Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes
Rwanda: cartographie des crimes du livre "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF" de Judi Rever
Kagame devra être livré aux Rwandais pour répondre à ses crimes: la meilleure option de réconciliation nationale entre les Hutus et les Tutsis.
Let us remember Our People
Let us remember our people, it is our right
You can't stop thinking
Don't you know
Rwandans are talkin' 'bout a revolution
It sounds like a whisper
The majority Hutus and interior Tutsi are gonna rise up
And get their share
SurViVors are gonna rise up
And take what's theirs.
We're the survivors, yes: the Hutu survivors!
Yes, we're the survivors, like Daniel out of the lions' den
(Hutu survivors) Survivors, survivors!
Get up, stand up, stand up for your rights
et up, stand up, don't give up the fight
“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.”
The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones.
"You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom".
Malcolm X
Welcome to Home Truths
The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Interior Tutsis, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.
Everybody Hurts
“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg
KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE
Paul Kagame admits ordering...
Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Inzira ndende
Search
Hutu Children & their Mums
Rwanda-rebranding
Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents inside and abroad, despite war crimes and repression
Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite. What you see is not what you get: A FAÇADE”
Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
Targeting dissidents abroad
One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives
was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually
incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates
and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques
of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents
overseas.
This should be seen in the context of accusations
that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A
recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan
exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….
Ways To Get Rid of Kagame
How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
- The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
- Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
- Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
- Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
- The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
- The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
- Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Fighting For Our Freedom?
KAGAME VS JUSTICE
Sunday, August 21, 2011
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]
http://cirqueminime.blogcollective.com/blog/_archives/2011/8/20/4873974.html
[In Chapter 6 of his latest book—and our latest translation project—“Carnages: Les guerres secrètes des grandes puissances en Afrique” or, as we would call it, “Carnage: The Secret Wars of the Great Powers in Africa,” Pierre Péan, one of France’s preeminent investigative journalists and a born Africa-hand, states that North Africa (the Maghreb) and the Middle East have, since the 1950s, been Israel’s “deep security zone.”
* This is the sort of incontrovertible geopolitical detail (even [or especially] the most fervent military Zionist or IDF apologist would accept this as obvious), that makes Péan’s work so richly informative, while allowing him to avoid involvement in popular ‘conspiracy theories’, the best and most consistent of which always seem to be rendered scientifically and politically moot by the myriad holes in logic and the leaps of rhetorical (bad) faith that are needed to tie them together. In this interview, which he granted CM/P on 5 July 2011, at the Publicis Drugstore café on the Champs Élysées at Étoile, Péan discusses in some detail his methodology and those spectacular forces that strive to present such a deformed picture of History as might occult, in the minds of the great general audience, the true level of moral misery and wasted human energy to which they have been descended. And though the idea is never bludgeoned into his reader’s mind or sky-rocketed across the vista of his work, the presence of Israel , however lightly touched, seems to be the key to understanding the real History of this long suffering part of the world.
It may seem like mere coincidence that the 2011 Arab Spring developed into a full-bloodied military campaign to destroy those regimes in North Africa and the Middle East that have been the staunchest and most out-spoken supporters of the Palestinians’ right to national sovereignty (e.g., Sudan, Libya, Syria, Iran and Iraq); and that this all went down as the world prepared for the September UN vote on a Resolution recommending statehood for Palestine: but when viewed through the lens of Péan’s posited detail that the region is Israel’s “deep security zone,” and the desperate need of the Hebrew State and its Western allies for total domination of that vast repository of strategic natural resources (and, for Israel, the most important seems to be water) that these regions represent, one can more clearly see through racist notions that these conflicts stem from ‘Arab immaturity’ or ‘Tribalism’ or ‘ethnic primitivism’, and that all this ‘anti-Democracy’ has supposedly caused such violent reactions among certain African and Middle Eastern governments that they actually set about “murdering their own people” (and to such an extend that it became necessary for NATO, through the good offices of the UN, to exercise its R2P [Right to Protect] and, in so doing, to, itself, take the lives of thousands of these very same peoples with the West’s, by now routine, gangster subversion with close air support).
From what before had seemed like the sort of murderous irrationality with which it is impossible to negotiate, Péan reveals a sort of historical logic, a Reason that is solidly grounded and detailed with facts, that verifies the cynical degradation into which the world is being led by those whose avowed purpose is, at whatever the cost, to preserve, protect and defend the toxic existence of Advanced Waste Capital. What was once thought to be progress in the development of Human Imagination, Pierre Péan shows us is now only the purposeless descent into the airless world of torment and death. And one can only pity these fateful monsters, who, like so many Americans and Europeans, would sit by and with their silence endorse this malignant indecency.
At CM/P, we believe the work of Pierre Péan might be a remedy, however small and ineffectual, for this moribund condition. But until his work is widely available in English, this hope can only be false hope.—mc
* “From its inception,Israel has been keenly interested in Africa . The narrowness of its own territory within hostile surroundings has driven its leaders, since the early 1950s, to seek some compensation for this existential weakness by creating a military alliance with France, already an African power, while at the same time searching out political alliances within Africa, with an eye toward artificially creating a “strategic depth”, the absence of which had proven elsewhere to be such a cruel weakness, and to render aid in its struggles against the Arab enemy.”]
*****
Paris , 5 July 2011
CirqueMinime/Paris: When you speak of ‘Secret Wars’, as in the subtitle of your new book, ‘Carnage: the Secret Wars of the Great Powers inAfrica ’—or in your ‘African Manipulations: Who Was Really Behind the Attack on UTA flight 772?’[1]—you speak of a French and American ‘Secret War’ against Libya . But what is the ‘Secret’ that is hidden within these ‘Wars’?
Pierre Péan: First off, it is not presented to the public as a ‘War.’ So, they never talk about these actions in that way.
When Reagan decided to blow Ghaddafi away, he justified his actions—as was later done withIraq —by creating false pretexts. So the US could play the Cop’s role.
But a cop never goes to war. A cop punishes violators of the local civil or criminal codes. He hands out tickets and fines. But he doesn’t wage war.
In the newspapers, they talked about certain plans that the Big Powers had, but they didn’t talk about ‘War.’ That’s really all I mean here.
But it’s obvious that in 50 or 100 years, it will be shown that, for Libya or for Congo, the exact plans found in the White House files will be all about—and the same is true with France—how the things that were planned all amounted to one thing: War—though it may take another 40 or 50 years for that precise word to be used.
So, in the case of these ‘Secret Wars’: they are always decided by the Great Powers; the word ‘War’ is never pronounced; and they are often small.
CM/P: I know you are familiar with the term ‘October Surprise’.
PP: Yes. I know it very well. . . . I wrote about the ‘October Surprise.’
CM/P: As far as you know, what is the nature of this stratagem, and who were the originators of the term?
PP: I knew very well, at the time . . . If I can’t think of it right now it’s just a lapse in memory. . . . I wrote about that phenomenon . . . even included it in a book of mine . . . it’s an attempt to use hostages to affect domestic politics inFrance . It occurred in France over the liberation of Lebanese hostages in 1985 or 1987—over those hostages, like (Jean Paul) Kaufman, (Michel) Seurat, etc.—over attempts to liberate them made by both the Right and Left in the hope that setting them free would give extra points to the liberating side in the elections. And I also used the term in describing events that transpired at the end of the 1970s in the US .
CM/P: William Safire, a NYTs columnist and Nixon speechwriter, attributed the term to—though like so many other phenomena, it may have a distinct French origin, as well—Safire credited it to CIA Chief and Reagan campaign manager, William Casey. The first time Casey, who started out as a financial lawyer, used it was in regard to the 1968 Humphrey/Nixon presidential race. He was then a young campaign adviser to Richard Nixon. He managed to get word to Le Duc Tho, the representative of the North Vietnamese/NLF in the Paris Peace Talks, that if they would hold off on signing any deal offered them by the Johnson administration until after the elections, a future President Nixon would give them a much better terms, conditions and compensation than the Democratic Party candidate, Hubert Horatio Humphrey.
PP: Yes, yes. There was the exact same situation inFrance . The Right told the Iranians that if they waited until after the 1988 elections, the Conservative government would give them a better deal than Mitterand’s putative Leftists.
RPF crimes against Hutu refugees in Congo
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Senator Alain Debrauwer
CM/P: Right. In fact, Casey[2] did that same thing with the Iranians when he was Reagan’s campaign manager in the 1980 elections against the incumbent Jimmy Carter. And that’s why I was asking myself what you meant when you referred to the war the Iranians waged againstFrance in the 1980s as a ‘Secret War’. Because you talked about France furnishing arms to Iraq in the war that country started against its neighbor, Iran —
PP: No, that’s just a facile linguistic shortcut, that use of ‘Secret War’. Coming up with a word where, before, there was none. But it’s true . . . when I wrote the book that addresses this issue most pointedly,La Menace (The Threat)[3], and, honestly, it’s difficult for a citizen to understand what actually happened. But what I tried to do in this book was to reestablish the logic of what went on. I believe it’s important to create a chronology of relations between the two sides. In the cooperation between the friends of Iran —Syria and Hezbollah—there’s a logic that is always on the verge of exploding. And I like to say that such explosions give off light to better arrange events according to this logic, to bring into reasonable relation certain events that otherwise made no sense. We give this the title ‘Secret War’. Without this kind of understanding, the Hostages made no sense. And the Hostage situation certainly did make sense. I’m not saying I’ve succeeded in making complete sense of all this, but these events, which are usually described as coming out of nowhere, really do have a logic hidden behind them. And this hidden logic is what I have called the ‘Secret War.’
CM/P: In Chapter 6 of ‘Carnage’, you talk about this region, North Africa and the Middle East, as being a ‘deep security zone’ for the nation ofIsrael . Yet nowhere in your discussion of the war against Libya —be it in the 80s or today—do you mention Israel . After all, Reagan’s bombing of Libya in 1986 was in retaliation for the terrorist attack on La Belle disco in Berlin , a false-flag action the Mossad (Israeli intelligence) still brags about—
PP: Now you’re getting into an essential theme. Today, there is almost an ‘omerta’ on the subject ofIsrael . And that poses, in my opinion, a great problem for describing certain situations—and I’m not talking here about any kind of ‘militant’ descriptions, but merely of seeking to understand a situation—if you take out one of the main players, it gives a feeling of chaos. I mean, when you introduce the players—and maybe not all the players—but when you introduce Israel to try and understand the events in Africa since, say, WWII, that allows you to clarify—maybe not everything—but it certainly clarifies a great deal.
So, why don’t we do that? Because in France there is such a big problem—I think it’s less so in the US—but in France there is such a great fear of being labeled an ‘Anti-Semite’—the term is a veritable ‘Weapon of Mass Destruction’—that most people just won’t talk about anything that is closely—or remotely—related to Israel.
And for me, it is something so difficult—I talk ofIsrael in many of my books, but it still poses a great problem.
CM/P: The ‘logic of the situations’ that you just talked about—it’s impossible to get to that logic without discussingIsrael .
PP: And I always try in my writing not to make judgments, and try to make my descriptions as ‘matter-of-fact’ as I can, so as not to find myself under attack from that terrible weapon, the charge of ‘Anti-Semitism.’
CM/P: But, as you said, this charge is truly a WMD (a ‘Weapon of Mass Deception’, as I like to call it). Yet all terrorist attacks—even those that took place before the disappearance of the Soviet Union—were blamed on little groups or on little countries—
PP: —But one never talks about ‘State Terrorism’.
CM/P: No. Absolutely not. But why are groups like Hamas, Hezbollah and the PFLP-GC [Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command]—groups that were formed in reaction to the Israeli occupation of certain countries, like Syria and Lebanon—why are these Resistance groups usually blamed? —In theUS , many are familiar with an operation called COINTELPRO. Do you know this operation? Created by J. Edgar Hoover . . .
PP: Yes, yes, of course. Against . . .—
CM/P: —The Black Panther Party was infiltrated. The Nation of Islam. And SDS and the PLP.[4] The infiltrators moved into the leadership of these targeted organizations. And the organizations began to propose and carry out actions that more and more doomed them to self-destruction. . . . Now, with the Palestinians, many were dissatisfied with the leadership, and there was a growing movement—and this was not something that happened overnight, but it was over a long period—a movement against Yasser Arafat. These groups that were formed were always expressly against theZionist State of Israel , but, more importantly, they were also against Arafat and his wing of the PLO, Fatah.
PP: Yes. And, objectively, the most important thing for them is to be against the PLO. And, so, they then find themselves, objectively, working as allies ofIsrael .
CM/P: Yes. I lost communications with several friends when I said that the 2006 Hamas election victory over Fatah in The Occupied Territories would prove to be more of an advantage forIsrael than for the Palestinians, themselves.
