A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Monday, October 8, 2012
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>AS International]
Rwanda : Dans le plus grand secret. Détention illégale et torture aux mains du Service de renseignement militaire
“Nine months at Kami, It is shameful for a state of law.”
Civilian detained at Camp Kami without charge for nine months and alleged to have been tortured. March 2012, Kigali, Rwanda.
“[Eight] months went by without knowing if my husband existed or not.” Wife of man unlawfully detained and alleged to have been tortured by the military at Camp Kami. March 2012, Kigali, Rwanda.
SUMMARY
Progress over the last decade by the government of Rwanda in improving conditions of detention in prisons falling under the authority of the Rwanda Correctional Service (RCS) is being undermined by the parallel detention system run by the military. Scores of people are held in detention in military camps and the safeguards which protect detainees in police stations and other official places of detention are circumvented. Hidden from view, detainees have been unlawfully detained as well as reportedly tortured and otherwise ill-treated.
 |
| Akandoya: Kagame's Trade Mark |
This report details unlawful detention, torture and other forms of ill-treatment and enforced disappearances, mostly of civilians, at the hands of Rwanda’s military intelligence, known as J2. It is based on information gathered during more than two years of research, including seven visits to Rwanda. The report documents more than 45 cases of unlawful detention and 18 allegations of torture or other ill-treatment by Rwandan military intelligence in 2010 and 2011. Some individuals who were disappeared remain in secret detention in 2012.
Amnesty International believes that the actual number of people who were detained and who were at risk of, or subjected to, torture and other ill-treatment during this period is higher than those documented here.
Amnesty International began to receive reports of enforced disappearances, torture and other ill-treatment by Rwandan military intelligence in March 2010.
This spate of human rights violations happened as military intelligence launched investigations into threats to national security in the run-up to the August 2010 presidential elections. Grenade attacks, rare in recent years, multiplied after February 2010. Some security analysts attributed them to the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), an armed opposition group based in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).1 Growing tensions within the Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) following the departure of the former army chief, General Kayumba Nyamwasa, in February 2010 also allegedly raised the spectre of potential security threats from within the army.
As part of the Rwandan authorities’ investigations into security matters, individuals were arrested, often arbitrarily, by the military, sometimes acting in collaboration with the police.
Those arrested were almost exclusively men aged between 20 and 45. Most of the cases documented here are of civilians, including demobilized military. Other cases include members of the Rwandan army or individuals suspected by the Rwandan authorities of belonging to the FDLR.
After their
arrest, the men were detained incommunicado and interrogated by military
intelligence. For their families, unable to confirm their whereabouts or if
they were still alive, their loved ones had effectively disappeared. The
authorities denied holding those arrested or did not respond to requests for
information from family members or lawyers. During their detention by the
military, often spanning several months, they were denied access to lawyers,
family members and medical assistance. Some were reportedly subjected to
torture or other ill-treatment.
Not knowing
the whereabouts of their relatives had a tremendous psychological impact on the
families of the disappeared. As those missing were almost exclusively men, and
round-ups often included people from the same community, male family members
were forced to live with the constant fear that they might be arrested next.
Women – wives, mothers and sisters – bore the brunt of trying to locate their
relatives.
At the time
of writing in July 2012, Amnesty International believes that the number of new
cases of unlawful detention of civilians by the military has fallen over the
last year. However, the absence of investigations or prosecutions for the human
rights violations documented here increases the likelihood that Rwandan
military intelligence will revert to these practices each time that they
perceive national security to be under threat.
Amnesty
International urges the Rwandan government to immediately end the unlawful
detention of civilians, disclose the fate or whereabouts of all those subjected
to enforced disappearance, investigate allegations of torture and other
ill-treatment, suspend those security officers alleged to be responsible for
these human rights violations pending the outcome of investigations, and hold
them accountable through criminal prosecutions.
METHODOLOGY
This report
is based on seven research visits to Rwanda in September 2010, February, July
and November 2011, and February, March and June 2012, as well as a trial
observation between September 2011 and June 2012. Amnesty International also
interviewed individuals previously illegally detained in Rwanda and their
family members outside Rwanda at various times between 2011 and 2012. The
report does not take into account developments after the end of June 2012.
METHODOLOGYThis report is based on seven research visits to Rwanda in September 2010, February, July and November 2011, and February, March and June 2012, as well as a trial observation between September 2011 and June 2012. Amnesty International also interviewed individuals previously illegally detained in Rwanda and their family members outside Rwanda at various times between 2011 and 2012. The report does not take into account developments after the end of June 2012.
