A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Wednesday, March 13, 2013
Rencontre Kabila-Dos Santos-Zuma,
QUAND RFI DENATURE LES FAITS
Une tripartite Kinshasa, Luanda et Pretoria ce mardi 12 mars dans la capitale angolaise. Les modalités de mise en œuvre de l’accord-cadre sur la paix en Rdc et dans la région des Grands Lacs, signé le 24 février dernier à Addis-Abeba, étaient au centre des échanges entre délégations. Le président congolais, Joseph Kabila, l’angolais, José Eduardo dos Santos et leur homologue d’Afrique du Sud, Jacob Zuma se sont séparé après avoir rendu public le communiqué final. Un communiqué que Rfi a feint d’oublier dans le traitement de ses informations. Une désinformation et une manipulation qui sont autant de stratégies de ceux, pour qui la paix représente une sérieuse menace contre les intérêts de leurs mentors.
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Zuma-Dos Santos-Joseph Kabila
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Voici le communiqué final de la tripartite Angola-Rdc-Afrique du Sud:
Les Présidents de la République d’Angola, Son Excellence José Eduardo dos Santos, de la République Démocratique du Congo, Son Excellence Joseph Kabila et de la République d’Afrique du sud, Son Excelence Jacob Zuma, se sont réunis dans un Sommet Tripartite, le 12 mars 2013, à Luanda, enfin d’analyser la situation actuelle en RDC et se sont accordés sur la meilleure manière pour la mise en oeuvre de l’Accord-cadre pour la paix, la stabilité et la Coopération en RDC, signé le 24 février 2013 à Addis Abeba.
• Le Sommet s’inscrit dans le cadre des efforts internationaux développés au niveau des Nations Unies, de l’Union africaine, de la Conférence Internationale de la Région des Grands Lacs et de la Communauté de Développement de l’Afrique Australe, visant de stabiliser la situation dans l’Est de la République Démocratique du Congo, notamment à travers l’opérationalisation de la Brigade d’Intervention avec la MONUSCO ;
• Les Chefs d’Etat réaffirment l’importance de l’Accord-Cadre comme la perspective la plus adéquate pour la résolution pacifique de la crise et du conflit dans l’Est de la RDC, tout en souvegardant sa souveraineté et son intégrité territoriale comme condition indispensable au développement économique et social de ce pays, la paix, la sécurité et la stabilité dans la région et le processus d’intégration régiolnale ;
• Les Présidents de l’Angola et de l’Afrique du sud ont réiteré leur appui aux efforts menés par le Président Kabila et son gouvernement dans la recherche de la paix, la stabilité et le développement en RDC ;
• Dans ce contexte, les Chefs d’Etst décident de créer un mécanisme Tripartite de coopération conjointe RDC-Angola_RSA, en vue de créer des conditions favorables à la mise en oeuvre de ce réferé Accord-Cadre.
Luanda, le 12 mars 2013.
P.P.
Les trois pays dont les délégations ont été conduites par les Chefs d’Etat à Luanda sont toutes signataires de l’accord d’Addis-Abeba. Le respect des engagements pris à travers leur acte serait le principe fondateur de toute démarchent qu’ils sont susceptibles d’entreprendre en rapport avec la démarche entamé pour la restauration de la paix dans les grands lacs africains. Ainsi, prétendre que le simple fait de n’avoir pas produit du boucan à l’issue d’une rencontre de ci haut niveau serait un signe des discordances entre les voix des trois présidents africains relève d’une mauvaise lecture des faits. Pire encore, les auteurs d’une telle interprétation seraient au service de ceux qui, de tous leurs vœux, ne jure que par la pérennisation de la violence en vue de la prédation des ressources dans l’est de la Rdc.