PP: Often. . . . That’s what’s happened in the past.
CM/P: Yes, but when someone like the PFLP takes credit for carrying out a terrorist attack against . . . say, OPEC, or some target far from Israel’s vital domestic or military interests, I have to wonder if, maybe, this terrorism isn’t being directed by, say—well, ok, maybe it’s not the US or Israel managing this terrorism, outright!—but maybe it’s some kind of Third Force that lives—that depends for its very existence on the perpetuation of these wars, this destruction and waste. Because, if these wars weren’t taking place, certain rich people today would become very, very poor.
PP: It’s true that in my investigations—though I have not gotten to that point—it’s true that we have to ask certain questions. I’ve tried to reestablish the chronologies, reintroduce all that, but you have to have more sources, more information, to do the sort of intensive analysis that would lead to an understanding of these kinds of movements, this kind of overriding subject matter, because this is very, very sensitive stuff. I am not far from the analysis you described, but I have a certain number of questions, and, basically, what I’m trying to do is to take some very small steps. But I have neither the means nor the intellectual capacity to really get off into things like this.
And I am especially—and sometimes excessively—distrustful of ‘conspiracy theories’. You have to be careful with them. They can often throw you. They are very seductive, intellectually. And sometimes, when I read things, I find that often there are links—connections that are quite true, but, then, there connections that are often false. . . . Often.
So, I always distrust them. And with my limited means, I try to set small tasks for myself. And though sometimes I exceed my goals—if my goals and my achievements are small, then I never get it too wrong. It is always a small failure.
CM/P: Well, to you, your achievements may seem small, but to me they are huge.
PP: No, but if I set grand tasks for myself, and I get them just a little wrong: Then that’s a Grand Error!
CM/P: What really astonishes me, in this whole history, are the parallels between theUS and France . For example:
The bombing of the US Marine barracks, on 23 October1983, in Beirut [5], is always brought up as one of the costliest terrorist strikes against America . Yet, few in the US know about the truck-bombing of the French barracks, the eight-story 'Drakkar' building, just two minutes after the US Marines were hit.[6] Both attacks were claimed by Islamic Jihad.[7]
PP: But what seems hardest for people to understand—and what I talk about inLa Menace —is how we supported Iraq in its war against Iran, and how, thus, we were at war with Iran. And the way that a smaller power responds to a greater one is always through terrorism.
And the little guy is at a disadvantage on two levels: First, he doesn’t have the means to fight against the big guy. Then, there are words, expressions, that put him at a further disadvantage: If the little guy reacts to an aggression, it’s always called ‘terrorism’; but the big guy never commits ‘terrorism.’ And to be called ‘a terrorist’ invalidates any cause: The word, itself—the title, itself—invalidates.
CM/P: Yes, ‘terrorism’ is certainly seen as the weapon-of-last-resort for the politically and militarily powerless. But often these terrorist acts don’t really seem to serve any of the interests of the little people who supposedly perpetrated them.
Do you reject the idea—often associated with the term ‘conspiracy theory’—of ‘false flag terrorism’? Terrorist acts that are carried out to look like—the blame for which—
PP: You mean the manipulation of the facts of a terrorist act to make it appear to be the work of someone other than the actual perpetrators? Yes. That exists.
CM/P: Yeah. Absolutely.
PP: But, when something like that happens, it is done by the greatest professionals, and with such professionalism that it is very complicated—very difficult to demonstrate who is really responsible—because, in the West, we believe that Truth only exists if it can be PROVED—but it is not because we have no PROOF of them that things don’t exist.
CM/P: Right. As Donald Rumsfeld famously said: ‘Absence of evidence is not evidence of absence’—or something like that.
But, for instance: The attack onLa Belle Disco in Berlin [8], which was blamed on Libya , is often bragged about by the Mossad. This is plainly dealt with by Victor Ostrovski in his book ‘By Way of Deception . . .’ And then, later that year [1986], the Reagan administration bombs Libya in retaliation for the killing of its soldier in the La Belle attack.
So,Libya is singled out from the countries of the Maghreb for especially hostile treatment.—
And—before that: you know John Stockwell, the apostate CIA agent?
PP: Sure. John Stockwell. I read his book onAngola [9]. It’s that John Stockwell?
CM/P: Right. And Stockwell talks about how theUS furnished explosives, and training on their use, to certain Libyans. In your books—which I find very cinematic; but that may be just because that’s where most of my experience lies: in films—but especially in your ‘African Manipulations’, you talk of two ‘Palestinians’ who travel with a Caucasian. But they might not really have been Palestinians; they may be Africans, and . . .—what I’m trying to say here is that there is always a great deal of secrecy as to the real origins—or affiliations of these characters: A lot of Secrecy. What or whom is all this Secrecy intended to hide?
Because with Terrorist acts: it’s always very important to ‘claim’ them for your side, for your group or nation. To say, “See? See what we can do? That was us!”
But these people, the ‘Real Terrorists’ always seem to remain in the shadows. Usually, two or three little nerdy groups weight-in with similarly vague claims of authorship; but they are seldom the perpetrators that would serve the Great Powers’ narrative.
Take September 11th: No one has stepped up to own that mega-masterpiece of Terrorism. The Americans want to believe it was engineered by their favorite Terrorist-and-chief, the now-late Osama bin Laden, but he never actually—or clearly or directly—claimed responsibility for 911!
PP: I’m always afraid of making generalizations. I’m careful not to let them lead me on—because I have this tendency—and generalizations are always very enticing. In a certain way, they satisfy your mind’s curiosity.
Let me go back to another attack that was never claimed and that I did some work on: the bombing of the UTA DC10[10]. And I’ll respond to something you said earlier.
François Mitterand[11] asked me to come see him to talk about this attack. He listened to me—and he was in no way antithetical to anything I said—but he just listened to me, that’s all. In the end, he said to me that he’d always been astonished by the fact that, for this attack, they had never found a motive. No motive at all.
And to get back to September 11th: I have always been very suspicious of conspiracy theories, and I have never worked on this question. I tend, in very complicated cases like this one, to trust only myself. And since I have not worked on it—on September 11th—I just don’t want to go there; I don’t talk about it. I think I understand that it is all very unclear—but that’s it.
I don’t want anyone to hang a ‘conspirationniste’ jacket on me!
CM/P: When you were speaking of the ‘Secret War’ betweenFrance and Iran earlier, I got the impression that France furnished arms only to Iraq . But we all know, thanks to ‘Iran-Contragate’, that the US supplied arms to both sides—to Iraq, admittedly and even openly; but also, by way of Israel, to Iran. But are you saying that France didn’t give any weaponry to Iran ?
PP: Yes, there were arms exchanged—but I have to refresh my memory on the details of this old story. In reality, I conducted an investigation, but then I closed it out. I’ve always wanted to have a connection, to have a thread—not a huge one, but a thread, nonetheless—that runs through all my writing. The primary engagement forFrance was with Iraq in that war. And this was for very simple reasons—not at all ‘Secret’—because France had a problem with regard to the US about energy resources.
So to try and compensate for US control over oil—to create a French oil company and then find a source of oil that was outside the American supply system—when Iraq nationalized its oil reserves[12]—and France did not oppose this nationalization—it broke the old pact with the Western powers—particularly, with the US and UK, with Exxon and BP. In breaking this pact at this time,France took a position against the arrangement that had existed since the end of the First World War. And if you look at this situation, it was quite understandable for France to reposition itself, to make certain bi-lateral agreements, and to take over a few oil fields and make pacts on nuclear technology with Iraq . One can only tie these activities together until 1990, if one recognizes that Gaullist France wanted to take a position that was different from (if not totally opposed to) that of the US. This is clear.
And the first break with this Gaullist policy came when, in 1990,France joined the alliance against Saddam Hussien. The government’s divorce from Gaullism was extended by Jacques Chirac, who pursued a reconciliation between France and NATO, even though, in 2003, France did not want to join Bush in his invasion of Iraq.[13] Nicolas Sarkozy made this total separation from the old Gaullist policies official by reintegrating France into the Atlantic Alliance.
In other words, what I’m trying to show here—without doing too much reflecting on it—is that once we’ve put all our questions into a geopolitical and historical context, a general understanding of things does not require any particular knowledge. You can pretty much guess what is really happening at any given moment by looking at this historical context.
Today it’s a little more complicated, maybe, becauseFrance is totally assimilated into NATO. So, that specific French character within international politics is much weaker than it used to be. You can see this quite easily.
And what also interests me is to see—a little bit more each day in Africa—just how fundamentallyFrance took advantage of the Cold War in Africa . Without the Cold War, it would have been—as Roosevelt had planned it well before—the US pitting France against Great Britain, the two great imperial powers in Africa. These empires had long ago come apart and left Africa as a huge marketplace open to everyone, with its many sources of wealth quickly coming under the domination and control of the US .
CM/P: What the US and most of the countries of the West refuse to accept is that WWII was not just an ideological or territorial war between the German and Italian Fascists and the rest of bourgeois Europe—with the Soviet Union a sort of silent partner to both sides and, in fact, as villainous as its sworn enemy, Nazi Germany. This revision stems from theUS and its allies’ refusal to be the customers of certain countries, like Russia or many African states, which possess a quite natural monopoly of primary resources like oil and natural gas.
This denial of a natural reality has led to the West’s striving to be, at once, the consumer and the producer of these primary, especially energy, resources, or, at least, to dominate militarily the producing nations—or, at least, to impose itself as a broker in these energy transactions.
So, while WWII, and the so-called Cold War that issued from it, can be seen as wars for control of the natural resources of the USSR, Central and Southeast Asia, and Africa; about the time the Vietnam debacle began to wind down, around the turn of 60s-70s, war no longer was an issue of one side versus another, but more of an economic motive, in and of itself.
PP: What is today most difficult about the conflicts of the last 15 or 20 years is that these are wars that are complicated, difficult to explain. They are complicated because there are multiple actors and multiple motives. WWII is simple. Oh, you can get into it—but, essentially, it was Hitler against the rest of the world. It was a war of fronts. No great problems in explaining it.
Today, describing events inCentral Africa is different. There are many different players. There are local players, who are driven simply by the desire for power. But when we try to explain why—as we have seen so often in the past—why, for instance, the Tutsis wanted to retake power in Rwanda , it’s really just a matter of local actors with local interests. But when we pull back, we see that there are people working behind them, working for their own, very different interests: people like the Secret Services of the Great Powers.
And that’s not all. There are also, in a parallel fashion—or an independent fashion—there are large companies that are simply working to increase their profits. So those powerful agents who work with the Africans can also aid the little players. These games become terribly complicated. And today we live in an age where communication is extremely important in all these conflicts over power, in these wars, in all of that. But to communicate about these wars is ultra-complicated. So complicated that it is very easy to manipulate the information the public receives.
One of the things that has fascinated me from the very beginning of my work on Africa—I started with Rwanda—and ‘Carnage’ is just an extension of that work to gain a better understanding of the subject—what fascinated me about Rwanda was that the people of the RPF[14]—should I say the people of the RPF? Or should I say the Ugandans of the RPF? Or the Secret Services, of this country or that, behind the RPF?—at any rate, what is certain is that, even before they started the war—that is, even before the RPF came across the border from Uganda into Rwanda on 1 October 1990—even before that, the war of communications had begun. And it was so well launched that it wound up creating the entire vision of what was happening there.
I mean, that’s really fascinating. Because, through the skillful manipulation of information, the aggressors were able to cast themselves in the role of the victims. That shows real power. Really, that’s very powerful.
And this was done with a deep understanding of the evolution of our social and political culture, where the state has become less and less important in relation to our civil society. And civil society is susceptible to being radically manipulated. This is done through the use of surveys and polls and the shaping of public opinion.
So to get back to the war inRwanda : those who were responsible for transmitting information did not use traditional means of communications. They didn’t call press conferences for all the traditionally accredited newspapers. No. They addressed themselves to the community of NGOs, whose purpose was the defense of Victims in the drive and the struggle against the power of State Governments, and who had more and more influence over journalists. Quickly, especially for TV viewers, who had no time or means for reflection on the information they were receiving, and who were always on the side of the victims, it was enough just to present the aggressors as victims. So, what happened was that in a war—because what went on in Rwanda between 1990 and 1994 was just that, a war, to seize state power—everything that the RPF did wound up feeding into the ‘Victims’ file. We saw only the victims of one side; we only saw the Tutsi victims. And this stratagem really won my admiration.