Amnesty International conducted more than 70 face-to-face interviews for this report, including eight interviews with torture victims previously detained by the military. The organization also interviewed family members of individuals disappeared, unlawfully detained or tortured, as well as lawyers, members of civil society, and individuals who had observed court proceedings. Interviews were conducted in English or French, or from Kinyarwanda with the assistance of interpreters.
Through these interviews, Amnesty International documented more than 45 cases of unlawful detention for periods ranging from 10 days to nine months, primarily of civilians in military camps and other secret detention locations during 2010 and 2011. Two cases of enforced disappearances of more than two years were also documented. Amnesty International was able to cross-check the identities of these former detainees through various sources, including other detainees, lawyers, court documents and news reports. Amnesty International received single source information on tens of other former detainees but because of the lack of corroboration has not included them in this report.
This report documents 18 allegations of torture or other ill-treatment by Rwandan military intelligence and other security personnel. Restrictions on prison access made it impossible to ascertain the extent of torture and other ill-treatment of individuals previously detained by the military and later transferred to civilian prisons. For these reasons, Amnesty International believes that the number of people detained by the military at risk of torture, or who may have been subjected to torture or other ill-treatment, is higher than the number of cases documented.
Amnesty International gathered documentation related to criminal cases in military and civilian courts, including statements of arrest and court decisions and orders. The report also draws on Amnesty International’s observation of the trial from September 2011 to June 2012 of those accused along with opposition leader Victoire Ingabire. They had been unlawfully detained at Camp Kami.
Amnesty International was unable to interview individuals currently detained in Rwanda. Since July 2011, Amnesty International has twice formally requested authorization to interview detainees and prisoners in private. Most recently, the organization requested permission to visit prisons in advance of arriving in the country. They requested private interviews with detainees in Kigali Central Prison, Ruhengeri Prison and Rubavu (commonly known as Gisenyi) Prison in March 2012. The organization’s representatives were informed one working day before leaving Rwanda by the Ministry of Internal Security that they had the
right to request authorization. However, they were told that under Rwandan law they could only interview detainees and prisoners in the presence of a prison guard. Amnesty International subsequently received a letter from the RCS authorizing the delegates to visit prisons on 4 April 2012, six days after leaving Rwanda.
The initial impetus for the report was a number of specific requests from family members for Amnesty International’s help in finding their disappeared relatives. In researching these cases, details emerged of other men who had been subjected to enforced disappearance or who had been previously detained by the military. This report sheds light on the circumstances and conditions of their detention which remain shrouded in secrecy.
Many other individuals who had been detained by the military declined to speak to Amnesty International delegates for fear of retribution. Former detainees and their family members who shared their stories expressed fear of reprisals. To protect their identities, Amnesty International has excluded their names, other identifying details, and some interview dates and locations.
Amnesty International does not take a position on the guilt or innocence of those arrested. Our concern is that they were subjected to a pattern of human rights violations: arrests in violation of the law, detention in secret locations, unlawful detention, often for several months, and a lack of access to lawyers, family members or doctors. This string of abuses violates the rights of the detained persons and renders them more vulnerable to torture and ill-treatment.
vulnerable to
torture and ill-treatment. A letter summarizing the findings of this report was sent to the Rwandan
Minister of Defence on 29 March 2012, with copies to the Director of Military
Intelligence and the Minister of Justice, and a separate letter to the Minister
of Justice. The letters requested an official response in order to reflect the
Rwandan government’s perspective in this report, as well as a submission to the
UN Committee against Torture. The organization did not receive a reply.
Amnesty International visited Rwanda in June 2012 to seek an official response to these findings. The organization met with the RDF Spokesperson, the Rwandan Minister of Justice, a team from the National Public Prosecution Authority led by the Prosecutor General, an official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and a team from the RCS led by the Commissioner General.
Amnesty International expresses its profound gratitude to the individuals who shared their stories, sometimes at personal risk. We also thank the lawyers who generously shared their legal expertise and their experiences of representing clients previously detained by the military.
POLITICAL
AND SECURITY CONTEXT
The ruling party in Rwanda is the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), in power since 1994. The military has long played an important role in the country’s history2 and the RDF (army) currently retains an influential position within politics and society. While the army is best known for its involvement in the DRC conflicts or its contribution to peacekeeping such as in Darfur (Sudan), the RDF began to play a more visible role at home from 2010 onwards when it became more overt in detaining and arresting suspects.3
Events during the lead-up to the August 2010 presidential elections also brought the fragility of Rwanda’s security to the fore. Grenade attacks, rare in recent years, multiplied. Prominent military officers, as well as soldiers, were arrested or went into exile. Killings and arrests of opposition politicians and journalists and the closure of newspapers reinforced a climate of fear.