Tous les médias et autres analystes nationaux et internationaux ont accueilli positivement l’initiative prise par Kinshasa, Luanda et Pretoria. La Rfi par contre, puisque c’est d’elle qu’il s’agit, a, avec ses loupes orientées, imaginé un fond inimitié à la place de ce qu’elle a qualifié d’unité de façade. Cet instrument de la politique extérieure de la France n’a même pas voulu s’arrêter là. Ses analystes dont le point de vue sur la situation en Rdc n’est plus à attendre, sont allés jusqu’à prendre pour preuve de la difficulté des négociations de la capitale angolaise, l’absence d’aucune mesure concrète à l’issue de la rencontre.
Et pourtant, en qualité de signataires de l’accord-cadre d’Addis-Abeba, ces trois pays n’ont plus qu’à attendre la résolution du Conseil de sécurité pour sa mise en œuvre. Les positions des uns et des autres sont connues depuis l’annonce de la proposition de l’accord en question. Comme son homologue tanzanien Jakaya Kikwete, le président sud-africain avait déjà affirmé qu’il était prêt à contribuer à la future brigade et même d’en prendre la tête. Option qu’un autre partenaire, l’Angola, n’a jamais rejetée malgré que, lui, a toujours plaidé pour une résolution pacifique du conflit dans la région. Sinon, le président Edouardo dos Santos n’aurait apposé sa signature au bas du document de la capitale Ethiopienne.
Rapport des forces
Ce que nos confrères de la chaine publique française feignent d’ignorer c’est que, dans chaque processus de négociation ou de conclusion des accords entre acteurs de la scène internationale, le principe majeur reste la préservation des intérêts de chacun. C’est ainsi qu’ils ont tendance à véhiculer un message du genre : « puisqu’on doit restaurer la paix en Rdc, tous les pays doivent oublier qu’ils ont leurs propres intérêts à préserver ici ou ailleurs ». Ils osent même croire que ce sont les congolais qui, au nom d’un quelconque accord, seraient restés inertes au point que les autres viennent, à eux tout seuls, décider de ce qui doit se passer sur leur territoire.
La défiance qui, selon la Rfi, serait croissante entre Luanda et Kinshasa, n’a, en réalité, rien avoir ni avec la mise en œuvre de l’accord d’Addis-Abeba, ni avec le contenu de la tripartite d’hier. Au regard du jeu international, l’Angola et la Rdc se doivent de se faire de la bonne guerre. Guerre qui, aux yeux d’observateurs avertis, se trouve être normal en ce sens que seul le rapport des forces compte dans la nouvelle configuration du monde et de la partie médiane du continent africain. Les deux pays ont tout à fait raison, quelles que soient les péripéties de la géopolitique mondiale et continentale, de s’inscrire, d’une manière permanente, dans la logique de la lutte pour la suprématie des puissances dans la région. D’où, la normalité des positions de l’un envers l’autre. Ce qui ne donne pas, pour autant raison aux allégations fallacieuses formulées par ceux qui ne veulent pas voir la paix revenir en Rdc et dans la région.
On ne cessera jamais de le dire, à chaque moment où un tournant décisif se dessine à l’horizon de l’histoire de la Rdc, l’ennemi se réveille. C’est à ce moment là, peut-être, qu’il se rend compte de la faiblesse de ses méthodes et tente de les renforcer, sinon les modifier. La Coalition internationale pour la déstabilisation du Congo – Cidc – semble en être arrivée là. Cette fois-ci encore, elle ne veut pas laisser la situation lui échapper aux pays de Simon Kimbangu, Lumumba et Kabila. Cette nébuleuse, dans les girons de laquelle se trouvent des Nations, personnalités, multinationales, sociétés secrètes, Organisations non gouvernementales et intergouvernementales ainsi que les médias, s’investit dans la lutte contre la paix, la stabilité, la reconstruction et le développement socioéconomique de la République Démocratique du Congo. Et la Rfi ne fait que son travail, celui pour lequel elle est là.