There was something else missing: These movements—especially in African countries—there are movements that are very complicated and hard to analyze. And there is always the problem of the West’s Guilty Conscience. So it was enough to play on that guilt—even with most of the people of good faith who saw the past in Africa and did not want to end up, once again, on the side of the villains—enough to get the public to stand with the Victims as a way to try and make up for the past.
It’s enough just to play on this one central motivation to completely deform a very complicated Reality—actually, very complicated Realities, because Reality is, by definition, multifarious—and to leave the choices—these choices that make situations understandable—very often, to leave these choices to the manipulators. So, during this period of African wars, a piece of History that has become more and more transparent, the manipulation of information became easier and easier—especially with all the advances in technology that have taken place over the last 25 years.
CM/P: But who benefits from this ‘Complicated Reality’? Because, when you spoke of ‘the State versus Civil Society’, . . .—For example, my ex-wife is a ‘Social Worker’. She takes care of the Poor, the Homeless, like that. But she works for a ‘Private Company’! In the past, her work was a function of the State. And I gave English courses to a private firm called S-----o. The employees of this firm go all over the world and develop projects—like a Social Security System for China, or Water System for Niger or a Sanitation System for Leningrad (now, again, St. Petersburg)—so, are we really looking at ‘The State v Civil Society’? Or is it ‘The State v Private Enterprise’?
PP: Yeah. . . . I think it’s both. And the State has not ceased its abandonment, especially under the influence of Ultra-Liberalism, of a number of its traditional domains. This is a tendency that began long ago, but there has recently been an acceleration in the take-over of State functions: whether they be Health Care or Security or whatever, they are Privatized, and that is a distinct characteristic of contemporary Society.
But the heavy tendency toward the ‘Privatization of all the former functions of the Crown’ is an important element today. On the other hand, Civil Society—or the Associative World (of NGOs), which is more and more important in the shaping of Public Opinion—these ‘Civil Organizations’ can work at times with the world of Private Enterprise. But ours is a world that is much more complicated and hard to explain, and which demands we get much more involved.
CM/P: Well, speaking of ‘Victims’: I’m sure you’re up on what is happening inNew York City with DSK (Dominique Strauss-Kahn, former head of the IMF). What astonishes me is the speed with which this lawyer, Kenneth Thompson, stood out in front of the Courthouse and started talking about his client as ‘The Victim’—and that all ‘The Victims’ were out in the street. I thought, wait a minute: the criminal case hasn’t even been heard yet; what ‘Victim’ or what ‘Crime’ are we talking about here? . . . Do you remember the OJ case—?
PP: Hold on. Because I say something is just so does not mean that something else next to it is not so. Now, to go back to something I said. . . . I’m a bit older than you, right? . . .
CM/P: A little bit, yeah.
PP: I came up in a bi-polar world. A fundamentally simpler world. You were either in one camp or the other. When I was initiated into French Politics—when I was a student, there were only two possibilities: you were either for or against a French Algeria. As simple as that.
But today, it’s more and more complicated. So, at the heart of what I know—and as I said before: there is a growing complexity about things, a gradual diminution of the State as a major player, and, as applies to the war in Africa, the complexity of things makes History hard to decipher and poses the possibility that all this information will be manipulated to some foul end. I can’t go much further than that—but this, in no way, excludes other things from being true.
CM/P: But how, exactly, does money—you know, the profit motive—enter into these situations? For example: an organization like SOS-Racism—an organization, which you founded—
PP: —Of which I was ONE of several 'godparents'.
CM/P: —Right. But an organization which then turned against you, charging you with inciting racial hatred, on the basis of four pages from your extraordinary, massive work on Rwanda, Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs (Sad to say, I can only cite the title in French because this essential work has not as yet been translated.). Now, what was the motive for this arch betrayal?
I’ve had my own experience with an SOS organization. My landlord pretends to be the head of SOS-Papa, an NGO that specializes in mediating problems with bi-national couples and ‘rescuing’ the children involved. When I was having my own such bi-national family problems, this clown offered his mediation services and claimed a 90% success or satisfaction rate. At our second meeting, he said he would have to charge me 450 euros, and ‘suggested’ I pay him in ‘Black’ money, to cover the secret, paramilitary expenses incurred in these ‘rescues’—think of the Arc de Zoé.
What’s up with these SOS organizations?—like SOS Attentat, from your book on the bombing of UTA flight 772, which defends so-called ‘Victims Rights’ and pursues reparations for all victims of terrorist attacks—‘reparations’ here meaning money. So, what role does money play in these ‘Humanitarian’ actions?
PP: These are very good examples of the manipulation of Civil Society. SOS-Racism is a group that represents itself as having the last word on a number of subjects. In ‘Carnage’, I tried to show a little bit of what motivated it to bring these charges against me—something I found absolutely nightmarish. But my principal accusers, who were being protected by SOS-Racism, were the French National Union of Jewish Students.
What had I done (in Noires fureurs, etc.)—by talking about the power of the Tutsis in Rwandan history—what had I done againstIsrael or against the Jewish Community? What had I done?
CM/P: Well, yeah, that’s my question, too.
PP: But my book was considered like Mein Kampf. . . . This was extraordinary. Oh, now, I can talk calmly about it. But, at the time, it was something very violent.
CM/P: Yes, yes, absolutely, I remember.
PP: And I had only laid out some hypotheses in my book. What were some of these hypotheses? I was not speaking of the Tutsi movement in any fundamental sense. But what I said was that there were some people within the movement who functioned with other than honorable motives. In any case, what I was trying to say was that some of the things that had happened in this part of the world, over the past several years, had some relationship with the security ofIsrael —or with the vision that Israel had of its own security.
CM/P: There were those who even called the Tutsis the “Jews of Africa.”
PP: I didn’t go that far, but I had to lay out certain hypotheses. However, in my book (Noires fureurs,) I did not say one word against the Jews. But I did try to show that in order to understand what was going on in East Africa and in the African Great Lakes, you had to reintroduce Israel as one of the main players in these regions—the regions that Israel considered very important to its security.
CM/P: The words in your first book—the words being contested—were not your words at all. They were the words of Prince Nyere, the Tutsi Prince, who spoke of his own ‘Tutsi Culture of Lies’.
But, you know, what strikes me as a little sad is—because I get a great sense of security from reading your works, a strong sense of having built up my knowledge of a certain subject on clear and cogent details.Reading —and hopefully translating more of your work in the future have given me a very great, a very serious pleasure. Yet, I have to wonder, after you have done all this work, all this research and composition—and after talking to you this afternoon, I have to wonder if you, too, find pleasure in all this great work?
PP: Oh, yes, of course. There always has been—and still is—a good deal of Tin-Tin[15] in me.
***
End Notes:
[1] CM/P translation. These two important books by Péan have not as yet been translated into English—though we are currently in the process of translating ‘Carnage’, while we search for an English-language publisher for our translations of his other critical works.
[2] Some are now claiming Bill Casey was accompanied by Reagan’s running-mate, George H.W. Bush, on this cynical mission.
[3] Published by Fayard in January 1987, and still un-translated, ‘La Menace ’ deals with the French hostages taken in Lebanon in retaliation for France’s support of Iraq in its decade-long war with Iran. Much of the same kind of corruption as took place in the US arms trade, also happened in France at that time, with a full-fledged ‘Irangate’-style investigation conducted into the Mitterand government and the French Defense industry.
[4] Students for a Democratic Society and the Progressive Labor Party.
[5] It resulted in 241 dead US service personnel (including 220 Marines, 16 Navy and three Army; and was considered the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States Marine Corps since the Battle of Iwo Jima in World War II, the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States military since the first day of the 1968 Tet Offensive during the Vietnam War, and the deadliest single attack on Americans overseas since World War II.
[6] As a result of the second strike, 58 French paratroopers from the 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment were killed and 15 were injured, in the single worst military loss forFrance since the end of the Algerian War.
[7] And the Mossad claimed advanced knowledge of these terrorist acts, yet refused to alert their targeted allies for fear of compromising their sources of intelligence. Sound familiar?
[8] On 5 April 1986, at West Berlin'sLa Belle Disco , people working for the Mossad and the CIA, planted explosives that killed two US servicemen, a Turkish woman, and maimed 229 others.
Also in 1986, during the Reagan administration, the Mossad broadcast false-flag messages from a location inside Libya (termed Operation Trojan Horse) in order to unfairly blame Libya for the La Belle Disco terror attack. (Victor Ostrovsky: How Mossad got America to bomb Libya and fight Iraq )
[9] ‘In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story’ [Nov. 1997] John R. Stockwell is a former CIA officer who managed the U.S. involvement in the Angolan Civil War as Chief of the Angola Task Force during its 1975 covert operations.
[10] This is the subject of Péan’s, yet un-translated, ‘Manipulations Africaines: Qui sont les vrais coupables de l’attentat du vol UTA 772?’ (Plon, 2001)—one day this great read might be found in the front racks of popular American bookstores under the title: “African Manipulations: Who Was Really Behind the Bombing of UTA Flight 772?”—or playing at a Cineplex near you.
[11] François Maurice Adrien Marie Mitterrand (26 October 1916 – 8 January 1996) was the fourth President of France elected under theFifth Republic , serving from 1981 to 1995. As leader of the Socialist Party, he is the only figure from the left, so far, to be elected President under the Fifth Republic .
[12] Called for by the Iraqi Ba’ath Party in 1968, nationalization proceeded incrementally with the Iraqi government’s assumption of control over certain national companies and their prospecting rights, and was not fully achieved until June 1, 1972, with law “69.” In recognition of its sympathetic stand on the Arab-Israeli issue since 1967, France and its national oil company, ELF-ERAP, were given special concessions.
[13] It has been said that rather than concerns for protecting its share of Iraqi oil being what discouragedFrance from taking part in the 2003 Bush-Blair/ WMD invasion of the already brutalized country, it was a multi-million dollar supply deal that France had cut with Russia and was to be executed exactly at that time—March 2003.
[14] Rwandan Patriotic Front, the force created by expatriated Tutsis inUganda with the goal of reclaiming political power in Rwanda , and then in Eastern Congo .
[15] Tintin is a young reporter, and his creator, Hergé, uses this to present the character in a number of adventures which were contemporary with the period in which he was working, most notably, the Bolshevik uprising in Russia and World War II, and sometimes even prescient, as in the case of the moon landings. Hergé also created a world for Tintin which managed to reduce detail to a simplified but recognisable and realistic representation, an effect Hergé was able to achieve with reference to a well-maintained archive of images.
****
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region;It may seem like mere coincidence that the 2011 Arab Spring developed into a full-bloodied military campaign to destroy those regimes in North Africa and the Middle East that have been the staunchest and most out-spoken supporters of the Palestinians’ right to national sovereignty (e.g., Sudan, Libya, Syria, Iran and Iraq); and that this all went down as the world prepared for the September UN vote on a Resolution recommending statehood for Palestine: but when viewed through the lens of Péan’s posited detail that the region is Israel’s “deep security zone,” and the desperate need of the Hebrew State and its Western allies for total domination of that vast repository of strategic natural resources (and, for Israel, the most important seems to be water) that these regions represent, one can more clearly see through racist notions that these conflicts stem from ‘Arab immaturity’ or ‘Tribalism’ or ‘ethnic primitivism’, and that all this ‘anti-Democracy’ has supposedly caused such violent reactions among certain African and Middle Eastern governments that they actually set about “murdering their own people” (and to such an extend that it became necessary for NATO, through the good offices of the UN, to exercise its R2P [Right to Protect] and, in so doing, to, itself, take the lives of thousands of these very same peoples with the West’s, by now routine, gangster subversion with close air support).
From what before had seemed like the sort of murderous irrationality with which it is impossible to negotiate, Péan reveals a sort of historical logic, a Reason that is solidly grounded and detailed with facts, that verifies the cynical degradation into which the world is being led by those whose avowed purpose is, at whatever the cost, to preserve, protect and defend the toxic existence of Advanced Waste Capital. What was once thought to be progress in the development of Human Imagination, Pierre Péan shows us is now only the purposeless descent into the airless world of torment and death. And one can only pity these fateful monsters, who, like so many Americans and Europeans, would sit by and with their silence endorse this malignant indecency.
At CM/P, we believe the work of Pierre Péan might be a remedy, however small and ineffectual, for this moribund condition. But until his work is widely available in English, this hope can only be false hope.—mc
* “From its inception,
*****
CirqueMinime/Paris: When you speak of ‘Secret Wars’, as in the subtitle of your new book, ‘Carnage: the Secret Wars of the Great Powers in
Pierre Péan: First off, it is not presented to the public as a ‘War.’ So, they never talk about these actions in that way.
When Reagan decided to blow Ghaddafi away, he justified his actions—as was later done with
But a cop never goes to war. A cop punishes violators of the local civil or criminal codes. He hands out tickets and fines. But he doesn’t wage war.