Kigali was hit by three simultaneous grenade attacks on 19 February 2010, killing two people and wounding several.4 At first, the Rwandan government attributed this to the FDLR,5 but after General Kayumba Nyamwasa, a popular figure within the Rwandan army, fled a week later, the authorities shifted the blame to him.6 According to Rwandan government statistics, 18 grenade attacks were carried out between December 2009 and March 2011, killing 14 people and injuring 219.7 Grenade attacks continued after that
sporadically.
Growing divisions emerged within the RPF party, as well as in the army. The primary catalyst for this was the departure of General Kayumba Nyamwasa on 26 February 2010. His flight prompted the army to arrest and detain officers and soldiers suspected of being loyal to him. Exiled in South Africa, Kayumba Nyamwasa survived an assassination attempt on 19 June 2010.
Tensions also grew in 2009 and 2010 between the Rwandan government and supporters of Laurent Nkunda, the former leader of the Congolese armed group, the National Congress for the Defence of the People (CNDP). Arrested in January 2009, he officially remains under house arrest in Rwanda without charge or trial.
At the same time as security worsened, a crackdown on the political opposition and media in advance of the elections was under way. Opposition politicians and journalists were arrested,
accused
of threatening state security for criticizing government policies. An
opposition leader was beheaded in a gruesome attack in mid-July 2010, for which
no-one was brought to justice. Journalists who covered these events touching on
sensitive issues of state security had their papers closed. They too fled and
one of their newspaper editors was murdered.
2.
APPLICABLE RWANDAN AND INTERNATIONAL LAW NATIONAL LAW
Rwanda’s new Penal Code criminalizes torture as a standalone offence for the first time under Rwandan law. It came into force after its publication in the Official Gazette on 14 June 2012. Penalties for torture which range from six months to seven years, unless the torture results in the death of the victim, are too lenient.This issue was raised by the Committee on Torture before the law was promulgated.
Before
June 2012, Rwanda did not specifically criminalize torture as an autonomous
offence in its national law, but it was possible to prosecute perpetrators of
torture for offences such as murder or assault. Rwanda’s constitution
guarantees the right to integrity and prohibits the use of torture without
defining what torture is. 12 Past failure to criminalize all acts of torture as
offences under national criminal law violated Article 4 of the Convention
against Torture to which Rwanda is a state party.
Torture, outside the context of war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide, is subject to a 10 year statute of limitations under Rwanda’s code of criminal procedure.13 This may impede justice for past cases of torture and may limit the ability of victims to seek reparations. Enforced disappearance is not yet defined as a crime under national law. Confessions or evidence coerced through torture are inadmissible in court under Rwanda’s evidence law. “Confessions or evidence obtained by torture or brainwashing” are prohibited in all courts, including specialized courts, such as military courts.
Rwanda’s
evidence law states that “a person cannot retract a judicial admission unless
it can be proved that the admission was a result of physical torture or it
was a mistake of fact.” This provision should
be amended in line with international standards, including by covering mental
torture and ensuring that the
burden is on the State to prove beyond reasonable doubt that such statements have been given of the
person’s free will.
Rwandan
criminal procedure law guarantees a person who is arrested and detained several rights, some of which are not followed
by the military and military intelligence during arrests and detentions. Judicial police
officers have 72 hours to transfer a criminal case file to the prosecution or release the individual
arrested.17 The accused should then be charged by the prosecution and brought before court
to review the legality of detention within seven days or be released. Detainees should be
informed of the reason for their arrest and are entitled to access a lawyer and to inform another
person of their arrest.
Rules
in Rwanda prohibiting detention in secret places and regulating detention of
civilians in military custody are
ill-defined. The Code of Criminal Procedure states that “persons on remand in custody shall not be subject
to a release in a place other than the custody availed for that matter and located within the
area the National Police or Military Police office is located. As for soldiers and their
accomplices, that place shall be located near the office of Military Prosecution.”20 It does not
define “accomplices” and so may leave civilians at risk of being detained in military
facilities. Furthermore, it does not regulate the type of places
where
“soldiers and their accomplices” can be detained.
Rwandan
counter-terrorism legislation goes beyond what is foreseen by the Rwandan Code
of Criminal Procedure.
Under Article 45 of the law on counter-terrorism “A police officer, a security agent or any other authorized
person may arrest without warrant in case of clear reasons for suspecting such a person
to have committed or attempts [sic] to commit acts of terrorism and shall hand him/her over
to the nearest police station in a period not exceeding forty eight (48) hours.”This
facilitates the likelihood of individuals suspected of crimes under this law being placed in
unofficial and/or secret detention for periods of up to 48 hours. It effectively denies them
access to legal counsel in the early stages of detention when they are at the greatest risk of
torture or other ill-treatment. Detention in unofficial and/or secret places violates Rwanda’s
obligations under international law. As
well as numerous shortcomings in Rwandan legislatio n, the human rights
violations documented in this
report also stem from a failure to respect existing laws.
