la lettre émanant du Sous-secrétaire à la Défense, Walter Slocombe, et adressée à Ben Gilman, Président du Comité des Relations Internationales au Parlement, probablement en réponse aux questions soulevées par moi et d’autres membres de notre Comité lors d’une conférence en juillet 1997.

Malheureusement, cette réponse suscite surtout des questions et des inquiétudes. Par exemple, elle donne l’assurance que les militaires américains n’ont pas dirigé la formation contre révolutionnaire donnée à l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise et que

tous les entraînements militaires au Rwanda avaient pour but de « promouvoir le respect des droits de l’Homme » mais la même réponse ne parvient pas à expliquer ni comment les formations de tireurs d’élite, de stratèges militaires et des Op-Psy pourront promouvoir les droits de l’Homme, ni ce que nous avons fait pour nous assurer que cette formation ne serve pas, plus tard, à briser l’insurrection ou ne soit utilisée dans des opérations militaires transfrontalières.

Veuillez fournir encore plus d’informations détaillées au sujet de l’éducation et de la formation militaires données aux unités de l’armée rwandaise, y compris les syllabus des cours ainsi que d’autres documents écrits ou distribués ou utilisés en rapport avec cette éducation et cette formation.

III. Les activités militaires des Rwandais au Zaïre

On sait maintenant que les forces rwandaises étaient engagées activement dans les opérations militaires dans l’ex-Zaïre. Les révélations également faites dans le rapport publié par John Pomfrot dans The Washington Post >>, stipulent que le ministre rwandais de la Défense, Paul Kagame, a rencontré les autorités américaines en août 1996 et les a prévenues en ces termes : « les camps de réfugiés à l’Est du Zaïre doivent être démantelés et si les Nations Unies ne déplacent pas les réfugies, quelqu’un d’autre sera obligé de le faire (Washington Post, 9 juillet 1997).

A la lumière de ces avertissements, les autorités américaines peuvent-elles vraiment ne pas avoir été au courant de la possibilité que les soldats et les officiers rwandais que nous étions en train de former pourraient être déployés au Zaïre 7 Comment se fait-il que nous recevions les rapports sur les massacres dans les camps de refugiés en décembre 1996, alors que le ministre rwandais de la Défense Paul Kagame avait menacé en août 1996 de « démanteler »’ ces mêmes camps ? Ne saute-t-il pas aux yeux de n’importe qui, au sein de notre gouvernement, que Kagame pourrait simplement être en train de mettre sa menace à exécution ?

Quand est-ce que le gouvernement des Etats- Unis a-t-il pu, pour la première fois, se rendre compte de la possibilité de la participation réelle du Rwanda dans les opérations au Zaïre ?
Au moment de la prise de conscience de cette possibilité et de la connaissance des rapports selon lesquels ces opérations comprenaient des tueries à grande échelle, d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants non armés, avons-nous pensé que nous avions la responsabilité de vérifier si les soldats et les officiers que nous avons formés comme tireurs d’élite en juillet et en août 1996 avaient bien participé aux opérations au Zaïre ? Quelles démarches, s ‘il y en a eu, avons-nous effectuées pour vérifier cela 7 Savons-nous maintenant si nos lauréats formés par les Américains ont participé aux massacres?

Si non, sommes-nous en train de procéder à des vérifications pour nous assurer que l’aide et la formation actuelles données aux forces armées rwandaises par les Américains ne servent plus, par imprévoyance, à aggraver pareil comportement?

IV. Les activités “Op-Psy” visant les refugiés

La lettre du 20 août envoyée par le Sous-secrétaire Slocombe montre que durant le mois de novembre 1996, les Etats-Unis dirigeaient des « opérations psychologiques ainsi que des activités répandant des « informations publiques » conjointement avec l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise pour convaincre les refugiés de rentrer au Rwanda.