In the newspapers, they talked about certain plans that the Big Powers had, but they didn’t talk about ‘War.’ That’s really all I mean here.
But it’s obvious that in 50 or 100 years, it will be shown that, for Libya or for Congo, the exact plans found in the White House files will be all about—and the same is true with France—how the things that were planned all amounted to one thing: War—though it may take another 40 or 50 years for that precise word to be used.
So, in the case of these ‘Secret Wars’: they are always decided by the Great Powers; the word ‘War’ is never pronounced; and they are often small.
CM/P: I know you are familiar with the term ‘October Surprise’.
PP: Yes. I know it very well. . . . I wrote about the ‘October Surprise.’
CM/P: As far as you know, what is the nature of this stratagem, and who were the originators of the term?
PP: I knew very well, at the time . . . If I can’t think of it right now it’s just a lapse in memory. . . . I wrote about that phenomenon . . . even included it in a book of mine . . . it’s an attempt to use hostages to affect domestic politics in
CM/P: William Safire, a NYTs columnist and Nixon speechwriter, attributed the term to—though like so many other phenomena, it may have a distinct French origin, as well—Safire credited it to CIA Chief and Reagan campaign manager, William Casey. The first time Casey, who started out as a financial lawyer, used it was in regard to the 1968 Humphrey/Nixon presidential race. He was then a young campaign adviser to Richard Nixon. He managed to get word to Le Duc Tho, the representative of the North Vietnamese/NLF in the Paris Peace Talks, that if they would hold off on signing any deal offered them by the Johnson administration until after the elections, a future President Nixon would give them a much better terms, conditions and compensation than the Democratic Party candidate, Hubert Horatio Humphrey.
PP: Yes, yes. There was the exact same situation in
RPF crimes against Hutu refugees in Congo
Geüpload door SaveRwanda. - Bekijk de laatste nieuwscontent.
Senator Alain Debrauwer
CM/P: Right. In fact, Casey[2] did that same thing with the Iranians when he was Reagan’s campaign manager in the 1980 elections against the incumbent Jimmy Carter. And that’s why I was asking myself what you meant when you referred to the war the Iranians waged against
PP: No, that’s just a facile linguistic shortcut, that use of ‘Secret War’. Coming up with a word where, before, there was none. But it’s true . . . when I wrote the book that addresses this issue most pointedly,
CM/P: In Chapter 6 of ‘Carnage’, you talk about this region, North Africa and the Middle East, as being a ‘deep security zone’ for the nation of
PP: Now you’re getting into an essential theme. Today, there is almost an ‘omerta’ on the subject of
So, why don’t we do that? Because in France there is such a big problem—I think it’s less so in the US—but in France there is such a great fear of being labeled an ‘Anti-Semite’—the term is a veritable ‘Weapon of Mass Destruction’—that most people just won’t talk about anything that is closely—or remotely—related to Israel.
And for me, it is something so difficult—I talk of
CM/P: The ‘logic of the situations’ that you just talked about—it’s impossible to get to that logic without discussing
PP: And I always try in my writing not to make judgments, and try to make my descriptions as ‘matter-of-fact’ as I can, so as not to find myself under attack from that terrible weapon, the charge of ‘Anti-Semitism.’
CM/P: But, as you said, this charge is truly a WMD (a ‘Weapon of Mass Deception’, as I like to call it). Yet all terrorist attacks—even those that took place before the disappearance of the Soviet Union—were blamed on little groups or on little countries—
PP: —But one never talks about ‘State Terrorism’.
CM/P: No. Absolutely not. But why are groups like Hamas, Hezbollah and the PFLP-GC [Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command]—groups that were formed in reaction to the Israeli occupation of certain countries, like Syria and Lebanon—why are these Resistance groups usually blamed? —In the
PP: Yes, yes, of course. Against . . .—
CM/P: —The Black Panther Party was infiltrated. The Nation of Islam. And SDS and the PLP.[4] The infiltrators moved into the leadership of these targeted organizations. And the organizations began to propose and carry out actions that more and more doomed them to self-destruction. . . . Now, with the Palestinians, many were dissatisfied with the leadership, and there was a growing movement—and this was not something that happened overnight, but it was over a long period—a movement against Yasser Arafat. These groups that were formed were always expressly against the
PP: Yes. And, objectively, the most important thing for them is to be against the PLO. And, so, they then find themselves, objectively, working as allies of
CM/P: Yes. I lost communications with several friends when I said that the 2006 Hamas election victory over Fatah in The Occupied Territories would prove to be more of an advantage for
PP: Often. . . . That’s what’s happened in the past.
CM/P: Yes, but when someone like the PFLP takes credit for carrying out a terrorist attack against . . . say, OPEC, or some target far from Israel’s vital domestic or military interests, I have to wonder if, maybe, this terrorism isn’t being directed by, say—well, ok, maybe it’s not the US or Israel managing this terrorism, outright!—but maybe it’s some kind of Third Force that lives—that depends for its very existence on the perpetuation of these wars, this destruction and waste. Because, if these wars weren’t taking place, certain rich people today would become very, very poor.
PP: It’s true that in my investigations—though I have not gotten to that point—it’s true that we have to ask certain questions. I’ve tried to reestablish the chronologies, reintroduce all that, but you have to have more sources, more information, to do the sort of intensive analysis that would lead to an understanding of these kinds of movements, this kind of overriding subject matter, because this is very, very sensitive stuff. I am not far from the analysis you described, but I have a certain number of questions, and, basically, what I’m trying to do is to take some very small steps. But I have neither the means nor the intellectual capacity to really get off into things like this.
And I am especially—and sometimes excessively—distrustful of ‘conspiracy theories’. You have to be careful with them. They can often throw you. They are very seductive, intellectually. And sometimes, when I read things, I find that often there are links—connections that are quite true, but, then, there connections that are often false. . . . Often.
So, I always distrust them. And with my limited means, I try to set small tasks for myself. And though sometimes I exceed my goals—if my goals and my achievements are small, then I never get it too wrong. It is always a small failure.
CM/P: Well, to you, your achievements may seem small, but to me they are huge.
PP: No, but if I set grand tasks for myself, and I get them just a little wrong: Then that’s a Grand Error!
CM/P: What really astonishes me, in this whole history, are the parallels between the
The bombing of the US Marine barracks, on 23 October
PP: But what seems hardest for people to understand—and what I talk about in
And the little guy is at a disadvantage on two levels: First, he doesn’t have the means to fight against the big guy. Then, there are words, expressions, that put him at a further disadvantage: If the little guy reacts to an aggression, it’s always called ‘terrorism’; but the big guy never commits ‘terrorism.’ And to be called ‘a terrorist’ invalidates any cause: The word, itself—the title, itself—invalidates.
CM/P: Yes, ‘terrorism’ is certainly seen as the weapon-of-last-resort for the politically and militarily powerless. But often these terrorist acts don’t really seem to serve any of the interests of the little people who supposedly perpetrated them.
Do you reject the idea—often associated with the term ‘conspiracy theory’—of ‘false flag terrorism’? Terrorist acts that are carried out to look like—the blame for which—
PP: You mean the manipulation of the facts of a terrorist act to make it appear to be the work of someone other than the actual perpetrators? Yes. That exists.
CM/P: Yeah. Absolutely.
PP: But, when something like that happens, it is done by the greatest professionals, and with such professionalism that it is very complicated—very difficult to demonstrate who is really responsible—because, in the West, we believe that Truth only exists if it can be PROVED—but it is not because we have no PROOF of them that things don’t exist.
CM/P: Right. As Donald Rumsfeld famously said: ‘Absence of evidence is not evidence of absence’—or something like that.
But, for instance: The attack on
So,
And—before that: you know John Stockwell, the apostate CIA agent?
PP: Sure. John Stockwell. I read his book on
CM/P: Right. And Stockwell talks about how the
Because with Terrorist acts: it’s always very important to ‘claim’ them for your side, for your group or nation. To say, “See? See what we can do? That was us!”
But these people, the ‘Real Terrorists’ always seem to remain in the shadows. Usually, two or three little nerdy groups weight-in with similarly vague claims of authorship; but they are seldom the perpetrators that would serve the Great Powers’ narrative.
Take September 11th: No one has stepped up to own that mega-masterpiece of Terrorism. The Americans want to believe it was engineered by their favorite Terrorist-and-chief, the now-late Osama bin Laden, but he never actually—or clearly or directly—claimed responsibility for 911!
PP: I’m always afraid of making generalizations. I’m careful not to let them lead me on—because I have this tendency—and generalizations are always very enticing. In a certain way, they satisfy your mind’s curiosity.
Let me go back to another attack that was never claimed and that I did some work on: the bombing of the UTA DC10[10]. And I’ll respond to something you said earlier.
François Mitterand[11] asked me to come see him to talk about this attack. He listened to me—and he was in no way antithetical to anything I said—but he just listened to me, that’s all. In the end, he said to me that he’d always been astonished by the fact that, for this attack, they had never found a motive. No motive at all.
And to get back to September 11th: I have always been very suspicious of conspiracy theories, and I have never worked on this question. I tend, in very complicated cases like this one, to trust only myself. And since I have not worked on it—on September 11th—I just don’t want to go there; I don’t talk about it. I think I understand that it is all very unclear—but that’s it.
I don’t want anyone to hang a ‘conspirationniste’ jacket on me!
CM/P: When you were speaking of the ‘Secret War’ between
PP: Yes, there were arms exchanged—but I have to refresh my memory on the details of this old story. In reality, I conducted an investigation, but then I closed it out. I’ve always wanted to have a connection, to have a thread—not a huge one, but a thread, nonetheless—that runs through all my writing. The primary engagement for
So to try and compensate for US control over oil—to create a French oil company and then find a source of oil that was outside the American supply system—when Iraq nationalized its oil reserves[12]—and France did not oppose this nationalization—it broke the old pact with the Western powers—particularly, with the US and UK, with Exxon and BP. In breaking this pact at this time,
And the first break with this Gaullist policy came when, in 1990,
In other words, what I’m trying to show here—without doing too much reflecting on it—is that once we’ve put all our questions into a geopolitical and historical context, a general understanding of things does not require any particular knowledge. You can pretty much guess what is really happening at any given moment by looking at this historical context.
Today it’s a little more complicated, maybe, because
And what also interests me is to see—a little bit more each day in Africa—just how fundamentally
CM/P: What the US and most of the countries of the West refuse to accept is that WWII was not just an ideological or territorial war between the German and Italian Fascists and the rest of bourgeois Europe—with the Soviet Union a sort of silent partner to both sides and, in fact, as villainous as its sworn enemy, Nazi Germany. This revision stems from the
This denial of a natural reality has led to the West’s striving to be, at once, the consumer and the producer of these primary, especially energy, resources, or, at least, to dominate militarily the producing nations—or, at least, to impose itself as a broker in these energy transactions.
So, while WWII, and the so-called Cold War that issued from it, can be seen as wars for control of the natural resources of the USSR, Central and Southeast Asia, and Africa; about the time the Vietnam debacle began to wind down, around the turn of 60s-70s, war no longer was an issue of one side versus another, but more of an economic motive, in and of itself.
PP: What is today most difficult about the conflicts of the last 15 or 20 years is that these are wars that are complicated, difficult to explain. They are complicated because there are multiple actors and multiple motives. WWII is simple. Oh, you can get into it—but, essentially, it was Hitler against the rest of the world. It was a war of fronts. No great problems in explaining it.
Today, describing events in
And that’s not all. There are also, in a parallel fashion—or an independent fashion—there are large companies that are simply working to increase their profits. So those powerful agents who work with the Africans can also aid the little players. These games become terribly complicated. And today we live in an age where communication is extremely important in all these conflicts over power, in these wars, in all of that. But to communicate about these wars is ultra-complicated. So complicated that it is very easy to manipulate the information the public receives.
One of the things that has fascinated me from the very beginning of my work on Africa—I started with Rwanda—and ‘Carnage’ is just an extension of that work to gain a better understanding of the subject—what fascinated me about Rwanda was that the people of the RPF[14]—should I say the people of the RPF? Or should I say the Ugandans of the RPF? Or the Secret Services, of this country or that, behind the RPF?—at any rate, what is certain is that, even before they started the war—that is, even before the RPF came across the border from Uganda into Rwanda on 1 October 1990—even before that, the war of communications had begun. And it was so well launched that it wound up creating the entire vision of what was happening there.
I mean, that’s really fascinating. Because, through the skillful manipulation of information, the aggressors were able to cast themselves in the role of the victims. That shows real power. Really, that’s very powerful.