INTERNATIONAL LAW
Rwanda
is a party to international and regional treaties that prohibit torture and
other cruel, inhuman or degrading
treatment or punishment, and that otherwise protect the rights of individuals arrested or detained.
These include the Convention against Torture, the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights (ICCPR) and the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR).The
prohibitions on torture and other ill-treatment and on enforced disappearance are
absolute and non-derogable; they apply in all
circumstances
without any exception.The UN Security Council, General Assembly, and Human Rights Council have all
repeatedly affirmed that all measures taken to counter terrorism must comply fully with
states’ obligations under international law, including particularly international human
rights law, international refugee law, and where applicable, Rwanda is yet to
ratify the International Convention for the Protection of
all
Persons from Enforced Disappearance and the Optional Protocol to the Convention
against Torture and
other
Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment or Punishment. In response to its
Universal Periodic Review before the Human Rights Council in January 2011,
Rwanda stated that it was in the process of ratifying both conventions.26
Following Rwanda’s initial review by the Committee against Torture, Rwanda’s
cabinet approved ratification of the Optional Protocol to the Convention
against Torture on 13 June 2012.27 At the time of writing, no progress had been
made towards ratification of the Convention on Enforced Disappearances.
Once
Rwanda has ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention against Torture, it
will have an obligation to establish a National Prevention Mechanism, an
independent national body to
conduct
regular visits to places of detention. They may also receive occasional visits
from the Subcommittee on Prevention of Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman and
Degrading Treatment, who can provide concrete recommendations on how to prevent
torture and ill-treatment.
WHAT WOULD RWANDA’S OBLIGATIONS BE UNDER THE INTERNATIONAL CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF ALL PERSONS FROM ENFORCED DISAPPEARANCE?
Enforced disappearance is defined in Article 2 of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance which the UN General Assembly adopted in December 2006, as:
“the
arrest, detention, abduction, or any other form of deprivation of liberty by
agents of the state or by persons or groups of persons acting with the
authorization, support, or acquiescence of the state, followed by a refusal to
acknowledge the deprivation of liberty or by concealment of the fate or whereabouts
of the disappeared person, which place such a person outside the protection of
the law.”
The Convention came into force on 23 December 2010 after it was ratified by 20 countries. States that ratify the Convention commit themselves to conduct investigations to locate the disappeared person, to prosecute those responsible and to ensure reparations for survivors and their families. Under Article 17, which includes the prohibition of secret detention, they must implement numerous safeguards to prevent enforced disappearance, including through keeping detailed records of persons deprived of liberty. Any judicial or other competent authority or institution authorized for that purpose by the law of the state party concerned or any relevant international legal instrument to which the state concerned is a party should be able to consult these records. The records should note:
( a ) The identity of the person deprived of liberty;
 |
| The unspeakable RPF weapon for TORTURE In Rwandan prisons |
( b ) The date, time and place where the person was deprived of liberty and the identity of the authority that deprived the person of liberty;
( c ) The authority that ordered the deprivation of liberty and the grounds for the deprivation of liberty;
( d ) The authority responsible for supervising the deprivation of liberty;( e ) The place of deprivation of liberty, the date and time of admission to the place of deprivation of liberty and the authority responsible for the place of deprivation of liberty;
( f ) Elements relating to the state of health of the person deprived of liberty;
( g ) In the event of death during the deprivation of liberty, the circumstances and cause of death and the
destination of the remains;
( h ) The date and
time of release or transfer to another place of detention, the destination and
the authority responsible
for the transfer.
In
addition, according to Article 18 of the Convention, and subject to the
requirements mentioned in Article 19 and 20 of the Convention, relatives of the
person deprived of liberty and their legal counsel should have access to at least
information on:
a) The authority
that ordered the deprivation of liberty;
(b) The date, time
and place where the person was deprived of liberty and admitted to the place of
deprivation of liberty;
(c)
The authority responsible for supervising the deprivation of liberty;
(d)
The whereabouts of the person deprived of liberty, including, in the event of a
transfer to another place of deprivation of liberty, the destination and the
authority responsible for the transfer;
(e) The date, time
and place of release;
(f)
Elements relating to the state of health of the person deprived of liberty;
(g)
In the event of death during the deprivation of liberty, the circumstances and
cause of death and the destination of the remains.
State parties also
have a responsibility to submit to the Committee on Enforced Disappearances a
report on the measures taken to give effect to its obligations under the
Convention. The Committee can also receive and investigate individual
complaints, and may conduct a visit to the country when it receives reliable
information indicating that a state party is seriously violating the provisions
of the Convention.
