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Tuesday, April 20, 2010

Remembering the Rwandan Auschwitz (1995) : Kibeho - Pure Mass-Murder

20-22 April, 2010
Posted by ASI

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), and mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.=>ASIF]

To all of those who are glorifying General Kagame, you should chek out these photo of the Kibeho genocide before you argue in favour of the bloody friendly dictator. Thats happened in 1995 when he was the one controling the country.
100 mille réfugiés dont le nombre de morts minimisés à 8 mille morts ! Une autre excuse-mensonge: Des pietinements! Voilà le mot trouvé pour minimiser le grand massacre programmé, organisé et exécuté par le Général Paul Kagame avec son envoyé spécial Jacques Bihozagara et Ibingira, chefs des opérations militaires.

Les Massacres de Kibeho 2
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by Paul Jordan

In April 1995 members of the Australian Defence Force Medical Support Force, a component of the Australian Contingent of the United Nations Assistance Mission For Rwanda (UNAMIR) were deployed to the Kibeho displaced persons’ camp. The camp had been surrounded by two battalions of Tutsi troops from the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), which regarded it as a sanctuary for Hutu perpetrators of the 1994 genocide. In the ethnic slaughter that followed, the RPA killed some 4000 of the camp’s inhabitants. The following article is an edited version of an eyewitness account of the massacre at Kibeho.

It was 5.00 p.m. on Tuesday, 18 April 1995, when 32 members of the Australian Medical Force (AMF) serving in Rwanda received orders to mount a mercy mission. Their task was to provide medical assistance to people who were being forced to leave what was then the largest displaced persons’ camp in Rwanda. This camp was situated some five hours west of the capital city of Kigali, close to the town of Kibeho, and was estimated to hold up to 100,000 displaced persons.

I was a member of that Australian force deployed to Kibeho, which comprised two infantry sections, a medical section and a signals section. We left Kigali around 3.00 a.m. on Wednesday, 19 April, travelling through Butare and on to Gikongoro, where the Zambian Army’s UNAMIR contingent had established its headquarters. We arrived at Zambian headquarters at around 7.30a.m. and established a base area before continuing on to the displaced persons’ camp at Kibeho, arriving around 9.30 a.m. The camp resembled a ghost town. We had been told that the RPA intended to clear the camp that morning and our first thought was that this had already occurred -- we had arrived too late.

Map depicting events

1. Woman surrendered then executed in cold blood
2. Ambulance closely grazed by two bullets shot at lone displaced person
3. ZAMBATT (Zambian Battalion) latrines -- displaced persons found hiding inside
4. Triage area -- machete victims -- Saturday am 22.4.95
5. Highest ground in immediate area
6. RPA screening and processing -- displaced persons’ exit point for general evacuation
7. Beginning RPA accommodation
8. Our entry point each day and RPA roadblock
9. Recoilless rifle set up am 24·4·95

General information

• Map drawn 1500 hrs 28·4·95 Tpr JGS Church
• Distance from church eastern side to RAP far western side = 1000m
• Distance as seen extreme north to south 600m
• Whole area dotted with lean-tos and grass bivouacs
• All buildings and roads are on high ground
• The valleys either side are quite deep—up to 80 m at 45° angle

As we moved through the camp, we saw evidence that it had been cleared very quickly. The place was littered with the displaced persons’ belongings, left behind in the sudden panic of movement. It wasn’t until we moved deep into the camp that we found them, thousands of frightened people who had been herded closely together like sheep, huddled along a ridgeline that ran through the camp. The RPA had used gunfire to gather and drive these people into a close concentration. In the frenzy of sudden crowd movement, ten children had been trampled to death. As we drove closer, the huge crowd parted before us and people began to clap and cheer: they obviously expected a great deal more from us than we could offer.

We set about the task of establishing a casualty clearing post and, after being moved on twice by RPA soldiers exercising their arbitrary authority, eventually negotiated a position just beyond the documentation area. We spent the day there and saw only one casualty, a UN soldier. We left the camp that day dogged by the frustrating sense of not being needed.
The next day, Thursday 19 April, we arrived at the camp at 8.30a.m. and moved through to what was designated the ‘Charlie Company’ compound, situated in the middle of the camp. Zambian troops on duty in the compound requested medical treatment for a woman who had given birth the previous night, as they thought that she ‘still had another baby inside her’. We arranged for the woman to be medically evacuated by air to Kigali, where it was discovered that she was suffering from a swollen bladder. We set up the casualty clearing post once again at the documentation point and, this time, went out to search for casualties.

RPA troops would frequently resort to firing their weapons into the air in an effort to control the crowd. At around 1.00 p.m., we heard sporadic fire, but could find no casualties. As the day wore on, tension mounted between the displaced persons and the RPA troops. We left the camp that evening amid the echoes of bursts of automatic fire. Leaving the camp was no easy feat because of the RPA roadblocks. We decided to follow a convoy carrying displaced persons out of the camp, but were held up when one of the convoy’s trucks became stuck in thick mud, blocking the exit road. Eventually we extricated ourselves and found a safe route out. Half an hour or so into our journey, we encountered a UNICEF official who informed us that he had received a radio message reporting that ten people had been shot dead in the camp. Because AMF personnel were not permitted to stay in the camp after dark, there was nothing we could do. We had no choice but to continue on to our base at Zambian headquarters.