And this was done with a deep understanding of the evolution of our social and political culture, where the state has become less and less important in relation to our civil society. And civil society is susceptible to being radically manipulated. This is done through the use of surveys and polls and the shaping of public opinion.
So to get back to the war in
There was something else missing: These movements—especially in African countries—there are movements that are very complicated and hard to analyze. And there is always the problem of the West’s Guilty Conscience. So it was enough to play on that guilt—even with most of the people of good faith who saw the past in Africa and did not want to end up, once again, on the side of the villains—enough to get the public to stand with the Victims as a way to try and make up for the past.
It’s enough just to play on this one central motivation to completely deform a very complicated Reality—actually, very complicated Realities, because Reality is, by definition, multifarious—and to leave the choices—these choices that make situations understandable—very often, to leave these choices to the manipulators. So, during this period of African wars, a piece of History that has become more and more transparent, the manipulation of information became easier and easier—especially with all the advances in technology that have taken place over the last 25 years.
CM/P: But who benefits from this ‘Complicated Reality’? Because, when you spoke of ‘the State versus Civil Society’, . . .—For example, my ex-wife is a ‘Social Worker’. She takes care of the Poor, the Homeless, like that. But she works for a ‘Private Company’! In the past, her work was a function of the State. And I gave English courses to a private firm called S-----o. The employees of this firm go all over the world and develop projects—like a Social Security System for China, or Water System for Niger or a Sanitation System for Leningrad (now, again, St. Petersburg)—so, are we really looking at ‘The State v Civil Society’? Or is it ‘The State v Private Enterprise’?
PP: Yeah. . . . I think it’s both. And the State has not ceased its abandonment, especially under the influence of Ultra-Liberalism, of a number of its traditional domains. This is a tendency that began long ago, but there has recently been an acceleration in the take-over of State functions: whether they be Health Care or Security or whatever, they are Privatized, and that is a distinct characteristic of contemporary Society.
But the heavy tendency toward the ‘Privatization of all the former functions of the Crown’ is an important element today. On the other hand, Civil Society—or the Associative World (of NGOs), which is more and more important in the shaping of Public Opinion—these ‘Civil Organizations’ can work at times with the world of Private Enterprise. But ours is a world that is much more complicated and hard to explain, and which demands we get much more involved.
CM/P: Well, speaking of ‘Victims’: I’m sure you’re up on what is happening in
PP: Hold on. Because I say something is just so does not mean that something else next to it is not so. Now, to go back to something I said. . . . I’m a bit older than you, right? . . .
CM/P: A little bit, yeah.
PP: I came up in a bi-polar world. A fundamentally simpler world. You were either in one camp or the other. When I was initiated into French Politics—when I was a student, there were only two possibilities: you were either for or against a French Algeria. As simple as that.
But today, it’s more and more complicated. So, at the heart of what I know—and as I said before: there is a growing complexity about things, a gradual diminution of the State as a major player, and, as applies to the war in Africa, the complexity of things makes History hard to decipher and poses the possibility that all this information will be manipulated to some foul end. I can’t go much further than that—but this, in no way, excludes other things from being true.
CM/P: But how, exactly, does money—you know, the profit motive—enter into these situations? For example: an organization like SOS-Racism—an organization, which you founded—
PP: —Of which I was ONE of several 'godparents'.
CM/P: —Right. But an organization which then turned against you, charging you with inciting racial hatred, on the basis of four pages from your extraordinary, massive work on Rwanda, Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs (Sad to say, I can only cite the title in French because this essential work has not as yet been translated.). Now, what was the motive for this arch betrayal?
I’ve had my own experience with an SOS organization. My landlord pretends to be the head of SOS-Papa, an NGO that specializes in mediating problems with bi-national couples and ‘rescuing’ the children involved. When I was having my own such bi-national family problems, this clown offered his mediation services and claimed a 90% success or satisfaction rate. At our second meeting, he said he would have to charge me 450 euros, and ‘suggested’ I pay him in ‘Black’ money, to cover the secret, paramilitary expenses incurred in these ‘rescues’—think of the Arc de Zoé.
What’s up with these SOS organizations?—like SOS Attentat, from your book on the bombing of UTA flight 772, which defends so-called ‘Victims Rights’ and pursues reparations for all victims of terrorist attacks—‘reparations’ here meaning money. So, what role does money play in these ‘Humanitarian’ actions?
PP: These are very good examples of the manipulation of Civil Society. SOS-Racism is a group that represents itself as having the last word on a number of subjects. In ‘Carnage’, I tried to show a little bit of what motivated it to bring these charges against me—something I found absolutely nightmarish. But my principal accusers, who were being protected by SOS-Racism, were the French National Union of Jewish Students.
What had I done (in Noires fureurs, etc.)—by talking about the power of the Tutsis in Rwandan history—what had I done against
CM/P: Well, yeah, that’s my question, too.
PP: But my book was considered like Mein Kampf. . . . This was extraordinary. Oh, now, I can talk calmly about it. But, at the time, it was something very violent.
CM/P: Yes, yes, absolutely, I remember.
PP: And I had only laid out some hypotheses in my book. What were some of these hypotheses? I was not speaking of the Tutsi movement in any fundamental sense. But what I said was that there were some people within the movement who functioned with other than honorable motives. In any case, what I was trying to say was that some of the things that had happened in this part of the world, over the past several years, had some relationship with the security of
CM/P: There were those who even called the Tutsis the “Jews of Africa.”
PP: I didn’t go that far, but I had to lay out certain hypotheses. However, in my book (Noires fureurs,) I did not say one word against the Jews. But I did try to show that in order to understand what was going on in East Africa and in the African Great Lakes, you had to reintroduce Israel as one of the main players in these regions—the regions that Israel considered very important to its security.
CM/P: The words in your first book—the words being contested—were not your words at all. They were the words of Prince Nyere, the Tutsi Prince, who spoke of his own ‘Tutsi Culture of Lies’.
But, you know, what strikes me as a little sad is—because I get a great sense of security from reading your works, a strong sense of having built up my knowledge of a certain subject on clear and cogent details.
PP: Oh, yes, of course. There always has been—and still is—a good deal of Tin-Tin[15] in me.
***
End Notes:
[1] CM/P translation. These two important books by Péan have not as yet been translated into English—though we are currently in the process of translating ‘Carnage’, while we search for an English-language publisher for our translations of his other critical works.
[2] Some are now claiming Bill Casey was accompanied by Reagan’s running-mate, George H.W. Bush, on this cynical mission.
[3] Published by Fayard in January 1987, and still un-translated, ‘
[4] Students for a Democratic Society and the Progressive Labor Party.
[5] It resulted in 241 dead US service personnel (including 220 Marines, 16 Navy and three Army; and was considered the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States Marine Corps since the Battle of Iwo Jima in World War II, the deadliest single-day death toll for the United States military since the first day of the 1968 Tet Offensive during the Vietnam War, and the deadliest single attack on Americans overseas since World War II.
[6] As a result of the second strike, 58 French paratroopers from the 1st Parachute Chasseur Regiment were killed and 15 were injured, in the single worst military loss for
[7] And the Mossad claimed advanced knowledge of these terrorist acts, yet refused to alert their targeted allies for fear of compromising their sources of intelligence. Sound familiar?
[8] On 5 April 1986, at West Berlin's
[9] ‘In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story’ [Nov. 1997] John R. Stockwell is a former CIA officer who managed the U.S. involvement in the Angolan Civil War as Chief of the Angola Task Force during its 1975 covert operations.
[10] This is the subject of Péan’s, yet un-translated, ‘Manipulations Africaines: Qui sont les vrais coupables de l’attentat du vol UTA 772?’ (Plon, 2001)—one day this great read might be found in the front racks of popular American bookstores under the title: “African Manipulations: Who Was Really Behind the Bombing of UTA Flight 772?”—or playing at a Cineplex near you.
[11] François Maurice Adrien Marie Mitterrand (26 October 1916 – 8 January 1996) was the fourth President of France elected under the
[12] Called for by the Iraqi Ba’ath Party in 1968, nationalization proceeded incrementally with the Iraqi government’s assumption of control over certain national companies and their prospecting rights, and was not fully achieved until June 1, 1972, with law “
[13] It has been said that rather than concerns for protecting its share of Iraqi oil being what discouraged
[14] Rwandan Patriotic Front, the force created by expatriated Tutsis in
[15] Tintin is a young reporter, and his creator, Hergé, uses this to present the character in a number of adventures which were contemporary with the period in which he was working, most notably, the Bolshevik uprising in Russia and World War II, and sometimes even prescient, as in the case of the moon landings. Hergé also created a world for Tintin which managed to reduce detail to a simplified but recognisable and realistic representation, an effect Hergé was able to achieve with reference to a well-maintained archive of images.
****
ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, August 18, 2011
“....Cette falsification des faits, déshonorante pour l’armée française, est naturellement inacceptable.”
Lire la suiteLettre de l'ASAF 11/07
« Ne pas subir »
(Maréchal Jean de Lattre de Tassigny)
(Maréchal Jean de Lattre de Tassigny)
Armée française : des paroles aux actes
« Honneur et Patrie »
Il y avait bien longtemps que nous n'avions pas entendu cette devise de la bouche d'un homme politique.
Qu'elle ait été prononcée à l'issue de l'éloge funèbre le 19 juillet par le Président de la République , chef des armées, est un signe auquel les soldats et plus généralement les innombrables Français qui aiment leur pays ont été sensibles.
Des paroles pour les soldats...
Nicolas Sarkozy passe les Troupes en revue |
Ils auront apprécié ces propos directs et tellement vrais de Mgr Luc Ravel, évêque aux armées, sur le soldat :
« ... Notre admiration pour leur courage se transforme en fierté d'appartenir à ce peuple, à ce grand corps aux mille visages dont les membres sont capables de donner leur vie pour ceux qu'ils aiment...Cette noblesse du soldat nous invite à redire ce que signifie être militaire: être militaire, ce n'est pas d'abord être disponible ou même porter les armes.
« ... Notre admiration pour leur courage se transforme en fierté d'appartenir à ce peuple, à ce grand corps aux mille visages dont les membres sont capables de donner leur vie pour ceux qu'ils aiment...Cette noblesse du soldat nous invite à redire ce que signifie être militaire: être militaire, ce n'est pas d'abord être disponible ou même porter les armes.
Etre militaire, c'est avant tout ne plus s'appartenir, ni même appartenir à sa propre famille : j'ai conscience de la dureté de ces propos tenus en présence de nos familles éprouvées par le deuil.
Etre militaire, c'est appartenir àla Nation. Exister et agir pour elle. Vivre et mourir pour elle... »
Etre militaire, c'est appartenir à
Ils auront apprécié ces paroles fortes du chef de l'Etat sur le rôle pérenne de l'armée française:
« ... L'armée française, c'est l'affirmation par le peuple français de sa volonté de demeurer libre et de ne jamais devenir l'esclave de quiconque. L'armée française, ce n'est pas seulement un instrument parmi d'autres d'une politique. L'armée française, c'est l'expression la plus achevée de la continuité de
L'armée française, c'est l'expression de la détermination constamment renouvelée de la France à défendre l'idée qu'elle se fait d'elle-même, de sa vocation dans le monde et d'une certaine idée de l'Homme profondément ancrée en elle.
Sila France a passé avec la liberté du monde « un pacte multiséculaire » elle le doit d'abord à son armée.
Si
L'armée française n'est pas séparée du reste de la Nation française car l'armée française fait corps avec la Nation française... »
...Et des actes pour les armées
Mais ces paroles prononcées un jour de deuil se traduiront-elles par des actes ?
Deuil de soldats tués pour ' pour l'Honneur de la France et des Français |
Cela concerne d'abord le budget de la défense.
Il est aujourd'hui historiquement bas puisqu'il atteint seulement 1,6% du PIB. Il était le double en 1989 et s'élevait à 4% en 1975 alors que le budget de l'Etat était en équilibre et la dette inexistante. Commentla France peut-elle garantir effectivement son indépendance et sa sécurité en réduisant à ce point ses capacités militaires, sachant que les effets catastrophiques inévitables ne se feront sentir que dans 10 ans ?
Les coupes budgétaires des décennies précédentes se traduisent aujourd'hui par l'absence de drones stratégiques, le nombre limité de nos avions de transport et de nos hélicoptères dans les engagements que nous conduisons.
Cela concerne également la politique étrangère.
Il semble quela France envisage d'inviter officiellement à Paris en septembre Paul Kagame, président du Rwanda et accusateur de l'armée française !
Les conseillers de l'Elysée et du quai d'Orsay mesurent-ils l'effet dévastateur d'une telle démarche, sans geste préalable fort vis-à-vis de nos armées ?