Les « documents » de ces opérations « encourageaient les réfugiés à rentrer vers une patrie de sécurité et visaient à contrecarrer le message des Ex.FAR/Interahamwe selon lequel ceux qui rentrent seront tués »‘. Veuillez exhiber les copies de ce « matériel ». Etc.

En 2001, préoccupée par cette réalité qui ne s’améliorait toujours pas, j’ai également écrit au président Bush:

Je viens juste de rentrer de la RDC... Malheureusement, je me vois dans l’obligation de vous informer qu’en RDC, comme en Afrique en général, des crimes se commettent, avec apparemment l’aide et le support de votre administration. Je tiens à vous dire que la politique des Etats- Unis a échoué en RDC... Le résultat est une politique africaine brouillonne, désordonnée, un continent à vif et la complicité des Etats-Unis dans ces crimes contre 1’Humanité;

Monsieur le Président, partout les gens murmurent à ce sujet, mais ils sont trop bien élevés pour le dire à haute voix : votre politique en Afrique n’a pas seulement aidé à surveiller ce que l’on nommait Renaissance africaine, mais elle a contribué à prolonger la douleur et la souffrance des peuples africains...

Je dois ajouter que votre échec à arrêter l’invasion illégale de la RDC qu’ont menée à termes vos alliés, l’Ouganda et le Rwanda, a porté directement ces pays à commettre des crimes contre 1’humanité en territoire congolais. Maintenant, vous-même, vous demandez au monde qu’il ferme les yeux devant cette politique scandaleuse, alors que le monde entier sait que l’Ouganda comme le Rwanda ont attaqué militairement le territoire de la RDC. Et cela jusqu’à l’intérieur du pays et non pas seulement sur les frontières. Les atrocités qu’endurent quotidiennement tous les habitants de cette région sont scandaleuses.

C’est la conséquence de la mauvaise politique des Etats-Unis et de l’indifférence du leadership américain.

Georges Bush a fait la sourde oreille et a laissé faire. Je dirais même que les choses se sont aggravées avec sa présidence. Derrière un tel immobilisme, j’ai plus tendance à voir le poids des connivences, que celui de la seule indifférence. L’assassinat de Laurent-Désiré Kabila n’est pas non plus le résultat d’un hasard malencontreux.

J’ai eu le temps de m’apercevoir que des réseaux politico-mafieux très puissants rodaient, comme des vautours autour des richesses de la République Démocratique du Congo avant même sa prise de pouvoir en 1997 ils n’ont d’ailleurs toujours pas quitté les lieux... Les rapports successifs des Nations Unies l’attestent.

En apportant d’autres révélations et de nouveaux éclairages sur ce volumineux dossier criminel, Charles Onana nous aide à comprendre l’une des tragédies humaines les plus révoltantes et les plus scandaleuses depuis la fin de Seconde Guerre mondiale. Il mérite pour cela le soutien de tous les démocrates et de tous ceux qui estiment que l’Afrique n’est pas un simple réservoir de richesses pour l’Occident et ses complices africains. Car les Africains ont droit, come des Occidentaux, à la vie, à la dignité et à la prospérité sur leur propre sol.

Cynthia McKinney

Candidate du parti écologiste aux élections
présidentielles américaines de 2008
Ancienne congressiste du parti démocrate
Envoyée spéciale de Bill Clinton dans les Grands
Lacs africains en 1997

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Friday, July 31, 2009

These Catholic clergy members disserve a descent rest in their motherland. They got murdered ONLY because they happened to be from the Holy Church.

Does The Holy See know what really happened to the Rwandan Catholic Church?

Breaking the silence on these RPF crimes.

Does the Holy See closely work with RPF criminals and Terrorists? If not, why then The Holy See keep silence about the RPF criminals impunity?

Many of the Rwandan survivors particularly most of the Holy Catholic Church believers, Catholic clerical organizations and Catholic seminary students await an impartial justice. The entire world know that the RPF investigations were buckled to whitewash RPF crimes authors and the result should not impress. Have a look at Tito Rutaremara as a head of the RPF Nazi ideologues and the brain behind the RPF crimes of the widest variety imaginable.