Les Massacres de KIBEHO
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On Friday, 20 April, we arrived in Kibeho at around 8.30 a.m. to find that thirty people had died during the night. Although the Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) hospital was busy treating casualties, we were told our assistance was not required at this stage. We set up the casualty clearing post at the documentation area (for what was to be the last time) and initially treated a few patients who were suffering from colds and various infections. Most of these were given antibiotics and sent on their way. A number of ragged young children appeared and, out of sight of the RPA soldiers, we gave the children new, dry clothes, for which they were most grateful. We also found a man whose femur was broken and decided to remove him from the camp in the back of our ambulance when we finally left for the night.

That evening, as we were preparing to leave, we received a call for assistance from the MSF hospital. Six ‘priority one’ patients required urgent evacuation. We picked up these casualties, all suffering from gunshot and machete wounds, and prepared them to travel. We called in the helicopter and the patients were flown to a hospital in Butare. The man with the broken femur could not be flown out because the helicopter was not fitted to take stretchers, so we prepared him for an uncomfortable ride in the back of the ambulance.

We returned to the Charlie Company compound where we found a man with a gunshot wound to the lung -- a sucking chest wound. He was in a serious condition. Because night was falling, we decided to evacuate him by road to the hospital in Butare along with the man with the broken femur. This meant negotiating the RPA checkpoints as we left the camp. As we persuaded our way through these checkpoints, Captain Carol Vaughan-Evans and Trooper Jon Church crouched in the rear of the ambulance, giving emergency treatment to the two patients.

We continued our journey accompanied by two military observers from Uruguay who were guiding us.

We made steady progress for the next two hours until our front and rear vehicles became bogged. As efforts continued to recover the vehicles, Lieutenant Tilbrook decided to send the ambulance to the hospital as the patient with the chest wound was deteriorating. The two military observers were to accompany the ambulance. After a further hour and a half on the road, and with additional help from Care Australia, the patient was eventually handed over to the MSF hospital in Butare.

On Saturday, 22 April, we arrived at the camp to be told that the hospital was teeming with injured patients, but the MSF workers were nowhere to be found. We went to the hospital where the situation was absolutely chaotic. We saw about 100 people who had either been shot or macheted, or both. Their wounds were horrific and there was blood everywhere. One woman had been cleaved with a machete right through her nose down to her upper jaw. She sat silently and simply stared at us. There were numerous other people suffering from massive cuts to their heads, arms and all over their bodies. We immediately started to triage as many patients as possible, but just as we would begin to treat one patient, another would appear before us with far more serious injuries.

As we worked, we were often called upon to make snap decisions and to ‘play God’ by deciding which patients’ lives to save. We were forced to move many seriously injured victims to one side because we thought they would not live or because they would simply take too long to save. Instead, we concentrated on trying to save the lives of those people who, in our assessment, had a chance of survival.

At one point, an NGO worker took me outside the hospital to point out more casualties. There I discovered about thirty bodies, and was approached by a large number of displaced persons with fresh injuries. Jon Church and I were deeply concerned and returned to the hospital to triage patients. In amongst triaging priority one patients, Jon drew my attention to the patient he was treating. This man had a very deep machete wound through the eye and across the face. I saw Jon completely cover the wounded man’s face with a bandage.
There was no danger that the patient would suffocate since he was breathing through a second wound in his throat. The wounded man was, however, very restless and difficult to control, and eventually we were forced to leave him, despite our belief that he would almost certainly die. Later that day he was brought to us again, his face still completely covered in a bandage. Whether the man finally survived his ordeal, only God knows.

As Jon and I worked with Lieutenant Rob Lucas (a nursing officer) to prioritise patients, members of the Australian infantry section stretchered them to the casualty clearing post. These soldiers worked tirelessly to move patients by stretcher from the hospital to the Zambian compound, which had become a casualty department. Meanwhile, the situation at the hospital was becoming increasingly dangerous, and we were ordered back to the compound. Some of the MSF workers had arrived by now and were trapped in the hospital. Our infantrymen went to retrieve them and bring them back to the safety of the compound. As our soldiers moved towards the hospital, they came under fire from a sniper within the crowd of displaced persons. The infantry section commander, Corporal Buskell, took aim at the sniper, and the latter, on seeing the rifle, disappeared into the crowd.
Our medical work continued unabated in the Zambian compound as the casualties flowed relentlessly. At about 10.00 a.m., some of the displaced persons attempted to break out and we saw them running through the re-entrants. We watched (and could do little more) as these people were hunted down and shot. The RPA soldiers were no marksmen: at times they were within ten metres of their quarry and still missed them. If they managed to wound some hapless escapee, they would save their valuable bullets, instead bayoneting their victim to death. This went on for two hours until all the displaced persons who had run were dead or dying.