Cette invitation signifierait quela France reconnaît et accepte les accusations de génocide portées contre ses soldats par un dictateur lui-même impliqué dans la mort de plusieurs millions de Congolais depuis 1996.
Il est aujourd'hui historiquement bas puisqu'il atteint seulement 1,6% du PIB. Il était le double en 1989 et s'élevait à 4% en 1975 alors que le budget de l'Etat était en équilibre et la dette inexistante. Comment
Les coupes budgétaires des décennies précédentes se traduisent aujourd'hui par l'absence de drones stratégiques, le nombre limité de nos avions de transport et de nos hélicoptères dans les engagements que nous conduisons.
Cela concerne également la politique étrangère.
Il semble que
Les conseillers de l'Elysée et du quai d'Orsay mesurent-ils l'effet dévastateur d'une telle démarche, sans geste préalable fort vis-à-vis de nos armées ?
Cette invitation signifierait que
Nicolas Sarcosy entouré de criminels Rwandais: Gén. Kagame, Gén. Gasana et Gén. Kabarebe |
« ...Vous avez accompli votre devoir selon la haute idée que vous vous en faisiez...
Vous avez fait vôtres les vertus militaires de discipline, de fidélité, de courage et d'honneur...
C'était une noble mission. Vous l'avez accomplie noblement... Vous avez mis votre vie en danger pour sauver d'autres vies, des vies innocentes... Honneur et Patrie... »
Vous avez fait vôtres les vertus militaires de discipline, de fidélité, de courage et d'honneur...
C'était une noble mission. Vous l'avez accomplie noblement... Vous avez mis votre vie en danger pour sauver d'autres vies, des vies innocentes... Honneur et Patrie... »
L'ASAF, dont la première mission est de défendre l'honneur de l'armée, n'acceptera pas l'humiliation de l'armée et à travers elle, celle de la France.
Elle n'admettra jamais que l'on privilégie les intérêts politiques du moment par rapport à l'honneur du pays et de ses soldats.
*****
ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
**
ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
Monday, August 15, 2011
"Today, justice and dignity are among the requirements of all human beings", Mahmoud Ahmadinejad
Joy Online (Ghana)
August 15, 2011
“This is pure criminality and must be confronted and defeated”. Just in case you were wondering where I was going with this statement, these are the words of Prime Minister David Cameron, which also represents the official position of No.10 Downing Street on the current unrest in what we use to know as the Great Britain. You know what; I will come back to that.
Comrades, I thought since it was our collective responsibility not to maintain silence on what is happening in the north of our continent I hold this discussion with you. Indeed, the silence from the leadership of our continent on the on-going uprisings in the north of Africa, most particularly the rebellion in Libya, suggests there are no more nations in the African Union.
Today, the neo-colonialism Osagyefo mentioned takes on much more meaning to me.
As we are all witnessing the most aggressive form of neo-colonialism in the north of our continent? Overnight, the Brits and the French have become so concerned about Africa as to have to appointed themselves as the overseers of the mixed reactions in the north of our continent.
I call it mixed because the external beneficiaries of these uprisings would want us to believe that these uprisings were conducted in the same manner and that there were no dynamics in the uprisings from one country to the other. I don’t remember it that way; what I remember is that in Tunisia and Egypt there were unarmed civilians on the streets that shouted their voices so loud as to be heard.
This, in my opinion, is a great departure from what we see in Libya today. You already know my position on brother Gaddafi - too much long service does not help. However, it is for the Libyan people to decide that and not the Brits or the French.
Only last month, two dramatic but revealing events took place. The first was a large-scale demonstration across Great Britain by unionists demanding a stop to some proposed changes in the pension scheme by the coalition government of the Conservatives and the Lib-Dems. The crowd I saw on the streets of Great Britain didn’t look any different from the one I saw in Tunisia in the wake of the Tunisian uprising. In fact, I could have confused the two for each other. Now for a moment let us move the location of Great Britain to anywhere in Africa: you know the obvious that would have happened more than I do.
The second and most dramatic event was the grappling of President Nicholas Sarkozy by a man from the crowed while he seems to be on a familiarisation tour, which I believe will count towards his re-election campaign. But for the immediate and swift intervention of his security he would have been brutally manhandled. It was not mentioned why the man in the crowed did what he had to do. However, my guess is on three premises.
1. The first might be an expression of dislike for his style of leadership.
2. The second, could be due to his involvement in the north of our continent and
3. Third, probably, his perceived involvement with the Strauss Kahn issue.
Either way there is a suggestion that some of the citizenry have rejected him just as it is in the case of Egypt, Libya and Tunisia. Interestingly, Sarkozy is still a hero in the European Union, going about resolving the financial crisis in Europe as we speak. Again, if Sarkozy was an African president you know the obvious that would have happened to him more than I do.
Comrades, I promised to come back to the opening quote that preceded our entire conversation. I therefore wish to do that now. Very recently, by dinner time, 563 people had been arrested in the unrest that was triggered by the gruesome murder of Mr. Mark Duggan (RIP) by the London Metropolitan Police. Just like the self-immolation of Mr. Mohamed Bouazizi that sparked the unrest in Tunisia, the murder of Mark Duggan cannot be treated as the remote reason for the uprising in Leeds, Liverpool, Birmingham, Manchester, Bristol, Nottingham and, most particularly, on the streets of Peckham, Hackney, Croydon and Tothingham. However, his death should be remembered as the explosion point for ordinary people that could no longer identify their role in the future of their own communities and nation because it has been taken away from them.
Comrades, I do not wish that we think of the consequences if this was an African country. What I would rather we do is to think of the advice Brother Gaddafi would have had for Prime Minister David Cameron if they were seated shoulder to shoulder. He would have probably whispered into his ears brotherly advice from Ambassador Karbral- “If they come for your brother in the morning they will come for you in the evening”. In fact, such advice would have certainly left us with a difficult question.
Admittedly, NATO came for one brother in the morning but who will come for the other brother in the evening? My guess is the American Army. I almost forgot, the American Army is probably tired from the invasion in Iraq. This is evident in the American privatisation of the war by employing the service of private American security companies to participate in the invasion because their hands were full. Maybe the French or even the Germans could be an option. Hmm, again, forgive my forgetfulness; they are equally tired from the Iraq invasion. Of course, the only option left now is NATO but their hands are equally full, simply because their over-“generosity” to the Libyan people has made them overstep the UN mandate on Libya.
I just thought of it, what about the human rights abuses that arise out of this “pure criminality that must be confronted and defeated”. At least, one thing comes to mind, the International Criminal Court of Justice (ICC) is watching, and Luis Moreno-Ocampo, the sword-bearer of the ICC must be encouraged to act with keen interest and with supersonic speed. However, as to whether he will not mince his words is something we can only hope for.
In conclusion, I have a proposal to make that is outside our earlier discussion. I have for a while now observed that our continent is gradually tilting away from the west. My proposition is that we move forward in search for a permanent interest rather than a permanent relationship because our newly found friends in the east might not be any different. Let Africa unite lest we perish in a world of cheats.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Kigali, 12th August 2011
POLITICAL PRISONER INGABIRE DEMANDS PRESIDENT KAGAME TO ALLOW VISIT.
Ms Ingabire Victoire, the would be president of Rwanda now in prison Freedom and Democracy, a nightmare for the strong man of Rwanda, Gen. Kagame in prison of Rwanda |
Since April 2011, Political prisoner Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, chair of FDU-Inkingi, is not allowed to receive visitors. The government has been changing rules until nobody is seeing her any more. Today as she was completing 302 days in maximum security, 11 opposition members went to “Kigali 1930 Prison” but were denied free passage. Later on, to a colleague bringing food daily package, the opposition leader asked to demand President Paul Kagame to allow prison visit to his political opponents. Victoire Ingabire expressed her gratitude to all opposition members and Rwandans for their support and dedication. “This isolation will not deter my determination. Patience and Perseverance have a direct impact on the change we are longing for”, she told the Interim Secretary General of the party.
In Rwanda, innocent people are still kept in prisons for months or years for their opinions or political affiliations . For example, Professor Runyinya Barabwiriza was taken to court after 16 years in prison over genocide charges. Everybody knew he was not in Rwanda during the genocide, but no voice was strong enough to get him free. This week after 17 years he was acquitted by a local court but ordered to remain in jail.
FDU-Inkingi
Boniface Twagirimana
Interim Vice President.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, August 10, 2011
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]
Urwibutso rwa jenoside rwa Gisozi. Iyo uteranyije imibare yanditse ku nzibutso zose ziri mu Rwanda, usanga abazize jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi barenze miliyoni enye(4 000 000) !! Ibuka na FPR se bazabe batazi kubara ? Kimwe mu bintu byigisha ni ibitabo bibara inkuru (roman) n’indirimbo z’abahanzi. Igitangaje ariko, ni uko kenshi ibivugwa n’aba banyabugeni baba babyihimbiye, bagamije gutanga ubutumwa. Si ibintu rero biba byarabayeho umunsi uyu n’uyu n’ahantu runaka. Igitangaza gusa, ni uko umara kubisoma cyangwa kubitega amatwi wasohoka mu nzira ugakubitana n’ibisa na byo.
Rugabire za Joe Dassin na Masabo.
Mu ndirimbo nyinshi dukesha umuhanzi Nyangezi Masabo harimo imwe yise “Imbunda”. Asobanuramo ukuntu yarimo aratira mugenzi we imbunda yari inanditseho izina rye, uyu ngo akayimwambura, akamuzamuza amaboko akayandurukana. Uyu yayijyanye gusahura banki ayitayo. Urubanza rero rwafashe nyir’izina ryanditseho nyir’ukwiba yigaramiye. Asoza agira ati :
“Mu buroko nize gukora amanyanga yose. Nifaburikiye rugabire zireba imbere n’inyuma.
Abarinzi bambona ntibasobanukirwe aho ngana. Nabanyuzeho bagira ngo ndi kuza.
Nasize bumiwe rwose bayobewe”.Ni byiza ariko kwibutsa ko iyi ndirimbo atari umwimerere wa Masabo. Yacuranzwe bwa mbere mu gifaransa n’umucuranzi Joe Dassin. Icyo Masabo yakoze ni ukuyishyira mu kinyarwanda ari byo bita “adaptation” mu mwuga wo kuririmba. Ngiyo impamvu ituma mvuga rugabire za Joe Dassin na Masabo.
Rugabire za FPR na IBUKA ?
Muri iyi mitaga duteye umugongo ikaba isaga 16 nyuma ya jenoside yakorewe abatutsi, hari byinshi FPR na IBUKA bagiye bakora bitera kwibaza. Iyo ubizirikanye umera nka bariya barinzi ba gereza. Wibaza niba bagana iburyo cyangwa ibumoso, niba bajya imbere cyangwa basubira inyuma bikagushobera. Bisa rwose n’aho bambaye ziriya rugabire zituma umuntu atagira icyerekezo kigaragara.
Tariki 22 kamena z’uyu mwaka, mu kinyamakuru igihe.com, hasohotse inyandiko yibazaga impamvu umubare uhamye w’abahitanywe na jenoside utarashobora kumenyekana. Shaba Bill wayanditse yaragize ati: “Imiryango mpuzamahanga itandukanye harimo Umuryango w’Abibumbye, imiryango itegamiye kuri Leta ndetse n’ibitangazamakuru mpuzamahanga, iyo bagaruka ku mibare y’inzirakarengane zazize Jenoside yakorewe Abatutsi mu Rwanda muri Mata 1994, bakunda kuvuga ko ari ibihumbi 800, ndetse bamwe bakanavuga ko uwo mubare utagezeho bagira bati: "Ni hafi y’ibihumbi 800"(A peu pres 800.000).
Ibi bitandukanye cyane n’uko bigenda mu Rwanda, kuko abayobozi bo mu nzego zose, imiryango ikorera mu Rwanda ndetse n’abaturage bavuga ko umubare w’Abatutsi bazize jenoside uri hejuru ya miliyoni imwe(+ de 1.000.000)”.
Wenda icyo umuntu yakwibutsa Shaba ni uko kuvuga ngo “ni hafi y’ibihumbi 800” cyangwa ngo “ni hejuru ya miliyoni imwe” byombi bihuriye ku nenge yo gukekeranya no kugenekereza ku kibazo nyamara kimaze imyaka 16. Mu kungurana ibitekerezo, nzinduwe no gusesengurira hamwe n’abandi banyarwanda umuzi w’ikibazo Shaba yibajije: Kuki?
Igisubizo kibangutse ni uko kumenya umubare w’abahitanywe na jenoside bitari ku rutonde rw’ibyihutirwa.