A en croire plus d’un analyste, la Radio France internationale confirme de plus en plus son appartenance à la Coalition internationale pour la déstabilisation du Congo. Plutôt que se limiter à collecter, traiter et diffuser les informations, ce média se comporte à la manière de ceux des acteurs de la scène internationale qui sont employé par cette alliance des forces engagées dans la lutte contre les intérêts de la Rdc. Et les actes qui prouvent ce fait sont multiples. Le dernier cas en date est le traitement de l’actualité relative à la tenue de la tripartite Rdc-Angola-Rsa à Luanda. De l’avis de plus d’un spécialiste de l’information, la Rfi se serait arrangée pour faire l’apologie des pensées négatives véhiculées par ceux qui ne vivent qu’au profit de la violence et de la prédation des ressources dans l’est de la Rdc.
Jean-Luc MUSHI-MPAKU
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, March 2, 2013
By: Emmanuel Hakizimana, Ph.D., Economist, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada
and
Gallican Gasana, Genocide survivor, Toronto, Canada
Related article:
At first, Blair and Buffet argue that cutting aid does nothing to
address the core issues of the Great Lakes region. What they fail to mention is
that Eastern Congo had known peace and stability until the massive exodus of
Rwandan refugees of 1994, shortly followed by the first Rwandan invasion of
1996 and then the first “African World War” of 1998. More than five million
people are estimated to have perished as a direct consequence of the
involvement of Rwanda in Eastern DRC.
The ongoing humanitarian crisis in that part of the world was
recently exacerbated by the M23 rebel group insurrection, created, armed and
commanded by Kigali. In a nutshell, Rwanda is at the very core of DRC problems,
and solving them requires first solving the political conundrum that is Rwanda.
Congo’s problems are the symptoms of a grim syndrome from its smallest
neighbor: cure that neighbor, and Congo will be on its way to healing. We
believe the cascade of foreign aid suspensions triggered by Rwanda’s
unquestionable involvement with M23, albeit overdue, is a welcome response.
Should it had happened earlier, who is to tell how many lives it could have
saved. Instead, Rwanda has come to realize it does not need to respect its
citizens’ rights or its neighbor’s sovereignty to sit at the negotiation.
Secondly, Blair and
Buffet contend that the Rwandan economic miracle is too rare to stop in its
course by cutting vital funding. However, the much hyped success story loses
much of its weight when put in perspective. Data from the World Bank show that
Rwandans suffer from mass poverty, growing inequality, and low standards of
living. Income inequalities between the rich and the poor have reached their
highest point in recent history.
Between 1985 and 2011, the share of gross domestic product by the
10% richest almost doubled from 24.58% to 43.22%, while the poorest 10% saw
their share reduced by more than a half, from 4.41% to 2.13%. These are not
just figures on a spreadsheet: According to the United Nations Development Programme,
three Rwandan out of four (76.8%) live below the poverty line on less than $
1.25 per day. Obviously, the majority of the Rwandan population is not part of
the success story alluded to by Blair and Buffet.
Compared to Sub-Saharan Africa, Rwanda is far from being an island
of prosperity in an ocean of misery. The UNDP report on the human development
index puts the gross national income per capita at $ 1,133 in constant prices
of 2005, or $ 800 below the average of the region ($ 1,966). Business towers and
posh neighborhoods may be changing the skyline in Kigali, but the rest of the
countryside stagnates.
The causes of this mass poverty and large disparities can be
traced to the policies in place. In Rwanda, political and economic powers are
concentrated in the hands of General Paul Kagame plus a few close generals and
businessmen. In addition to being President of Rwanda, he is the chairman of
RPF, and as such, the CEO of Crystal Ventures, a conglomerate owned by his
ruling party.