The desperate work continued in the compound as we separated the treated patients, placing the more serious cases in the ambulance and the remainder in a Unimog truck. The firing intensified and the weather broke as it began to rain. We worked under the close security of our infantry as automatic fire peppered the area around us. We continued to treat the wounded, crouching behind the flimsy cover presented by the truck and sandbag wall. At one point, a young boy suddenly ran into the compound and fell to the ground. We later discovered that he had a piece of shrapnel in his lung. We managed to evacuate this boy by helicopter to the care of the Australian nurses in the intensive care unit at Kigali hospital. Every time a white person walks into his hospital room, he opens his arms to be hugged.

The automatic fire from the RPA troops continued; people were being shot all over the camp. When we had gathered about twenty-five casualties, we arranged to have them aeromedically evacuated to a hospital in Butare. While the ambulance was parked at the landing zone, a lone displaced person ran towards us with an RPA soldier chasing him. The soldier maintained a stream of fire at his fleeing victim, and rounds landed all around the ambulance. Jon and I ducked for cover behind its meagre protection. When the RPA soldier realised that some of his own officers were in his line of fire, he checked himself. The displaced person fell helplessly to the ground at the feet of the RPA officers. He was summarily marched away to meet an obvious fate.

It was about 4.00 p.m. by the time we started to load the patients onto helicopters, and, by 5.00 p.m., the job was complete. People began to run through the wire into the compound, and the Australian infantry found themselves alongside the Zambian soldiers pushing the desperate intruders back over the wire. This was a particularly delicate task, as some of the displaced persons were carrying grenades. As the last helicopter took off, about 2000 people stampeded down the spur away from the camp, making a frantic dash for safety. RPA soldiers took up positions on each spur, firing into the stampede with automatic rifles, rocket-propelled grenades and a 50-calibre machine-gun. A large number of people fell under the hail of firepower. Fortunately, at this stage, it began to rain heavily, covering the escape of many of those fleeing. Bullets flew all around, and we made a very hasty trip back to the Zambian compound with the rear of the ambulance full of infantry.

Once back in the compound, we watched the carnage from behind sandbagged walls. Rocket-propelled grenades landed among the stampeding crowd, and ten people fell. One woman, about fifty metres from where we crouched, suddenly stood up, with her hands in the air. An RPA soldier walked down to her and marched her up the hill with his arm on her shoulder. He then turned and looked at us, pushed the woman to the ground and shot her.

As the rain eased, so did the firing. I was standing in the lee of the Zambian building when a young boy wearing blood-soaked clothing jumped the wire and walked towards me. I put my gloves on and the boy shook my hand and pointed to where a bullet had entered his nose, indicating to me that the bullet was still caught in his jaw. We took the boy with us and, given that the firing had died down and darkness had fallen, we put him into the ambulance next to a man with an open abdominal wound, and prepared them for the long journey to hospital by road.

As we left the camp, Jon and another medic saw a small child wandering alone. They made an instant decision to save the child, putting her in the ambulance as well. We then faced the unwanted distraction of a screaming three-year-old girl while we were frantically working on two seriously wounded patients. We knew also that the RPA would search the vehicle and any displaced persons without injuries would be taken back to the camp. I decided to bandage the girls’s left arm in order to fake a wound. The first time we were searched, the girl waved and spoke to the RPA soldiers. So we moved her up onto the blanket rack in the ambulance, strapped her in, and gave her a biscuit. The next time we were searched, the girl just sat and ate her biscuit, saying nothing. The RPA soldiers never knew she was there. After being held up at a roadblock for an hour, the convoy, which included all the NGO workers, made its way out of the camp. All the patients were taken to Butare Hospital, while the little girl was taken to an orphanage where we knew an attempt would be made to reunite her with her mother, in the unlikely event that she was still alive.

We re-entered the camp at 6.30 a.m. on Sunday, 23 April. While our mission was to count the number of dead bodies, Warrant Officer Scott and I went first to look around the hospital. Inside there were about fifteen dead. We entered one room and a small boy smiled then grinned at us. Scotty and I decided we would come back and retrieve this boy. I took half the infantry section and Scotty took the other half, and we walked each side of the road that divided the camp.

On one side of the road, my half-section covered the hospital that contained fifteen corpses. In the hospital courtyard we found another hundred or so dead people. A large number of these were mothers who had been killed with their babies still strapped to their backs. We freed all the babies we could see. We saw dozens of children just sitting amidst piles of rubbish, some crouched next to dead bodies. The courtyard was littered with debris and, as I waded through the rubbish, it would move to expose a baby who had been crushed to death. I counted twenty crushed babies, but I could not turn over every piece of rubbish.