Singire inkovu nkomeretsa, uyu si umwanzuro wanjye cyangwa icyifuzo, ahubwo ni ifoto y’imikorere ya FPR na IBUKA. Ndavuga FPR kuko ari yo iramutwa igihugu, nkavuga IBUKA kuko ari yo ihagarariye abacitse ku icumu. Jenoside ikirangira, kutamenya umubare w’abo yahitanye n’abayirokotse ntibyihutirwaga. Imfubyi zo gufashwa zari nyinshi, abapfakazi...utaretse n’ibindi bibazo igihugu gihura na byo mu rugamba rwo kwiyubaka. Nyamara nyuma y’imyaka 16, ndabona ko uwo byatera inkeke ataba aciye igikuba. Ibiri amambu, n’abo bacitse ku icumu twari twihutiye gufasha n’ubu ntawe uzi umubare wabo nyakuri. Niba se tutazi abazima, twamenya dute abatabarutse? Impamvu ni uko ibi bibazo byombi ari nk’ibipande by’urupapuro rumwe. Uwakemura kimwe n’ikindi yaba akirya isataburenge.
Icyagaragaye na none muri iyi myaka, ni uko hari ibindi bishyirwamo ingufu iyo bishyizwe ku murongo w’ibyihutirwa kandi koko bikagerwaho. Ni muri urwo rwego ku wa gatatu tariki ya 26 Mutarama 2011, muri Hotel Laico, umuryango uharanira inyungu z’abacitse ku icumu (Ibuka), watangaje ibikubiye mu bushakashatsi wakoze bugaragaza urutonde rw’Abahutu bagize ubutwari bagahisha Abatutsi muri Jenocide yo mu mwaka wa 1994. Ubwo bushakashatsi bwakorewe mu turere 30 tw’u Rwanda. N’ubwo ibibazo bidahuje uburemere, ariko mbona uwahera aha n’ikibazo cy’abahitanywe na jenoside akagishyira mu byihutirwa kandi akabinyuza mu nzira nk’iriya kitarenza umwaka. Ikibazo ni ukumenya ingingo shingiro zayobora muri iki gikorwa.
Kutagira ingingo shingiro (manque de critères).
Hari uwakwibwira ko kuba umuntu yarahitanywe na jenoside cyangwa yarayirokotse ari ngingo yumvikana kandi isobanutse. Mu bikorwa si ko biri. Dore uko imyaka yagiye ihita, ibipimo byagiye bihinduka ndetse n’indorerwamo zihindura amabara. Uhereye no ku mazina yagiye ahabwa ariya mahano, wakumva ko harimo intirimwa. Reka tuyibukiranye uko yakurikiranye:
- Jenoside y’abanyarwanda (génocide rwandais): ni ryo zina ryatanzwe na Loni.
- Itsembabwoko n’itsembatsemba.
- Itsembabwoko.
- Jenoside.
- Jenoside y’abatutsi (iri ryavuyeho kuko ngo ryashoboraga guteza urujijo hakaba n’uwakwibeshya ko ari abatutsi bayikoze).
- Jenoside yakorewe abatutsi.
Uwakwibeshya yagira ati ubwo noneho tugeze ku nyito ihamye ya “jenoside yakorewe abatutsi” tubonye umusingi twatangiriraho mu kumenya abo yahitanye n’abayirokotse. Kubitekereza gutya kwaba kwihuta. Nta gihamya y’uko ejo n’ejobundi bitazahinduka. Si kera ni muri mutarama y’uyu mwaka aho IBUKA yagombye kunyuza umweyo mu bitwa abayo, kuko ngo yasanze hari abugamye mu mutaka wayo nyamara batabuze intaho. Abahigitswe si bake kuko bageraga kuri 30%. N’ubwo Balikana Eugène yemezaga ko noneho ibintu bigiye mu buryo, ubanza urwishe ya nka rukiyirimo, nk’uko twabisomye mu nkuru ya Kayonga J. yasohotse mu kinyamakuru igihe.com tariki 11 mutarama 2011. Yaragize ati: “Balikana yavuze ko kuri ubu hari urutonde bizera ko ari urw’abakwiye gufashwa koko, ngo igikurikiyeho ni uko abo byagaragaye ko babeshye ngo bafashwe bazabihanirwa n’amategeko. Mu bazahanwa ngo hakaba harimo na bamwe mu bakoreraga FARG cyangwa bahoze mu buyobozi bwayo, ngo kuko nabo babigizemo uruhare. Gusa nyuma y’aho hari abinubiye urutonde rushya bavuga ko batarugaragaraho kandi bakwiye gufashwa, Balikana yatangaje ko bazakomeza gushishoza bakareba neza niba aribyo kandi niba abari ku rutonde bose bakwiye gufashwa koko”.
Biragaragara rero ko impaka zigikomeje. Ubu kugira ngo umuntu afashwe na FARG bisaba kuba yaracitse ku icumu rya Jenoside yakorewe abatutsi mu 1994, akaba yaravutse mbere y’itariki 31 Ukuboza 1994, akaba imfubyi ku mubyeyi umwe cyangwa bombi, kandi akaba nta bushobozi bwo kwibeshaho afite. Ikitaramenyekanye ni ingingo bariya 30% birukanywe batari bujuje muri ziriya eshatu.
Ingaruka z’ingendo yo muri rugabire.
Reka ntange urugero rumwe rutari kure rugaragaza imikorere ya rugabire mu bijyanye na jenoside. Ejobundi tariki tariki ya 11 Mata 2011, Inama Nkuru y’Itangazamakuru yashyize ahagaragara urutonde rw’abanyamakuru 51 bazize jenoside yakorewe abatutsi mu mwaka w’1994 ndetse n’amazina y’ibitangazamakuru bakoreraga. Mbere yaho gato, umuryango Reporters Sans Frontières wari wasohoye urundi rutonde maze Inama Nkuru y’Itangazamakuru mu Rwanda irarwamagana ibinyujije mu ijwi ry’umunyamabanga wayo Nshingwabikorwa, Patrice Mulama. Icyo barunengaga ngo ni uko rutari rucukumbuye kandi rukavangavanga ibintu, hakaba abanyamakuru bahitanywe na jenoside rwibagirwa ngo hakaba n’abo rushyiraho kandi ahubwo bayishinjwa. Uyu muyobozi yatangaje ko bo bamaze imyaka bakora ubushakashatsi bucukumbuye kandi imyanzuro yabwo ikaba igiye gushyirwa ahagaragara.
Icyatangaje abantu, ni uko uru rutonde rwa MHC rwaje rwo ruca agahigo mu guhuzagurika. Rwagaragayeho n’abanyamakuru ruvuga ko bazize jenoside kandi nyamara bakiriho nka Mpambara Eulade. Mu kwisobanura, Patrice Mulama yasubiye inyuma yiregura ko ngo na RSF yari yaramushyize ku rutonde rw’abahitanywe na jenoside! Byanteye kwibaza ukuntu wanenga icyegeranyo cya RSF ko kivangavanze warangiza ukakifashisha mu gukora icyawe cyegeranyo wita ko gisesenguye kinacukumbuye. Nk’uko bigaragara mu nyandiko ya Faustin Nkurunziza wandikira ikinyamakuru igihe.com (13/04/2011), Mulama yahamije ko urutonde rwa MHC ahagarariye ngo ruriho n’abatagomba kurujyaho: “Patrice Mulama yatubwiye ko uru rutonde rwakozwe ari urw’agateganyo kuko bakiri mu igenzura ryarwo. Yavuze ko basanze hari n’abatagomba kurujyaho kuko batapfuye muri jenoside”. Igitangaje ni uko uku kwivuguruza kw’Inama Nkuru y’Itangazamakuru kwaje nyuma y’iminsi 2 ishyize ahagaragara icyo yitaga ubushakashatsi bucukumbuye! Byanteye kwibaza niba imitwe ya bamwe idakora nka za rugabire za Masabo. Ariko iyo bigeze ku mateka ya jenoside ho agahuru kaba gahuye n’umunyutsi.
FPR na IBUKA mu mpatanwa.
Ngo umwana apfa mu iterura. Amateka y’imyitwarire ya FPR na IBUKA mu bibazo by’abacitse ku icumu n’abo yahitanye byatangiye kera. Byagiye byiyongera kugera aho bitakigira igaruriro. Ubu rero aho bigeze, kuvunura biragoye, kujya mbere bikaba ingorabahizi.
Ikibazo cy’inzibutso.
Jenoside ikimara kuba, ikibazo cya mbere cyabaye icyo gushyingura abo yahitanye. Igishuko cyabaye gushaka gushyira inzibutso ahantu hose hatitawe ku kureba uburyo zizitabwaho n’ibindi bibazo bizavuka hanyuma.
Ikosa rya mbere ryabaye imibare yagiye ishyirwa ku nzibutso. Jenoside ubwayo ni amahano akomeye birenze kamere. Ntikeneye kuyikabiriza no kuyongerera ibidasobanutse. Iyo ufashe kiliziya ukandikaho ko yaguyemo abantu 15.000 uba urimo upfobya jenoside. Kiliziya nini zizwi mu Rwanda ni Catedrali Butare, Nyundo, Bazilika Kabgayi na Kiliziya ya Sainte famille. Muri izi zose, uwashyiramo abantu akabahagarika bamwe hejuru y’abandi kugera ku gisenge nta n’imwe yajyamo abantu ibihumbi bitanu! Ibi rero byarakozwe henshi, ntihagira uhigima ngo bititwa ko ahakanye jenoside, nyamara aho bigana ishyamba si ryeru. Iyo biza gukorwa hamwe cyangwa habiri, ntibyajyaga kuba ingorabahizi. Byakozwe henshi. Ingaruka yabyo ni uko ubu inzibutso zigomba kuzimira. Muti gute?
Kuki inzibutso zigomba kuzimira?
Nta mwaka urashira, twajyanye n’abakozi dukorana i Karongi tugiye gutembera. Nk’uko tubikora kenshi, twanyuze kuri paruwasi gatolika ihari tujya gusura urwibutso, cyane ko mu bo dukorana hari n’abanyamahanga baba bakeneye kwerekwa amateka yacu. Umupadiri twahasanze ntibuka izina yadusobanuriye amateka y’inzirakarengane zishyinguye aho, mu gosoza atubwira ko no mu mugi hashyinguye imbaga nyamwinshi yatikiriye kuri Stade Gatwaro. Twiyemeje na ho kunyurayo. Tuhageze byabaye ingorabahizi kumenya aho izo nzirakarengane zishyinguye. Twarayoboje batwereka ahantu hagana ku musozi harenzwe n’ikigunda twicuza icyo twazaniye abo bavamahanga. Byanteye kwibaza. Nyuma y’aho, nagiye nitegereza n’ahandi hanyuranye mu gihugu nsanga ahenshi ari uko. Ahatari hake inzibutso zaheze mu cyeregati nko mu Bisesero, ahandi ntizubakiye, ahandi zarenzwe n’ikigunda, aho zubakiye na ho inyandiko zarasibamye n’ibindi. Kuki?
Jenoside ebyiri (double génoside)
Nta zicibwa amahembe zibuze icyo zizira. Ni kenshi FPR na IBUKA bitotombera imiryango n’abantu bashinja guhakana jenoside no kuvuga ko habaye ebyiri. Igitangaje, ni uko batinze kubona ko na bo ubwabo imikorere yabo yunga mu rya bariya. Uwashaka kuvuga jenoside ebyiri, si ngombwa kujya gukora iperereza muri Kongo. Uwashiritse ubute agateranya imibare igiye yanditse hirya no hino ku nzibutso atungurwa no kubona ko jenoside yahitanye abantu barenga miliyoni enye ! Urwibutso rwa Gisozi rwonyine rumaze kugeramo 250.000, ni ukuvuga ¼ cya ba bandi 1.000.000. Uko wagoragoza kose ukavuga ko amabarura ya mbere ya jenoside atavugishaga ukuri ku mubare w’abatutsi bari mu Rwanda, ntiwasobanura ko uriya mubare ari uw’abatutsi gusa. Ikindi kandi, ni ngombwa kwibutsa ko hari n’abarokotse na bo tutazi umubare kugeza ubu. Iyo ibyo byose ubiteranyije, bibyara ihurizo ry’ingorabahizi. Iyo ugiye mu mpaka n’abashyigikiye ko habaye jenoside ebyiri bagutsindisha imibare yo ku nzibutso ukaruca ukarumira.