Rwanda
is still bound by the prohibition of enforced disappearances, as a rule of
customary international law, and since any act of enforced disappearance
inherently involves violations of a range of obligations under the ICCPR and
the ACHPR.28 Rwanda should adhere to the standards set out in the 1992 UN
General Assembly's Declaration on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced
Disappearances, which reflects the consensus of the international community
against this human rights violation.
3. MANDATE AND LEGAL POWERS OF ARREST AND DETENTION BY THE MILITARY
Rwanda has several bodies responsible for ensuring national security. The RDF under the Ministry of Defence ensures external security. It is headed directly by President Kagame, who is Commander-in-Chief of the Army, seconded by the Chief-of-Defence Staff. The Rwanda National Police (RNP), led by an Inspector General of Police, maintains internal security.
Both
the police and the RDF have their own intelligence branches, as does the
President’s Office. Within the army, this is the Department of Military
Intelligence (DMI), known more commonly in Rwanda as J2.
Since
early 2010, the role of the military and the police in arresting individuals
suspected of threatening national security became increasingly blurred.
In February 2010, Rwandan authorities created a Joint Operational Centre to
facilitate information sharing between the RDF, RNP, National Intelligence and
Security Service and the RCS.29 The following month, March 2010, Amnesty
International began to receive reports of enforced disappearances, torture and
other forms of ill-treatment in military detention facilities. These joint
operations may reduce oversight and confuse reporting lines, rendering
accountability for abuses less likely. |
RPF symbol of terror |
Shortcomings in
Rwandan legislation give rise to the arrests of civilians by the army and
military intelligence, as well as the unlawful detention of civilians in
military detention facilities. Rwandan counter-terror legislation, introduced
in September 2008, provides for investigations on terrorism suspects to be
conducted by the police, army, National Security Service or any other competent
organ. It allows “security agents or any other authorized person”, as well as
the police, to conduct impromptu arrests and searches of
individuals suspected of committing or attempting to commit terrorism.
Under this law, the arresting official has 48 hours to hand over the suspect to
the nearest police station. It defines terrorism in a broad way to include
“being in the company of members of a terrorist group” as complicity in
terrorism. This legislation came into force in April 2009 when it was published
in the Official Gazette.
Amnesty
International requested information about the mandate and legal powers with
regard to arrest and detention by the Ministry of Defence and its relationship
to the DMI, the police and the Ministry of Justice, in a letter to the Minister
of Defence in March 2012. The organization did not receive a response. In a
June 2012 meeting the Military Spokesperson told Amnesty International that the
RDF is supporting the police in the maintenance of law and order, including
through joint patrols, but denied that the military detain civilians.
4.
SECRET AND INCOMMUNICADO DETENTION
DETENTION
JOURNEYS TRAVERSING J2’S PARALLEL SYSTEM OF DETENTION
The Department of Military Intelligence (DMI), J2, operates a parallel system of arrest and detention. This system within a system is largely reserved for individuals suspected of threatening national security.
Detainees’ detention journeys typically involved them being held in multiple locations. This made it harder to trace their whereabouts and rendered them more vulnerable to torture and other ill-treatment. Former detainees reported that they were blindfolded when transported from one location to another, and such transfers largely took place at night.
One man described his transfer from the Ministry of Defence to an unknown location, which he later found out was Camp Kami: “They put me in a vehicle. After about an hour, they stopped the vehicle, and they took off the fabric from my eyes. They took off all my clothes and gave me a military uniform. I was handcuffed and put in a house.”32 Usually suspects were shunted between different locations at the start and end of their military detention, but held for a prolonged period in one place in the middle.
DMI agents tried to conceal the location of some detention centres to detainees. A number of detainees developed relationships with their captors, eliciting information from them about where they were detained.
MINADEF
The Ministry of Defence (MINADEF) is a modern multi-story building in Kimihurura surrounded by swathes of neatly manicured gardens. Some of the men who were unlawfully detained passed through MINADEF for interrogations before being transferred to Camp Kami.
CAMP KAMI
Camp Kami is a newly renovated military camp situated in Kinyinya Sector on the outskirts of Kigali. The surrounding area is predominantly residential and overlooks the new housing developments of Nyarutarama. The area is known for the tall radio antennae of Deutsche Welle which dominate the local landscape.
Camp Kami had a notorious reputation for the torture and ill-treatment of detainees in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s.33 Its name continues to instil fear among Rwandans. Officially, the camp now serves as an army barracks and a detention centre for Rwandan soldiers subject to disciplinary action, but Amnesty International has also documented several cases of civilians unlawfully detained there. The facility is used by the DMI for questioning individuals accused of threatening state security.