The Zambians were collecting the lost children and placing them together for the agencies to collect. Along the stretch of road near the documentation point, there were another 200 bodies lined up for burial. The other counting party had seen many more dead than we had. There were survivors too. On his return to camp, Jon saw a baby who was only a few days old lying in a puddle of mud. He was still alive. Jon picked the baby up and gave him to the Zambians. At the end of our grisly count, the total number recorded by the two half-sections was approximately 4000 dead and 650 wounded.

We returned to the Zambian compound and began to treat the wounded. By now we had been reinforced with medics and another doctor. With the gunfire diminished, we were able to establish the casualty clearing post outside the Zambian compound and, with extra manpower and trucks to transport patients, we managed to clear about eighty-five casualties. A Ghanaian Army major approached Scotty and I to collect two displaced persons who had broken femurs from another area nearby. We lifted the two injured men into the back of the major’s car. It was then that we noticed all the dead being buried by the RPA in what I believe was an attempt to reduce the body count. The Zambians also buried the dead, but only those who lay near their compound.

We had been offered a helicopter for an aeromedical evacuation. We readied our four worst casualties, placing them on the landing zone for evacuation. The RPA troops came, as they always did, to inspect those being evacuated. At the same time, a Zambian soldier brought us a small boy who had been shot in the backside. The RPA told us that we could only take three of the casualties, as the fourth was a suspect. I argued and argued with an RPA major, but met with unbending refusal. He did tell us, however, that we could take the small boy who we hadn’t even asked to take, so we quickly put the boy into the waiting helicopter. The RPA officer then demanded that one of his men, who had been shot, be evacuated in the helicopter. I tried to bargain with the RPA major. In return for taking his soldier to hospital, I asked that we be allowed to evacuate the fourth casualty. His reply was final: ‘Either my man goes or no-one goes’. It was time to stop arguing.

The majority of patients we evacuated that day were transported on the back of a truck. The pain caused by the jolting of the truck would have been immense, but even this amount of pain was better than death. Jon and I took another load of patients to the landing zone, as they were to go on the same helicopter as the CO and the RSM. To our amazement, we were recalled and watched in frustration as the helicopter was filled with journalists. That day, all our patients left unaccompanied.

Just before our departure that evening, Jon and I were called to look at a man who had somehow fallen into the pit latrine, which was about 12 feet deep. I suppose he thought this to be the safest place. We left the camp at about 5.00 p.m. and spent the night at the Bravo Company position which was only half an hour away.

On Monday, 24 April, we returned to the camp which, at this stage, held only about 400 people. The RPA had set up a recoilless rifle, which pointed at one of the buildings they claimed housed Hutu criminals who had taken part in the 1994 genocide. Throughout the morning we saw displaced persons jumping off the roof of the building and, on two occasions, we saw AK 47 assault rifles being carried. The RPA gave us until midday to clear the camp, at which time they stated that they would fire the weapon into the building. We knew this would kill or injure the vast majority of those left in the camp.

Meanwhile the Zambians were busy digging two men out of the pit latrines. They were quite a sight when they were pulled out. The Zambian major planned to sweep through the building and push people out, and wanted us to bolster his ranks. Obtaining permission from headquarters to help the Zambians proved something of an ordeal, to my mind, the result of a surfeit of chiefs. Consequently, we were a crucial ten minutes late helping them.

We discovered a number of injured people huddled in a room directly adjacent to the building containing the Hutus. As we moved in to retrieve the casualties, a Hutu pointed his weapon at us, but rapidly changed his mind when ten Australian rifles were pointed straight back at him. We used this building as a starting point, evacuating all those in the room in Red Cross trucks. It was at this point that we struck a major obstacle. The criminal element within the camp had spread the word that those who accompanied the white people from the camp would be macheted to death on reaching their destination. This was widely believed and, as a result, only a few people could be persuaded to leave the camp that morning. On several occasions, women handed over their children to us, believing that ‘the white people will not kill children’.

The Australians found the attitude of these people incredibly frustrating. We could find no way to convince the majority of the displaced persons to leave Kibeho for the safety that we could provide. Many said that it was better to die where they were than to die in another camp. Even when we did succeed in persuading some to leave, a Hutu would often appear and warn those people that they would be macheted if they left with the Australians. This was a warning that never went unheeded.
At 2.00 p.m. that day, we were rotated out of the camp. We felt sick with resentment at leaving the job incomplete, but there was very little that we could have done for those people. We estimated that at least 4000 people had been killed over that weekend. While there was little that we could have done to stop the killings, I believe that, if Australians had not been there as witnesses to the massacre, the RPA would have killed every single person in the camp.

Permission to reprint this story as published in the Australian Army Journal is gratefully acknowledged.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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Sunday, April 18, 2010

General Paul Kagame – The friendly dictator of United States?