The RPF big fishes and other RPF criminals (most of them belong to the RPF military or leadership beginning with Paul Kagame the RPF Chairman and military Commander) remain at large and therefore do not cease puffing out the small ones distroying consciously the Rwandan Nation. Most of Rwandan survivors wonder until when Americans and British administrations will continue to cover criminals and terrorists of the RPF-Inkotanyi Organization. The RPF terrorists and their deadly methods continue to evolve.

Even after the Spanish Judge made investigations and issued the arrest warrants, there is sufficient evidence for prosecution. In this context, the UN security Council, the ICTR and The Holy See should cooperate and help the Spanish Judge to prosecute RPF suspects, in accordance with international law.

No American President or citizen and no British Prime Minister or citizen has harmed more the in

terests of their own countries than the present ones including Bill Clinton and Tony Blair the current Kagame's advisor, they need not escape accountability.

Every day, every hour, every minute, every second, that American and British adminstrations continue to fuel and feed up RPF crimes and terrorism, crimes that are not only extremely dangerous and frightening to the world community, but also are an affront to the conscience of humanity worldwide. You can fool some people some time, you even can fool all the people some time, but cannot fool all the people all the time. Here above Gen. Karenzi, another mastermind of the Rwanda genocide.

The killing of priests, nuns, altar servers and civilians, the sheer devastation of the majority administration legacy, instability created since 1990, crimes committed in february 1993, Kibeho crimes, the awful crimes committed against Hutu refugees from 1996 up to 1998, the irreplaceable lost (through looting and destruction) of ancient artifacts, books, manuscripts, artwork, sculptures, etc., that goes back 30 years since the independance of Rwanda in 1962 on one hand, and the international havoc and global peace peril created during the past 15 years of RPF rule and dictatorship that wi

ll continue to reverberate for many, many years to come on the other hand, represent unmistakably War crimes, Crimes Against Humanity, Gendercide,and Crimes of genocide against the majority of the Rwandan population. General Ibingira the Terminator of Kibeho Massacres.

The current British administration inspired by the former British Prime minister Tony Blair and now the Rwandan Nazi advisor must face criminal accountability under the existing British laws of the Great Britain and of the International law.

The horror of the RPF killing machine is illustrated by the cooperation of the Pentagon, the CIA and of Paul Kagame. Here below is one of their main work in the widest variety imaginable.

These Catholic Church servers certainly disserve a descent resting in their motherland. They were thrown into the commun graves in the bush or near small paths or into toilets. They were arbitrary shot by those RPF liberators sent by the Strategist General Paul Kagame. All Rwandan Survivors, urge the worldwide Human rights activists, the Human Rights advocate organizations, The Holy See, the US President Barak Obama and Goldon Brown the British Prime minister to turn their administrations' attention on the fact that they must pressure on Kagame, their Backed bloody Dictator to allow the burial of these God's servers of the Holy Catholic Church and oust

Rwandan Bishops and Priests assassinated by the RPF under General Paul Kagame's High Command
1-Mgr. Vincent Nsengiyumva, archbishop of Kigali
2-Mgr. Thaddee Nsengiyumva, bishop of Kabgayi
3-Mgr.Joseph Ruzindana, bishop of Byumba
4-Mgr. Phocas Nikwigize, bishop of Ruhengeri ( reportedly disappeared 30.nov.1996)

Vicars:

1-Mgr. Innocent Gasabwoya, former vicar general of Kabgayi
2-Mgr. Felix Kabayiza, former vicar of Kigali Archdiocese
3-Mgr. Louis Gasore ,former vicar general of Nyundo

Priests of Kigali Diocese:

1-Abbot Joseph Harelimana
2-Abbot Ananie Rugasira
3-Abbot Canisius Ndekezi
4-Abbot Alexandre Ngeze

Priests of Butare Diocese:

1-Abbot Firmin Butera
2-Abbot Justin Furaha
3-Abbot Isaie Habakurama
4-Abbot Fidele Hakizimana
5-Abbot Etienne Kabera
6-Abbot Alexis Kayumba
7-Abbot Francois Munyangabe
8-Abbot Christophe Munyampanzi
9-Abbot Felicien Muvara
10-Abbot Charles Ncogoza
11-Abbot Mathieu Ngirumpatse
12-Abbot Francois Ngomirakiza
13-Abbot Callixte Nkeshumpatse
14-Abbot Augustin Nkurikiyumukiza
15-Abbot Second Ntibaziga
16-Abbot Innocent Nyangezi
17-Abbot Tharcisse Rubingiza
18-Abbot Jean Bosco Yirirwahandi
19-Abbot Pascal Yirirwahandi
20-Abbot Boniface Musoni
21-Abbot Jean Ntiyamira
22-Abbot Vital Rutayire
23-Abbot Jean Semuliro

Priests of Byumba Diocese:

1-Abbot Thaddee Cyiza
2-Abbot Alexis Havugimana
3-Abbot Joseph Hitimana
4-Abbot Augustin Mashyenderi
5-Abbot Gaspard Mudashimwa(Grand Father)
6-Abbot Ladislas Muhayemungu
7-Abbot P.Celestin Muhayimana
8-Abbe Fidele Mulinda
9-Abbe Faustin Mulindwa
10-Abbot Denys Mundayarwo
11-Abbot Mathias Nabuzehose
12-Abbot Christian Nkiriyehe
13-Abbot Athanase Nkundabanyanga

Priests of Cyangugu Diocese:

1-Abbot Joseph Boneza
2-Abbot Ignace Mubashankwaya

Priests of Gikongoro Diocese:

1-Abbot Straton Gakwaya
2-Abbot Boniface Kanyoni
3-Abbot Canisius Mulinzi
4-Abbot Aloys Musoni
5-Abbot Pierre Ngoga
6-Abbot J.M.Vianney Niyirema
7-Abbot Joseph Niyomugabo
8-Abbe Irene Nyamwasa
9-Abbot Alfred Nzabakurana
10-Abbot J.M.Vianney Rwanyabuto
11-Abbot J.M.Vianney Sebera
12-Abbot Callixte Uwitonze

Priests of Kabgayi Diocese:

1-Abbot Fidele Gahonzire
2-Abbot Tharcisse Gakuba
3-Abbot Alfred Kayibanda
4-Abbot Alphonse Mbuguje
5-Abbot F.Xavier Muligo
6-Abbot Callixte Musonera
7-Abbot Sylvestre Ndabiretse
8-Abbot Jeremie Nduwabike
9-Abbot P.Celestin Niwenshuti
10-Abbot Pie Ntahobari
11-Abbot Bernard Ntamugabumwe
12-Abbot J.M.Vianney Rusingizandekwe (Former spirtual Priest of Gregoire Kayibanda)
13-Abbot Jean Baptiste Ruzigana
14-Abbot Francois Twagirimana
15-Abbot Uwimana Emmanuel
16-Mgr.J.M.Vianney Rwabirinda
17-Abbot Miche Gigi

Priests of Kibungo Diocese:

1-Abbot Joseph Gatare
2-Abbot Elisee Mpongano
3-Abbot Jean Bosco Munyaneza
4-Abbot Evode Mwanangu
5-Abbot Michel Nsengiyumva
6-Abbot Justin Ruterandongozi

Priests of Nyundo Diocese:

1-Abbot Mathias Gahinda
2-Abbot Edouard Gakwandi (Philosoph)
3-Abbot Silas Gaskae
4-Abbot Albert Gashema
5-Abbot Cyprien Gasimba
6-Abbot Thaddee Gatore
7-Abbot Antoine Habiyambere
8-Abbot Spiridion Kageyo
9-Abbot Callixte Kalisa
10-AAbbot Clement Kanyabusozo
11-Abbot Ferdinand Karekezi
12-Abbot Paul Kesenne (surname: CYIZANYE, Belgian Nationality)
13-AAbbot Robert Matajyabo
14-Abbot Denys Mutabazi ( Founder of Inyemeramihigo de Gisenyi College)
15-Abbot Sylvere Mutiganda
16-Abbot Herman Mwambari
17-Abbot Alfred Niyitegeka ( Former Rector of G.S. of Rutongo)
18-Abbot Antoine Niyitegeka
19-Abbot Augustin Nkezabera
20-Abbe Venuste Nsengiyumva
21-Abbot Augustin Ntagara
22-AAbbot Vedaste Nyiribakwe
23-Abbot Adrien Nzanana
24-Abbot Aloys Nzaramba
25-Abbot Innocent Ruberizesa
26-Abbot Abbe Theophile Rutagengwa
27-Abbot Francois Rwigenza
28-Abbot Abbe Deogratias Rwivanga
29-Abbot Narcisse Sebasare
30-AAbbot Joseph Sekabaraga
31-Abbot Boniface Senyenzi
32-Abbot Deogratias Twagirayezu
33-Abbot Twagirayezu Urbain
34-Mgr. Jean Ntirivamunda (Dean and Priest of Murunda)

Priests of Ruhengeri Diocese :

1-Abbot Boniface Kagabo
2-Abbot Jerome Sembagare

Missionaries of Africa:

1-Priest ANDRE CALOONE
2-Priest GUY PINARD
3-Priest CLAUDE SIMARD
4-Priest JOAQUIM VALLMAJO (Spanish)

Jesuite Priests and Brothers:

1-Priest PATRICK GAHIZI
2-Priest CHYSOLOGUE MAHAME
3-Priest INNOCENT RUTAGAMBWA
4-Priest GASENGE

Franciscan Priest:

1-Priest VJEKO CURIC

Priest Fdei Donum:

1-Priest UZCUDUM ISIDRO

© SurViVors Editions

Thursday, July 30, 2009

Lumière sur Pole Institute, la think tank de la balkanisation du Congo

Par Prof. Emmanuel Murhula A. Nashi
Président honoraire de SIMA-KIVU, Bruxelles

Chers amis, chers confrères,

Bonjour. Je suis Emmanuel Murhula A. Nashi, ancien étudiant (de la même promotion que Moro Mwamba, qu'il repose en paix !), ancien assistant à l'ISTI, et ancien journaliste à « Temps Nouveaux », « Grognon » et « Jua » entre 1990 et 1992. Actuellement, je vis en Belgique et enseigne des cours de communication aux universités de Namur (FUNDP) et de Mons (FUCAM), ainsi qu'à l'ISFSC (Institut supérieur de formation sociale et de communication) à Bruxelles.

Ce n'est pas en ma qualité de professeur que je vous écris, mais en celle de congolais, et ce pour deux motifs, liés à la l'article « Une polémique congolaise : Le Potentiel vs Pole Institute ». Mon but n'est pas d'alimenter ladite polémique créée par la réaction de Mme Christiane Kayser, et les commentaires suscités dans l'opinion congolaise. Je suis persuadé que la présente contribution éclairera les lecteurs du Potentiel, car, ayant assumé de 1993 à 1997 la présidence de l'asbl SIMA-KIVU (Soutien aux initiatives des mouvements actifs au Kivu), basée à Bruxelles, je détiens des informations sur la fameuse conférence de Bonn de 1997 dont il est question dans le droit de réponse de Pole Institute.

Bien plus, je connais personnellement Aloys Tegera, l'un de ses responsables, pour avoir fait en même temps que lui mes études de philosophie au Grand séminaire des Pères-Blancs à Bukavu, entre 1981 et 1983.