The part of Camp Kami where detainees are held is just a small section of the larger military barracks. It is comprised of different “houses” which former detainees called different “prisons” within Kami. Some detainees were kept in isolation for several days, but the vast majority were detained with a few others in small rooms. Former detainees reported to Amnesty International that approximately 60 detainees were held at Camp Kami in late 2010 and 2011. They based their estimates on conversations with their guards, as well as detainees who were responsible for preparing food for other prisoners; a task they said was
reserved
for RDF deserters.
MUKAMIRA MILITARY CAMP
Mukamira military camp lies between Gisenyi and Ruhengeri.35 Some suspects detained at Mukamira camp were brought over from the DRC, while others appear to have been arrested near Gisenyi. It houses a mix of civilians, demobilized FDLR fighters and FDLR apprehended in the DRC.
Amnesty International has reviewed judicial files of some former detainees of Mukamira military camp and interviewed their lawyers. The organization was obstructed in gathering detailed information on the camp though restrictions on visiting individuals formerly detained there and subsequently transferred to Gisenyi prison.
SAFE HOUSES
Amnesty International also received reports of a network of safe houses used to detain suspects in Kigali. Safe houses are not permitted under Rwanda’s code of criminal procedure.36 They appear to be used to detain and interrogate higher profile personalities, including Rwandans with links to the DRC or dual Rwandan-Congolese nationals. Suspects were kept in secret detention in private houses, sometimes in bathrooms and handcuffed for extended periods of time. Two detainees reported to Amnesty International or their families that they had been interrogated by high-ranking officials from the DMI in safe houses. Specific conditions were more difficult to verify than in military camps because detainees were isolated and typically did not have contact with co-detainees.
INCOMMUNICADO DETENTION
All former detainees told Amnesty International that they were held incommunicado in military custody for long periods of time – in many cases for more than two months and, in some cases, up to eight or nine months – before being presented to a prosecutor or court or being transferred to a civilian prison. During military custody, they were unable to contact a lawyer or relatives and their cases were not subject to judicial review. Such incommunicado detention, which includes no access to lawyers, doctors, and relatives
and no judicial review of the lawfulness of detention, violates Rwanda’s obligations under international law, including guarantees against arbitrary detention and torture.
TORTURE AND OTHER ILL-TREATMENT
For most detainees, interrogations by military intelligence officers focused on knowledge of threats to national security. Many were questioned about the 2010 and 2011 grenade attacks and funding of the FDLR. Others were asked questions about their personal, social and family relationships, including their relationships with other detainees.
All individuals formerly detained in military facilities and their family members interviewed by Amnesty ernational reported that they were severely beaten by military officers during interrogations. One former detainee of Camp Kami said, “The interrogation, it is beating” and described his time at Camp Kami as a “living death”.
Some family members and lawyers reported seeing marks from beatings on their relatives or clients. One family member described the first time they saw their relative after a month’s unlawful detention at Camp Kami, “His face, hands and legs were all swollen. We couldn’t easily recognize him”. 40 The individual concerned had not been charged by the prosecution or brought before a court during his time at Camp Kami.41 The vast majority, however, said that no visible signs were left due to the months that had elapsed since the beatings took place, shortly after their arrest and in the immediate months that followed.
ELECTRIC SHOCKS
Three former detainees from Camp Kami recounted to Amnesty International that they were subjected to electric shocks during interrogations. Two of these detainees described that this happened to them on one occasion each. Both of them reported that military intelligence had used these devices during interrogations at MINADEF shortly after their arrest and prior to their transfer to Camp Kami. Both interrogations took place at night. The other man had been electrocuted after his transfer to Camp Kami.
Read more on http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/asset/AFR47/004/2012/en/ca2e51a2-1c3f-4bb4-b7b9-e44ccbb2b8de/afr470042012en.pdf
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, October 7, 2012
Steamboat Springs Colorado is a small town of approximately 12000 inhabitants and an international reknown skiresort in the Rocky Mountains. The history of the Episcopalian church in Steamboat Springs dates back to the end of the nineteenth century:
 |
| Bishop John Rucyahana The Rwandese Joseph Goebbels Kagame's closest associate and most devout RPF follower |
'As far back as 1889 a bishop would arrive either on horseback or by wagon to hold episcopalian church services.'
October 14th John Rucyahana,a bishop from Rwanda, is scheduled to arrive in Steamboat Springs for a 'talk'. John Rucyahana is one of the ideological pillars of Rwanda's ruling RPF and is president of the National Unity and Reconciliation Commission of Rwanda. To achieve unity and reconciliation John Rucyahana, as one of the leaders, has set up 84 Ingando indoctrination camps in Rwanda's 30 districts. 40.000 highschool students are forced to:
'memorize the RPF's narrative and are also taught how to shoot guns. In the history lessons delivered by military instructors, everything that went wrong in Rwanda is blamed on the colonialists and members of the past Hutu regime. There is no mention of RPF's crimes both in Rwanda and the DRC'.