Posted by ASI

Sunday, April 18, 2010
*
According to African SurViVors International (ASI), arbitrary arrest, torture, disappearance, mass killings and political killings WERE everyday realities for Rwandans during the last 20 years of US financed military (stalinizing the country) to Kagame and his RPF criminal organization.
*
The bloody coup of April 6, 1994, in which President Juvenal Habyarimana was assassinated, was carefully managed by CIA, the most notarious dictator of Africa General Kagame, the US, British governments and other foreign organizations.

The majority of Rwandans (Hutus) remain in total poverty because the US adminstration is supposed NOT to be trading with the RPF enemy.

*The civil war in Rwanda and the ethnic massacres were an integral part of US foreign policy, carefully staged in accordance with precise strategic and economic objectives*

According to Warren and Bill Clinton: The Fuhrer's greatest admirers :
General Kagame: ~~A MAN OF PEACE AND RECONCILIATION !~~
*

GEt to understand IT better:

Up to now, the West ignores General Kagame's cruelty as he continues to demand more aid and sophisticated weapons. We are witnessing millions of Rwandan refugees, hundreds-of-thousands dying from disease and starvation in neighboring countries (Democratic of Congo, Tanzania and Burundi),arbitrary arrests, arbidtrary executions, assassinations, disappearances, mass-murder, and hundreds of thousands of Hutu prisoners across Rwanda, the bombing of Kibeho, the the Rwandan economy and culture in ruins. General Paul Kagame, the repeat of Adolf Hitler, Chanceler of Germany?

H.R. 1105 prohibits funds for military training or equipment to dictatorial regimes that engage in gross and consistent human rights abuses.

Massacres à Kibeho 22-04-1995
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African SurVivors International (ASI) has always denounced the inaccuracies in US Department yearly report. The point is that the report has always been carped about its groundless charges of RPF and General Paul Kagame criminal wrongdoings;

ASI has always whined about the hidden agenda of shadowy manipulators of U.S. foreign policy, complained about hiding the existing and real claims of RPF and General Kagame’s human rights abuses and blasted the American government for lying outright to undermine their credibility and portray them as international pariahs.

No more American taxpayer dollars should be used to train RPF human rights abusers and RPF criminals;
No more American taxpayer dollars for RPF guns, tanks to kill innocent Congolese and Rwandan people
No military partnership with RPF thugs! Many people will no doubt be surprised by this fact, but the law is explicit and its provisions plain and unmistakable.

In plain language, H.R. 1105 cuts off military assistance to the identified rogue regimes, but allows the President to waive the prohibition on a case by case basis in the national interest, provided that he notifies the Appropriations Committees of the House and the Senate (committees responsible for funding the U.S. government) 15 days in advance of his intention to do so, and supplies a “detailed description of proposed activities” justifying the waiver. Even in emergency cases, the President must notify the Appropriations Committees that he has provided military assistance to the rogue regimes “no later than 3 days after taking the action to which such notification requirement was applicable.”
In short, H.R. 1105 prohibits funds for military training or equipment to dictatorial regimes that engage in gross and consistent human rights abuses. That is why General Kagame and his RPF are squealing like tuck pigs Since the FDU, Green party and PS-Imberakuli leaders started showing the Real image of the Kagame’s regime!

President’s Obama stirring speech on the future direction of U.S. foreign policy:

"...I believe with every fiber of my being that in the long run we also cannot keep this country safe unless we enlist the power of our most fundamental values. The documents that we hold in this very hall – the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, the Bill of Rights – are not simply words written into aging parchment. They are the foundation of liberty and justice in this country, and a light that shines for all who seek freedom, fairness, equality and dignity in the world".

If the United States was sincere in its effort to assist Africa in the upheaval of turmoil, misery, diseases, epidemics, and poverty which have overwhelmed many of her nations since the implementation of the slave trade, then the United States would donate and contribute more earnest monies into the development of sustaining life in Africa as opposed to sustaining African dictators in the name of fighting communism and providing this so-called stability.
Observers from the World Bank, the European Union and from United States are regularly visiting Kigali in and cannot fail to notice how the money from financial aid is being used by General Kagame to finance the purchase of arms to defend his didctatoship. Rwanda is actually being flooded with arms raise. Who will be responsible for the comming mass-slaughter? What will be the role of the US and UK governments at the UN. Despite knowing that another genocide is being planned?
***
General Paul Kagame is one of the world's most repressive dictators and a friend of friend of America. He is believed to be a tyrant, torturers, serial killer, mass killer, and a sundry dictator and a corrupt puppet-president who is being aided, supported, and rewarded handsomely for their loyalty to US interests. As most of you know, General Kagame is a bloody dictator that has seized control of Rwanda through force, a coup d’état. Then with the US aid he tried in 2003 to become a constitutional dictator, which holds office through voting fraud and severely restricted elections. He’s known to be the best puppet and apologist for the military junta which controlled in 2003 the ballot boxes in the eyes of The European and worse of that the world community observers. In any case, the majority of Rwandans has not democratically elected General Kagame. Who doesn’t know there were no fair and open elections in 2003 at that time when the Rwandan dictator had to confront his former Prime Minister F. Twagiramungu.