Avant tout, laissez-moi vous féliciter très sincèrement pour la pertinence de votre article. Si « Pole Institute » a réagi avec tant de passion, c'est précisément parce que vous avez mis le doigt sur des questions légitimes que doivent se poser non seulement l'opinion congolaise, mais aussi les dirigeants. Votre noble devoir a été rempli en toute indépendance, et pour cela, vous forcez le respect. Je tiens à dire sans détour que vous avez informé correctement en écrivant que Pole Institute est un « think thank de la balkanisation du Congo ». Laissez-moi vous le montrer dans le témoignage qui suit.

Je m'en tiendrai à deux points, qui concernent uniquement les enjeux liés aux activités de cette organisation au Congo. Premièrement : il faut savoir que lors de cette rencontre de Bonn, le prétexte était effectivement de réunir des représentants de la société civile du Kivu, y compris ceux de la diaspora, soi-disant pour « créer un cadre de réflexion et d'échanges pour promouvoir les valeurs positives communes aux peuples » des pays des Grands lacs .

Il ne s'agit là que de pure propagande. En réalité, il s'agissait d'une rencontre stratégique dans le processus de balkanisation du Congo. Vous avez remarqué que dans son droit de réponse, Pole Institute, cite les participants à cette rencontre de Bonn : « des membres influents d'ONG et d'Eglises, universitaires et autres professionnels de pacification ».

En mars 1997, notre association était représentée à cette conférence par deux personnes qui occupent aujourd'hui de hauts postes de responsabilité au Congo [1] . Je peux donc révéler au public que Pole Institute a commis un oubli volontaire parmi les participants à cette rencontre : quelques hommes politiques allemands.

Or, il s'avère que durant cette conférence, nos deux délégués furent approchés en coulisses par ces derniers qui leur proposèrent le deal suivant :
« Etant donné que Kinshasa est très éloigné des préoccupations du Kivu, vous avez intérêt à vous tourner vers l'est de l'Afrique. En votre qualité de leaders de la société civile kivutienne, vous pouvez convaincre votre population de son intérêt d'une alliance avec le Rwanda. Par ailleurs, l'Allemagne et l'Union Européenne disposent d'un projet de plan Marshall pour le développement du Kivu à conditions que vous acceptiez de vous détacher du Congo et de vous rattacher au Rwanda » .

Bien entendu, ces messieurs reçurent une fin de non recevoir de la part de nos représentants. Pour notre part, nous avions compris définitivement les motifs réels de cette conférence pilotée par Christiane Kayser et l'EZE (église protestante allemande) : la balkanisation de la République démocratique du Congo.

Par ailleurs, la revue « Regards croisés » publié par Pole Institute en 1997 m'avait interpellé personnellement, car je réalisais qu'elle constituait une arme intellectuelle du combat de Mme Kayser, Aloys Tegera, Lindiro Labirigi.

A l'époque, j'avais envoyé un article destiné à croiser le regard avec celui de Tegera Aloys intitulé « La guerre en République démocratique du Congo : implosion et chaos ou douleurs d'enfantement d'un ordre nouveau ». Hélas, « Regards croisés » n'a jamais voulu publier mon article [2] . Ni Christiane Kayser, ni Aloys Tegera ne m'ont jamais fourni les raisons de ce refus, mais on peut les deviner aisément. En effet, Tegera défendait la thèse selon laquelle « les causes de la guerre d'août 1998 du Congo se trouvaient dans « l'idéologie ethnico-raciale », et accordait aux Tutsis un statut spécial de victimes face aux autres ethnies congolaises.

L'auteur trouvait à justifier qu' « un groupe ou une communauté humaine marquée par la peur de l'extermination pouvait recourir aux solutions militaires comme seule garantie de survie ». Or, je démontrais que mon ancien confrère était victime de l'ethnisme qu'il prétendait combattre, par le fait notamment qu'il ne voyait pas que l'ethnie autoproclamée minoritaire était la seule à posséder des armes au milieu de toutes les autres.