Ngiri ipfundo ryo kudashishikazwa no gutangaza imibare y’abahitanywe na jenoside. Ngiyi insiriri yo kutamenya umubare nyakuri w’abarokotse. Ngiyi imvano yo kuba inzibutso zigana mu marembera. Ngicyo icyerekezo cya FPR na Ibuka. Muri uru rugendo rugana aho tutazi, biragoye kumenya ugenda imbere hagati y’aba basangirangendo, kubera nyine cya kibazo cya rugabire. Ikigaragara, ni uko bombi biyemeje kudasobanya mu ntambwe. Ubarebera ku ruhande ntasobanukirwa aho bagana, ariko na bo basa n’abatahazi.
Edmond Munyagaju
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, August 9, 2011
Ian Birrell
The Guardia
Tony Blair supports the Arab spring and wants to heal Africa.
Laudable aims but breathtaking hypocrisy
Ian Birrell |
Tony Blair Even if you choose not to leave. We judge you by your fruits: A Bloody dictatorship in Rwanda The journey is over |
Money, of course, lay behind his appearance on the show, since he was promoting the paperback edition of his biography. Just as money lay behind his decision to take free holidays at the expense of the Egyptian people while in power, ignoring complaints from families of those being tortured in the country's notorious jails.
At least he supported his old friend Hosni Mubarak after Egyptians risked their lives by rising up to shake off the shackles of despotism. As blood began to run in the streets during the tense standoff in Tahrir Square, Blair hailed Mubarak as "immensely courageous and a force for good".
But what breathtaking hypocrisy to place himself in the vanguard of the movement for change in the region, diminishing the Arab spring to a struggle between modernisers and reactionaries and saying the Gulf states must change or lose our support. This is the man, after all, who earned a seven-figure sum advising the Kuwaiti royal family, and rakes in a fortune giving speeches in the region.
Just recall, if you can bear to, how he cosied up to the Libyan leader he now wants to see overthrown, going far beyond what was needed to bring the maverick Muammar Gaddafi in from the cold as he brokered oil deals and oversaw prisoner transfer agreements that led to the release of the Lockerbie bomber. Little wonder the dictator's son saw him as "a personal family friend".
Even worse was Blair's appeasement of the Saudi royal family in perhaps the most disgraceful episode of his time in office, when his pressure led to the halting of the landmark BAE bribery case. This was an incident that demeaned our country, usurping Britain's legal process to avoid upsetting a repressive and – to use his own words – reactionary regime.
Indeed, it is hard to think of a more reactionary regime. Saudi Arabia is the country currently stopping women from driving cars, and is supplying the troops who crushed the protests in Bahrain with such brutality. It has used oil wealth to export a particularly hardline and corrosive creed around the globe, one that rather flies in the face of our former prime minister's sanctimonious statements on faith and harmony.
The BAE move sent a signal round the world that Britain turned a blind eye to allegations of corruption, ensuring autocrats could feel safe laundering their stolen money here with the help of pin-striped pimps in our finance houses, law firms and estate agencies. Large-scale larceny by the likes of Mubarak, Gaddafi and the Assad family in Syria was one of the primary sparks for the explosion of protest – and all had substantial holdings in Britain.
Shameless corruption is one of the primary causes of poor governance across Africa. Now Blair proclaims it as part of his mission to heal the continent he once called "a scar on the conscience of the world". This does not, however, stop him advising the president of Rwanda who heads a regime accused of atrocities in its invasions of the Congo, growing despotism at home, and sending hit squads to murder exiles living in Britain. After last year's sham election, during which rivals were jailed, newspapers shut down and dissidents shot, Blair sent the president a smarmy message of congratulations hailing his "popular mandate" after Paul Kagame won 93% of the vote. Now he has the effrontery to speak about the importance of freedom of expression in north Africa.
You can almost admire the brazen way Blair ploughs on, ignoring his past and brushing aside uncomfortable facts as he seeks to play a part in shaping the future. But then you remember how he backed an ethical foreign policy before ending up an apologist for torture. And you recall how he promulgated the need for a moral dimension to statecraft before embarking on a war of doubtful legality.
Yesterday, the man whose lack of foresight played such a key role in strengthening the hand of Iran did a round of interviews demanding a clear western strategy in response to the Arab spring. As well as promoting his book, it is part of a desperate bid to promote himself as a future elected president of Europe. Someone should tell him the journey's over.
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, August 8, 2011
"Si le "Non" se prononçait Sans aucune preuve ni éléments concrets.
Regardez le vidéo ici en bas et plusieurs d'entre vous regretteront d'avoir fait confiance à l'AFP".
Pour Marc-François Bernier, alors que " la vérité, la rigueur et l'exactitude, l'intégrité, l'équité et l'imputabilité " constituent les " piliers normatifs du journalisme ", la " déontologie prescrit des devoirs professionnels qui font l'objet d'un consensus pour un grand nombre de situations " [2]. Selon lui, la déontologie contribue à protéger les journalistes des manœuvres de propagande, de promotion et de désinformation.
Dans un événement aussi tragique concernant les massacres de plus de 6 millions de citoyens congolais et Rwandais par le régime du FPR et sous le commandement du "Général" Kagame qui donnait les ordres à ses officiers dont notamment "Général" Kabarebe, "Général" Mutebusi, "Général" Nkunda, et au "Général" Mugabo, le journaliste devrait pouvoir reproduire les faits. Et si par dessus le marché il affirme être de l'AFP au moment des faits, alors là il y a lieu de se poser plusieurs questions sur le travail journalistique de l'AFP. Aussi, des Morale, éthique et déontologie dans l'information.
DEUX JOURNALISTES RWANDAIS PARLENT DE LA RDC... door afriqueredaction
Après plusieurs tentatives de contact avec l'AFP, tentatives qui se sont soldés par le refus cathégorique de l'Agence à nous recevoir, nous avons tenté de compléter leur formulaire. Un lien qui n'a pas marché non plus.
Message à l'AFP de l'un de nos confrères:
Ce que je dis est base sur ma propre experience et cela n'engage que moi.
J'ai honte pour l'AFP.
Madame/Monsieur,
Je ne savais pas. Sincèrement je je savais pas. Je ne savais pas qu'une organisation comme la vôtre puisse faire travailler, engager un imbécile, un vrai con,(excusez-moi des termes que j'ai utilisés, je n'arrive pas à trouver autre chose, mettez-vous à ma place et pour cela je demande sincèrement pardon) qui ignore TOUT du journalisme. A moins que moi-même j'ignore ce que c'est que le journalisme. En plus de Ca, le mensonge coule sur ses lèvres. Il affirme pour avoir travaillé pour l'AFP. C'est vrai ou c'est faux? Pour comprendre ce que je suis en train de dire, ouvrez ce lien et regardez juste écouter le dernier journaliste puisque c'est de lui dont il s'agit: http://dai.ly/aL0DaF
Il revient à vous, à moi, à nous tous d'empêcher que ce mensonge devienne crédible.
J'espère recevoir votre réaction.
Sincèrement,
Jules Lefèvre
ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, August 7, 2011
Serious crimes hidden across Rwanda by the RPF regime. How to avoid stimulating crimes, the killing machine (Kagame)? Do Rwandans have Freedom to make their choices?
Dear reader:
If you know anything about the individuals or organization who took part in re-making Rwanda without KIBEHO helping Kagame and RPF to hide Kibeho mass-murder, the Rwandan AUSCHWITZ please contact African SurViVors International, Amnesty International or Human rights Watch or crimestoppers. No one will ever know who you are and you will not go to court. There is no other logical alternative to crack down RPF accomplices in such organized crimes.
"The public is a weapon in the fight against crime"
“It is a crime too great to hide, but do we have the stomach to bring the killers to trial?” Emma Daly
Compare those Rwandan maps here below, maps which are producing evidence on Kagame cruelty. it is not expected to exhume bodies for the time being...AS long as Kagame and RPF still runs the country. We don't think that the best way for strategic preservation of mineral resources in DRC should be giving Kagame the Green card for mass-murdering the Rwandan and Congolese Hutu that necessarily will produce negative retro-actions.
What makes sense? An efficient preservation-based approach, with more value-judgments.
United States and other Western countries should create a strategic access to the region mineral resources without exterminating Kagame. In other words, to find out the ways of eliminating Kagame without hurting Rwandans and neighboring populations (to reset life with peaceful coexistence, without distortion and destruction). Question: Who believes in forgiving criminals?
Rwandan map with all 10 prefectures |
There is no protection of eye-witnesses. On the contrary, Eye-witnesses are forcibly brought back to Rwanda with the complicity of UNHCR.
Gikongoro prefecture erased on the Rwanda map objectif: To cover up RPF crimes in Kibeho |
Kibeho does no longer exist, thinks Kagame the map here-above to clarify it. Still, the whole story has not yet been revealed. |
Kibeho mega-masscres 100,000 IDPs were in the death camp 8,000 up to 21,000 were mass-murdered By General Ibingira and Bihozagara order given by Kagame, RPF/RDF commander |
Despite the best efforts of those who would bury a crime too great to hide, the evidence of mass murder is there. It remains only to be seen whether the international community has the stomach to bring the murderers to trial.
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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I am Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, an Economist, Content Manager, and EDI Expert, driven by a passion for human rights activism. With a deep commitment to advancing human rights in Africa, particularly in the Great Lakes region, I established this blog following firsthand experiences with human rights violations in Rwanda and in the DRC (formerly Zaïre) as well. My journey began with collaborations with Amnesty International in Utrecht, the Netherlands, and with human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and a conference in Helsinki, Finland, where I was a panelist with other activists from various countries.
My mission is to uncover the untold truth about the ongoing genocide in Rwanda and the DRC. As a dedicated voice for the voiceless, I strive to raise awareness about the tragic consequences of these events and work tirelessly to bring an end to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)'s impunity.
This blog is a platform for Truth and Justice, not a space for hate. I am vigilant against hate speech or ignorant comments, moderating all discussions to ensure a respectful and informed dialogue at African Survivors International Blog.
Genocide masterminded by RPF
Finally the well-known Truth Comes Out.
After suffering THE LONG years, telling the world that Kagame and his RPF criminal organization masterminded the Rwandan genocide that they later recalled Genocide against Tutsis. Our lives were nothing but suffering these last 32 years beginning from October 1st, 1990 onwards. We are calling the United States of America, United Kingdom, Japan, and Great Britain in particular, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Germany to return to hidden classified archives and support Honorable Tito Rutaremara's recent statement about What really happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994 across the country and how methodically the Rwandan Genocide has been masterminded by Paul Kagame, the Rwandan Hitler. Above all, Mr. Tito Rutaremara, one of the RPF leaders has given details about RPF infiltration methods in Habyarimana's all instances, how assassinations, disappearances, mass-slaughters across Rwanda have been carried out from the local autority to the government,fabricated lies that have been used by Gacaca courts as weapon, the ICTR in which RPF had infiltrators like Joseph Ngarambe, an International court biased judgments & condemnations targeting Hutu ethnic members in contraversal strategy compared to the ICTR establishment to pursue in justice those accountable for crimes between 1993 to 2003 and Mapping Report ignored and classified to protect the Rwandan Nazis under the RPF embrella . NOTHING LASTS FOREVER.
Human and Civil Rights
Human Rights, Mutual Respect and Dignity
For all Rwandans :
Hutus - Tutsis - Twas
Rwanda: A mapping of crimes
Rwanda: A mapping of crimes in the book "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF by Judi Rever
Be the last to know: This video talks about unspeakable Kagame's crimes committed against Hutu, before, during and after the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda.
The mastermind of both genocide is still at large: Paul Kagame
KIBEHO: Rwandan Auschwitz
Kibeho Concetration Camp.
Mass murderers C. Sankara
Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.
Prof. Allan C. Stam
The Unstoppable Truth
Prof. Christian Davenport
The Unstoppable Truth
Prof. Christian Davenport Michigan University & Faculty Associate at the Center for Political Studies
The killing Fields - Part 1
The Unstoppable Truth
The killing Fields - Part II
The Unstoppable Truth
Daily bread for Rwandans
The Unstoppable Truth
The killing Fields - Part III
The Unstoppable Truth
Time has come: Regime change
Drame rwandais- justice impartiale
Carla Del Ponte, Ancien Procureur au TPIR:"Le drame rwandais mérite une justice impartiale" - et réponse de Gerald Gahima
Sheltering 2,5 million refugees
Credible reports camps sheltering 2,500 million refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.
The UN refugee agency says it has credible reports camps sheltering 2,5 milion refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.
Latest videos
Peter Erlinder comments on the BBC documentary "Rwanda's Untold Story
Madam Victoire Ingabire,THE RWANDAN AUNG SAN SUU KYI
Rwanda's Untold Story
Rwanda, un génocide en questions
Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en... par BernardLugan Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en questions"
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Everything happens for a reason
Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.
Hutus didn't plan Tutsi Genocide
Kagame, the mastermind of Rwandan Genocide (Hutu & tutsi)