General Kagame is a democratic America's undemocratic ally. He has been raised to power in Rwanda through the bloody ClA-backed coup in April 6,1994 and he’s believed to rule by terror and torture using Gacaca courts, genocidal ideology and unconstitutional laws to muzzle Rwandan opponents and the Hutu majority.

There is no denying that RDF receives training and advice from the CIA, the Pentagon and other US agencies telling the American public that they want to do it for bringing peace back in Darfur. WRONG! US military aid and weapons sales often strengthen their armies and guarantee their hold on power. Unwavering "anti-communism" and a willingness to provide unhampered access for American business interests to exploit RWANDAN AND CONGOLESE natural resources REMAINS the excuses for Kagame’s repression, and the primary reason the US government supports HIM. To make it better and to make it easier, Kagame is actually linked internationally to UN peacekeeping forces and General Kagame and his RPF have strong Nazi affiliations and offers sanctuary to CIA torturers and other US military unlawful trainings in the country.

General Kagame and his Akazu among RPF criminals grow rich, while the country’s economy deteriorates and the majority of the people live in poverty (Hutus). US tax dollars and US-backed loans have made billionaire of Kagame, while Kagame remains international Coltan and other major Congolese mineral resources dealer. To make sure General Kagame has been prepared to fulfill the Pentagon wishes and US interests, he has been told he will never be called to account for His crimes committed against his own citizens and Congolese people. Unfortunately, President Obama and his Government will never be held responsible for supporting and protecting General Kagame, the worst human rights violator in the world.

The United States government was never held responsible for supporting and protecting some of the worst human rights violations in the world. At anytime that the United States government says it has a covert operation in place, American citizens should remain dubious. We must remember that in our struggle for power and glory that human rights must be adhered to and protected. Thousands of people are being killed in Rwanda and no mention about that in the US media. This is a problem that should be addressed.

"The enemies of American civilization-- for such are the enemies of slavery-- seem to be more on the alert than its friends." --William Walker

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Rwandan refugee awarded Chinese scholarship

Kwaigaikira, who reunited with her uncle just about two years ago, is, however, facing nationality problems as some sectors feel she should not reap from Malawian spoils.

Rwanda experienced a 100 day genocide that killed thousands and displaced more. Hutus and Tutsis fought after the then president was killed in a plane crash.

Private radio station Zodiak Broadcasting Service (ZBS) Director, Gospel Kadzako, however argued the girl has all the right to enjoy the award and be accorded a Malawian passport to travel for further studies in the Chinese metropolitan college of her choice. She wants to be a pathologist.

“Our president is the chairperson of the African Union (AU) and Rwanda is in Africa. Also considering her plight, it is important that she be awarded the scholarship. Authorities must do their best to avail her with a passport,” he said during the award ceremony.

Fifteen year old Edith Chipungu from Ludzi Girls Secondary School, 18-year old Chikondi Dimoni from St. Michaels Girls School, and Kwaigaikira from Likuni Girls Secondary School each scored one point in each subject. They all three want to venture into medicine.

Each girl was also awarded material and financial rewards. Other stakeholders pulled together MK200, 000 for each girl.

“Gender empowerment of our women should start with education. Let this be the start of more efforts to empower women and young girls,” added Kadzako.

He also bemoaned the situation where about 80% of students selected into the nursing corps have not reported for school. Government raised school fees to MK300, 000 per term. Most people in Malawi barely live on a dollar per day.

“This is a worrisome development. In future we may have only the rich from low density suburbs working as future nurses. Government must think deeply on this,” he implored.

Speaking during the same function, Chinese Ambassador to Malawi, Lin So Tian, said his government would continue awarding top performing girls.

“Education is power and key to success. We commit ourselves to provide more scholarships to best girl students. This is part of our role as a diplomatic mate to the Malawian government,” he said.

He added China will also recognize teachers and school heads whose schools produce top performers. China is also going to construct a vocational centre and some secondary schools. A university of sciences is also on the tables.

Malawi and China have been in a two year diplomatic romance after the landlocked country kicked out Taiwan.

Present at the function was guest of honour President Bingu wa Mutharika’s fiancée, Callista Chapola Chimombo who advised all girls in the country to work hard and achieve greater goals. She said educating the girl child is educating a nation.

Other dignitaries included the deputy ministers of Gender, Child and Women Development, and Information and Civic Education, non-governmental organizations representatives, and traditional leaders.

© AfricaNews
Posted by Mtheto Lungu, reporter in Lilongwe, Malawi

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Deuxième Conférence Internationale de la Défense

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), and mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.=> ASIF]

“Les leçons tirées par les avocats de la défense auprès des tribunaux ad hoc des Nations Unies, et perspectives pour la justice internationale à la Cour Pénale Internationale”

Thursday, April 15, 2010

Pure Massacre at the Rwandan Auschwitz : KIBEHO

Kevin Ohalloran

Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), and mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.=> ASIFAussie soldiers reflect on the Rwanda genocide

‘On The 22nd April 1995, a crowd of refugees seeking shelter from a storm was fired upon by the Rwandan Patriotic Army. The horror of what followed defies description. However, that horror provided a setting for conduct, on the part of the Australians at Kibeho, which adds lustre to the proud history of Australia’s service personnel in their country’s cause in war and peace.’