Je concluais ma démonstration en invitant les Tutsis épris de démocratie à comprendre que « le danger numéro un pour notre avenir à tous, le leur y compris, ce sont nos dictatures militaro-politiques respectives, avant nos ethnies, qui j'en conviens avec Tegera, demeurent une richesse ».
En fait, j'ai toujours peiné à comprendre les raisons profondes qui ont poussé un prêtre, le Père Aloys Tegera, à choisir le même combat que l'émule d'Adolf Hitler [3] , consistant à diviser les peuples africains.

En revanche, je comprends parfaitement son « exclusion » de la congrégation des Missionnaires d'Afrique dont il a cessé d'être membre après que ses confrères aient tenté en vain de le ramener à la raison. Tegera fait partie, c'est ma conviction, de cette élite militaro-politique tutsi que j'ai décrite comme les « substituts de Kigali au Congo » [4] .

Chacun travaille, dans son domaine, à l'émiettement de la République démocratique du Congo.
Pole Institute a beau nier son rôle de « pourvoyeur d'idées de la balkanisation du Congo » au profit du Rwanda - ç'eût été étonnant qu'il l'avouât d'ailleurs -, c'est bel et bien l'objectif poursuivi derrière ses activités au Congo.

P.S. Je vous prie de trouver, en pièce jointe distincte, le texte de mon article cité, afin de juger par vous-mêmes.

Cordialement,

Prof. Emmanuel Murhula A. Nashi.

[1] Si vous désirez les connaître, je vous communiquerai leur identité à l'occasion d'un entretien téléphonique.
[2] Celui-ci fut publié finalement dans la revue « L'Africain », n° 189-190, Bruxelles, 1999, sous le titre : « La guerre en R.D. du Congo : collusion entre pouvoir, ethnie et dictatures militaires ».
[3] J'ai cité le président ougandais Yoweri Museveni, qui déclara aux juristes de l'Afrique de l'est réunis en juillet 1997 : « Comme Hitler l'a fait pour rassembler les Allemands, nous devrions aussi le faire ici. Hitler était un gars attachant et très intelligent » !
[4] Voir mon ouvrage : « Pourquoi ont-ils tué Laurent-Désiré Kabila ? », L'Harmattan, Paris, 2007.

Wednesday, July 29, 2009

Why the bloody dictator Kagame remains unpunished? Main reason: British and American Soldiers Partner to Build Capacity in Rwanda

The bloody dictatorship of Rwanda remains unshaked. US and British Adminstrations aid Paul Kagame to kill millions of Rwandans and Congolese people. What about US President Foreign policy towards Africa?

***
NEAR KIGALI, Rwanda - Soldiers from the Rwanda Defense Force train near Kigali in late March 2009. U.S. and British soldiers visited Rwanda at the request of the Rwanda Defense Force (RDF) to prepare for an upcoming event to mentor noncommissioned officers (NCO) on leadership and build NCO capacity within the RDF. (Photo by Master Sergeant George Duenas, U.S. Army Africa)

By Rick ScavettaU.S. Army Africa Public Affairs
NEAR KIGALI, Rwanda, Apr 8, 2009 — Soldiers from U.S. Army Africa continue to build noncommissioned officer capacity in Rwanda through a partnership effort with British counterparts.

During a recent visit to Rwanda, senior U.S. Army Africa NCOs met with British and Rwandan officers to prepare for an upcoming assignment to mentor Rwandan NCOs on leadership."The Rwandan Defense Force requested an event for students who already have some leadership experience, something similar to our Warrior Leadership Course," said Sergeant Major Kellyjack Luman, U.S. Army Africa operations sergeant major.

"Together, with the British military, we will offer a program to meet their needs."The program, which is planned for later this year, will be carried out by British and American soldiers at a training area near Kigali. In addition to leadership offerings, the month-long event will include a three-day field exercise, Luman said.U.S. Army Africa, a component of U.S. Africa Command, partners with African nations to offer assistance that leads to safe and prosperous environments on the continent.