Bishop John Rucyahana was recently mentioned as one of the main organisers of the rebel insurgency M23 in Congo:
'Another similar M23 meeting with Rwandan authorities took place on 26 May 2012 in Ruhengeri, Rwanda, at Hotel Ishema. According to intelligence sources and to politicians with close ties to Kigali, the RDF organized the meeting for CNDP politicians, which was chaired by Bishops John Rucyahana and Coline, both senior RPF party leaders. The aim of the meeting was to convey the message that the Rwandan Government supports M23 politically and militarily. All Rwandophone politicians and officers were instructed to join M23, or otherwise leave the Kivus. In particular, CNDP politicians have been asked to resign from the North Kivu Governorate and to withdraw from the Presidential Majority.”
After this UN report came out Bishop John Rucyahana published an article 'I saw a vision' in Rwanda's New Times (propaganda newspaper of ruling RPF) and claimed:
'Africa’s leaders should wake up and shake off the colonial imposition bequeathed on her by the Western world and learn to work and fight for African dignity and restoration.
The African Union should endeavor to correct all mistakes done on Africa with all the energy within its power and ability. Those damages which are thought to be beyond repair can be redeemed productively. For example, the problem of Congo is uncalled for, and D.R. Congo alone has the duty to put an end to the strife. If the Congolese do not recognise the people in Eastern Congo as their fellow Congolese, the African Union should give them the option for a referendum to choose where they should belong.Finally, the African Union should redeem its dignity and shape Africa’s destiny and stop being manipulated and exploited by her former colonial exploiters. In conclusion, Africa should condemn very strongly and reject the European effort to re-colonize Africa by use of International Courts and other means being used to threaten the Sovereignty of African leadership.'
The article has since been removed from the New Times website to hide this man's words to his Anglican friends in the US and the UK. It's clear from these words that bishop John Rucyahana is aiming to breakup the Congo
Paul Kagame, instead of condemning the M23 insurgency as requested by the international community, made a similar case for the support of the ongoing operation of murder and rape in Kivu.
Episcopaleans in Steamboat Springs should film their meeting with John Rucyahana and ask him to strongly condemn the M23 insurgency. To condemn the forced recruitment campaign by the RPF inside Rwanda and the execution of deserters. To condemn on camera RPF crimes of the mapping report, the assassination of political opponents. The episcopal church in Steamboat Springs has the unique opportunity to take this guy by surprise and make him reveal his real revolutionary goals. It's time to unmaks this imposter.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, September 30, 2012
Paul Kagame of Rwanda pulls the “Chinese Model” stunt just to cling to power. Kagame uses his status as the “- Rwanda is no longer under the Rwanda-Burundi- Congo- Belge…Zero! => Provocation by the hyenas usually ends up in bad results for the hyenas, Kagame should not be exception.
"You will keep hearing from me on this," said the President amidst applause, adding: "That's why you hired me.
"
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron fist, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>AS International]
“How could a former U.S. President who actually helped facilitate the killings in Rwanda in 1994 by training the officers of the RPF in Uganda before 1990, then ignoring the invasion of Rwanda on October 1, 1990 from Uganda (and blocking it from discussion in the U.N. Security Council), go to Kigali today and again ignore the massacres being carried out today by Rwanda-trained killers in Congo?
The Clinton visit to the Ruhengeri prefecture aka "Musanze province", where people were killed through gas, deportation to Uganda and concentration camps and the fact that he didn't address the ongoing massacres in both regions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo is SHAME FOR THE ENTIRE WORLD. He knows the role U.S. played in 1994 calamity when he was president. He continues to provide cover for Kagame and finally, He does not care about the lives of Africans.
President Clinton is undoubtedly an exceptionally contemptible human-being.” What a shame to all of us !! We learnt about his controversial aid in the construction of Butaro Cancer centre after hte mass-slaughter of the Butaro inhabitants by Kagame and RPF, the Tutsi rebels 100% enjoying ammunition provided by President Clinton. He probably forgot the February 8th, 1993 historical event in Ruhengeri. What a shame ! Such a visit and Kagame visits to the United States ARE TO CHEAPEN both the RWANDAN GENOCIDE itself and the appalling experiences OF HUTU VICTIMS AND SURVIVORS.