Sir William Deane, former Governor General 1996-2001

Rwanda is no stranger to violence. In 1994, an orgy of killing swept across the tiny land-locked nation and genocide, the size and magnitude unseen since the Hitler horrors of WWII, erupted. Around one million men, women and children were mercilessly shot, hacked to death or burnt alive.
To alleviate the suffering and restore order to shattered lives, a group of Australian UN peacekeepers, made up of soldiers and army medical personnel, was sent to Rwanda under a United Nations mandate. These Australians would be exposed to a lack of humanity they were not prepared for and found hard to fathom.

On 22nd April 1995, the daily horror and tragedy they had witnessed escalated out of control. At a displaced persons’ camp in Kibeho, in full view of the Australian soldiers, over 4,000 unarmed men, women and children died in a hail of bullets, grenades and machete blades at the hands of the Rwandan Patriotic Army. Constrained by the UN peacekeeping Rules of Engagement, these Australians could only watch helplessly and try to assist the wounded under the gaze of the trigger-happy killers.

Pure Massacre is a record of what happened during this peacekeeping mission. Kevin “Irish” O’Halloran, a Platoon Sergeant at the time, stresses the weaknesses of the UN charter and what happens when “good men do nothing”. He pulls together the perspectives of those Australian soldiers who served in Rwanda at this time. Pure Massacre gives a new and personal voice to the Kibeho Massacre.

Foreword written by Major General (retired) Guy Tousignant. United Nations Force Commander, UNAMIR II

It takes a special type of bravery, discipline and compassion to do what these soldiers did. Little did they know, when the second tour of Rwanda was over, that they would be the highest decorated UN peacekeeping contingent since the Korean War. For many, their service in Rwanda would come with a personal toll. No Australians died during and immediately after the massacre at Kibeho, but as Pure Massacre testifies, the suffering and tragedy is embedded in their memories.

Tousignant replaced Romeo Dallaire as Force Commander in August 1994 and also served as assistant Secretary-General of that mission.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Rwanda Shuts Down Independent Press - One of Kagame's unpopular ideas

Posted by Ann Garrison at 4:16

Photo courtesy of KigaliWire1, first published at http://kigaliwire.com/2010/04/14/umuseso-and-umuvugizi-newspapers-hit-with-6-month-ban/

Umuvuzi Editor Jean Bosco Gasasira said, "Almost 70% of Rwandans speak only Kinyarwanda, not English or French, and only 3% have internet access, so without these tabloid newspapers, they will have no independent news for the next six months. All they will know of the election is what the government newspapers tell them." Article at Digital Journal,
http://www.digitaljournal.com/article/290545http://www.digitaljournal.com/article/290545

© olored Opinions

Posted by Susan Thomson

Wednsday, April 14,2010

More tightening of government control: media censorship

The Rwandan government is after the media again, this time without linking the suspension of two Kinyarwanda-language papers to any specific article or journalist.

Yesterday, Rwanda's Media High Council (MHC) suspended Umuseso and Umuvugizi for six months. This means that both papers will be unable to comment on the upcoming August presidential elections. THe MHC accused Umuseso of insulting President Kagame, inciting the army and policy to insubordination and for fear mongering among the population. There is no substantive evidence to support these accusations, nor were the charges linked to a specific published article. The government-controlled MHC suspended Umuvugizi without citing any reasons for the suspension.
Under Rwanda's new media law, passed into law in August 2009, media outlets cannot be suspended for more than two weeks.
More critically, there is no alternate source of media in Rwanda at the moment. The New Times, Rwanda's English-language daily, is the most prominent publication. It is widely believed to operate at the behest of the RPF as editorial policy is set in coordination with the MHC.
Another point for authoritarianism in post-genocide Rwanda...

© Democratic-Watch

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Friday, April 9, 2010

Politicising Memory

07/04/2010
Posted by susan thomson

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), and mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.=> ASIF]

Instead of commemorating lives lost in Rwanda in 1994, Rwandan President Paul Kagame, launched into a negative attack on political freedoms and opposition politics. I remain concerned about the levels of hypocrisy exhibited by the ruling RPF and its agents. They want to call the genocide the "genocide of Tutsi" but then outlaw ethnicity so what happened in 1994 cannot be openly discussed. They want to claim (to international and domestic audiences alike) that the country is democratising, but then claim that democracy leads to genocide.

This article, which summarises Kagame's memorial day speech in Kigali, is reflective of elite hypocrisy....

"Foreigners imposing 'hooligans' like Ingabire on Rwanda" by Chief Editor.