The U.S. team is working with the British Peace Support Team Eastern Africa (BPST-EA), a unit that provides military advice, coordinates and supervises British and international assistance to national armed forces and regional structures in Central and Eastern Africa, said British Army Lt. Col. Stephen Segrave.In 1994, Rwanda was devastated by mass killings that left hundreds of thousands dead and many more forced from their homes.

"In recent years, the RDF has earned a reputation for being a disciplined fighting force that is responsive to elected officials in support of peace and stability in their nation," Segrave said. Rwanda is also committed to regional stability, as shown by their commitment of four infantry battalions to peacekeeping duties in Darfur, Segrave said."Their desire for professionalism and hunger to learn demonstrates a genuine aspiration to strive for perfection," Segrave said. "Both the U.K. and the U.S. recognize efforts made by the RDF.

This partnership will build RDF leadership capacity."Last July, British military offered the RDF a course for junior non-commissioned officers. This upcoming course will focus on section commanders, Segrave said."Working together with U.S. Army Africa allows us to build a mutual understanding on how to help build capacity among nations in the Eastern Africa Region," Seagrave said.

The RDF has a superb training area, said Master Sergeant George Duenas, upon returning from a recent visit.A native of Guam, Duenas, 42, is a maintenance supervisor assigned to U.S. Army Africa's logistics section. His first mentorship assignment in Africa was to Botswana in early 2008. He also worked with soldiers in Uganda. Duenas hopes his 22 years in the military, much of that time spent leading Soldiers, will help Rwandans to improve, he said.

"Providing insight into how U.S. Army NCOs conduct business is key," Duenas said. "We can pass on knowledge from our Army and the British Soldiers will offer their views. The RDF will be able to add that to their programs."The Rwandan school, established in the early 1990's, offers training in basic soldier skills, a refresher course and some NCO training.

"The RDF commanding officer and his staff gave us a guided tour of their training base, with a historical overview and discussions about the Rwandan's current training mission," Luman said.Programs like this, where U.S. and British militaries partner with an African nation, are coordinated through the local embassy in support of diplomatic cooperation.

The U.S.-UK program will expose the Rwandan troops to another way of NCO development that they can incorporate into their own programs, Luman said. The U.S. NCOs have built a strong rapport with their Rwandan counterparts, through formal discussions and chats over dinner, Luman said. "That bond will grow as we move forward with this program," Luman said.

Source: U.S. Army Africa

Tuesday, July 28, 2009

Rwanda dismisses calls for FDLR negotiations

Date: 28th-July 2009

Falling short of categorically dismissing the prospect of negotiations with Rwandan militias in DRC, President Kagame urged the International Crisis Group to consult Rwanda before it recommends talks with the rebels, RNA reports.

The campaign group called recently for Kigali to hold “direct” talks with some FDLR rebels said not to have participated in the Tutsi Genocide. The same position was picked up by a senior US Senator Russ Feingold encouraging the Obama administration to direct its policy in that direction.

“When people start asking for talks with FDLR, I do not know what that means”, Mr. Kagame said while pounding his table. He added that the ICG recommendation for direct talks has “come too late” because many have surrendered.

President Kagame said if there are any rebels categorized as “moderates” then they would have surrendered and allowed to be repatriated to Rwanda “like the others” instead of continuing to “kill”.

“We have generals, colonels who have come back”, he said in reference to several former combatant officers including former FDLR commander Maj General Paul Rwarakabije and Brig. Jerome Ngengahimana. Both surrendered in 2003, a process that has led to the repatriation of up to 8000 rebels, according to the troubled UN mission in DRC.

Mr. Kagame told a press conference that those who are asking for talks have no other alternative to the problem. “Even when we were fighting the government which was murdering people they said we should negotiate”, Kagame said in reference to the Habyarimana government.

“If the ICG thinks talks are the best way to solve the problem, Madam tell them they should ask us what we think”, he told the Reuters journalist who has raised the issue.

Meanwhile, Mr. Kagame also said his forces remain ready “at short notice” to go back to eastern DRC to flash the rebels if asked by the Kinshasa government.

RNA

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