| The Rwandan hyena is watching carefully, before singling out h victims target - One hour before the mass-slaughter of hutu refugees |
To have such a dictatorship still existing in the 21st century on our doorstep is shameful. Kagame's treatment of those who oppose him, many of which are young campaigners such as Ms Ingabire Victoire, is disgraceful. We call upon all the world community to say No to the mastermind of the Rwandan and Congolese genocides. It's time to punish the last world worse dictator and still President of Rwanda. Shame on all of us.
 |
| Death threat symbol, designed to threaten, intimidate and spread up fear, dread, terror and paninc |
 |
| Death and RPF symbol, designed to threaten, intimidate and spread up great fear, dread, terror and paninc |
Why would a global campaign to track a criminal with apparently ill equipped 300 followers be staged while the same countries which are after the former having been providing billions of £, $ and Euros and persist in backing another criminal leader of a country whose responsibility in worse atrocities has been irrevocably proven?
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, September 22, 2012
Kagame recycling rebellions in Congo with
former Rwandan RPF military members
from RCD (Karaha, Ruberwa,...to CNDP (Mutebusi hidden in Rwandan,
Nkunda hidden in Rwanda) & now M23 Ntaganda....,Kamanzi and...
former Rwandan RPF military members
from RCD (Karaha, Ruberwa,...to CNDP (Mutebusi hidden in Rwandan,
Nkunda hidden in Rwanda) & now M23 Ntaganda....,Kamanzi and...
- Letter to World Bank Vice President for Africa On Rwanda
- Official UN mapping report
- BBC kinyarwanda on Human Rights Watch Report on M23 crimes
- Kagame and RPF major crimes well documented
Progress continues in Rwanda in
the fields of development, delivery of public services, health, and the economy is a classic propaganda aimed
to keep Kagame and RPF crimes out of the news.
the fields of development, delivery of public services, health, and the economy is a classic propaganda aimed
to keep Kagame and RPF crimes out of the news.
(Goma) – M23 rebels in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo are responsible for widespread war crimes, including summary executions, rapes, and forced recruitment. Thirty-three of those executed were young men and boys who tried to escape the rebels’ ranks.
Saturday, September 15, 2012
 |
| Prince Antoine-Théophile NYETERA 1936-2012 |
Words cannot express how deeply sorry we are for your loss. Mr Nyetera Antoine will be missed terribly. All Rwandans will be permanently indebted to him, and to his terminal sacrifice.
Throughout the years, we/I have valued his friendship, kindness and thoughtfulness. We will sorely miss all of our laughs, friendly conversations, and evenings of comradeship. We will always keep Mr. Nyetera Antoine memories held deeply within our/my hearts(s) reminding us/me of how life should be lived.
Throughout the years, we/I have valued his friendship, kindness and thoughtfulness. We will sorely miss all of our laughs, friendly conversations, and evenings of comradeship. We will always keep Mr. Nyetera Antoine memories held deeply within our/my hearts(s) reminding us/me of how life should be lived.
He was our friend in the successful fight for Rwanda's Freedom, peace and Justice from Kagame and RPF dictatorship.
His courage, devotion and loyalty to the Rwandan people and nation is an inspiration to all of us who Love Freedom, Justice and Peace for all Rwandans, AbaHutu, AbaTutsi and AbaTwa including all those who have chosen to bear the Rwanda nationality or live in Rwanda, out fatherland
Mr Nyetera Antoine, whom I had the great pleasure of meeting during our memorable events, demonstrations, conferences around the world was a man of universal vision whose pragmatic political wisdom served admirably to realize so many of Rwandan NGOs and political parties’goals. I request Your Excellency to accept, and to convey to the family of the late Premier the expressions of my condolences. on the passing away of this great personality.
On behalf of the African Survivors Community and myself, please accept, our heartfelt condolences, profound sympathy and deep feelings of sorrow towards the passing away of this great personality.
Mr. Nyetera was an outstanding political figure, who served the world and his country in particular, Rwanda, with distinction. He will be remembered for his passion for the causes, which he espoused, not least of which was his fight for the Truth, Freedom and Justice in Rwanda, urging them to participate fully in the process of TRUE reconciliation of all Rwandans with respect of Rwandans human rights and dignity.
Regarded as a political, social and cultural icon in the life of Rwanda, he was a charismatic, eloquent and a consummate master of communication. As we mourn his loss, we cannot but recognize the indelible impression he has left on the Truth about the Truth about the Rwandan Genocide mastermind and the reality on ethnic groups of Rwanda.
In paying homage to this great son of Rwanda, it is fitting to acknowledge that his distinguished service to his country and to the African Great Lakes Region will always be a great source of inspiration in our efforts in fulfilling Rwandans’aspirations for a stronger and more viable nation definitely liberated from RPF dictatorship and Kagame’s tyranny.
As International is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.
As International centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
As International’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Subscribe to:
Posts
(Atom)
AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.