In a 45-minute tirade, President Kagame fired at Ingabire, the west and the Generals.

"They call me Hitler... but I'm not bothered"

Kigali - President Paul Kagame on Wednesday accused foreign critics of trying to impose values on Rwanda as well as preferring 'hooligans' to govern the country -categorically singling-out opposition politician Ms. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, RNA reports.

In a fierry 45-minute address to mark the 16th anniversary of the 1994 Tutsi Genocide, Mr. Kagame accused the opposition - specifically naming Ms. Ingabire in person, of "political hooliganism". The President also accused the critics of "abusing me" in the name of freedom of expression, but said he is "not bothered at
all".

"Some people here want to encouraging political hooliganism," he said in English, before going into a tirade of attacks on Ingabire, as the crowd behind him was in onstant applause.

"Some people just come from nowhere...useless people...I see every time in pictures some lady who had her deputy - a Genocide criminal, talking about 'there is Genocide but there is another'...that is politics...and the world is also saying 'the opposition leader'..."

The President was referring to Mr. Joseph Ntawangundi, the aide to Ms. Ingabire who was recently sentenced to 17 years for Genocide.

"They call me Hitler"

In a culmination with loud applause and clapping from the audience, President added: "To that we say a big no. And if anybody wants a fight, then we will give them a fight".

The President dismissed the notion of free expression as promoted by his foreign critics such as campaign groups, saying Rwandans know what freedom means more than anybody else can teach them. He also attacked those he described as "constantly meddling in our politics" by propagating and making up "lies" about his government.The President warned his critics of hiding behind freedom of express to "abuse me" but also added that he does not "give a damn".

"They break tool, they call me Hitler...am not bothered at all...I just hold them in contempt," he said amid more applause. He wondered how his critics attack him and "at the same time complain about press freedom?"

"You are even free to abuse people, you have no respect for anything...and you turn around to complain that you have no freedom to express yourself? ...What more do you want to express about yourself or about others?"

"Ni watu gani awo?"

Mr. Kagame said "bad national politics converged with bad international politics" to cause what was being commemorated at today April 07 for the next three months.

"Who are these giving anyone here lessons honestly? ...Ni watu gani awo? ...who are these? ...are these Rwandans complaining? ...or have they sent you to complain on their behalf? ..." he wondered in a mixture of English, Kinyarwanda and Swahili, amid applause.

He added: "These Rwandans you see here and elsewhere are as free, as happy [and] as proud of themselves, like they have never been in their lives."

The President accused the west of preferring to criticize his government but do not want to be held responsible for their role in the Genocide. He also said the west was undermining "our dignity", "our values" and "our pride", arguing that democracy took time to get to the current level in their countries.

"They wake up in the morning, distort [the] situation, tell lies about everything...plus they are responsible for many of the things that put here today to commemorate this Genocide...," he said.

"...yet when they talk about freedom of expression, they don't want you to express yourself about their responsibility in this Genocide...What freedoms are you teaching me if you cant take responsibility for the politics that killed one million people in Rwanda."

The Generals He added: "I know those who say it and support that, know it is wrong. But [it] is an expression of contempt these people have for Rwandans and for Africans...that they think Africans deserve to be led by these hooligans."

Turning his guns on the government officials who are fleeing the country apparently complaining about "no political space", the President accused them of "running away from accountability".

"These Generals fleeing the country should not be taken seriously," he said, in apparent reference to ex-army chief Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, who has political asylum in South Africa.

Earlier, Sports and Culture Minister Joseph Habineza also attacked the man behind the Hollywood movie 'Hotel Rwanda'. Mr. Habineza did not name Mr. Paul Rusesabagina but was clearly referring to him.
Using poetic speech, the Minister also fired at the vocal opposition causing laughter in the otherwise somber occasion, saying they are blocking the reconciliation among Rwandans.
*
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Rwanda Genocide : Honoring the Dead without honoring the Lies

04/09/2010

Posted by Ann Garisson

The Nyamata Memorial in Rwanda, pays tribute to the memory of the hundreds of thousands of Rwandans killed during the 1994 genocide.

Rwanda Genocide: Honoring the Dead without Honoring the Lies

http://www.fogcityjournal.com/wordpress/2010/04/rwanda-genocide-honoring-the-dead-without-honoring-the-lies/

I published this article in Fog City Journal, which is read by San Francisco's powerful, Democratic, political elite, and by many of the rest of us out here in the cheap seats. I considered getting this piece into FCJ, along with a link to last week's KPFA Radio News about the 16th anniversary of the Rwanda Genocide a local victory in the battle for consciousness about Rwanda the wider war in the Great Lakes Region of Africa.

The San Francisco Bay Area consumes more of Rwanda/Congo's resources than the Rwandan and Congolese people. That's a no-brainer. All one need do is consider the defense and electronics industries clustered here, before considering all the cars, oil and natural gas, diamonds and gold, and more. All the hybrid cars and the natural gas power plants need cobalt.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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