It controls key sectors of the economy ranging from construction,
food processing, and communication to retail and public utilities. It is
estimated that Crystal Ventures is the second largest employer in the country
after the public sector. As is to be expected, numerous conflicts of interest,
disguised monopoly situations and high-level corruption are common practices in Kigali.Policies prevailing in the agricultural sector maintain rural
Rwanda in poverty. Farmers cannot grow or dispose of their crops as they see
fit for them and their natural markets. They are forced to sell their crops at
low prices in cooperatives where a few RPF officers control the entire system
of storage, transport and commercialization of agricultural products.
Discrimination among the victims of the Rwandan tragedy is also another source of continued impoverishment of a large fraction of the Rwandan population. Although the wholesome destruction of human life that culminated in the 1994 genocide and extended into DRC made victims in all groups of the population of Rwanda, survivors’ assistance is granted on a discriminated basis. Added to the multiple violations and abuses widely documented by human rights organizations, these elements show that talk of history of success for Rwanda is, to say the least, misinformation and cynicism.
Discrimination among the victims of the Rwandan tragedy is also another source of continued impoverishment of a large fraction of the Rwandan population. Although the wholesome destruction of human life that culminated in the 1994 genocide and extended into DRC made victims in all groups of the population of Rwanda, survivors’ assistance is granted on a discriminated basis. Added to the multiple violations and abuses widely documented by human rights organizations, these elements show that talk of history of success for Rwanda is, to say the least, misinformation and cynicism.
Rwandans and human rights watch groups have been stating the obvious for so long that the belated recognition of the troubling patterns in Kigali came as a vindication. The international community is still nursing the guilt of not having intervened in 1994 while the genocide against Tutsis was being committed in broad daylight. She subsequently looked away when the victorious RPF methodically massacred Hutus inside Rwanda and in DRC - crimes that multiple UN reports indicate could be defined as genocide by a competent jurisdiction. In short, Blair and Buffet advocate for knowingly continue funding a regime that closed the political space, slowly steering Rwanda to another tragedy. They advise the world to keep looking away while Kigali entertains a climate of insecurity for millions of neighboring Congolese. That can’t be right.
Submitted by: Jennifer
Fierberg
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, February 24, 2013
"He not only refused to intervene, he actively sought to allow it to happen".
As Press welcomes all ideas that might help to to give the right answer to this question including classified material.
Join and support this effort wherever you are.
- Deny the Rwandan Dictator global space.
- Do it for falsely imprisoned opposition leaders, Victoire Ingabire, Deo Mushayidi and Bernard Ntaganda.
- Do it the murdered opposition leader Andrew Kagwa Rwisereka and journalist Leonard Rugambage.
- Do it for all the Rwandans the serial killer Kagame has murdered in the last 17 years.
The architects of the Rwanda genocide, Paul Kagame and his main advisors are free and remain at large. Beware: They move among you.
Kagame's definition:
Myth 1: A Deficit of Logic in the Great Lakes of Africa(2011) by Francis Xavier Ndagabanye Muhoozi
Myth 2 : The Rwanda Crisis (1995)
Myth 3: A Biographical Encyclopedia of Contemporary Genocide (2012)
Myth 4: The Oxford Encyclopedia of African Thought (2010)
Paul Kagame became president in 2000 and led Rwanda into an unsuccessful and bloody conflict with the Democratic Republic of Congo, which....bla,bla,bla and bla, bla.
This made the Rwanda place first place in a ranking of countries that are the biggest sources of financial outflow attributed to corruption, bloody diamonds, slavery, bribery, theft, massacres, forced disappearances, tax evasion, smuggling and other illegal activities between Kagame cohorts and the essential elements of the system are secrecy, jurisdictions, disguised corporations, anonymous trust accounts, and fake charitable foundations among which Blair and Clinton's NGOs. One of the world’s biggest financial black holes is in Rwanda.
Rwanda's genocide and the bloody legacy of Anglo-American guilt
Paul Kagame : African success story or authoritarian state?
The guest speaker was Paul Kagame – the President of Rwanda – who is credited with lifting Rwanda out of
poverty. He is also a despot who rigs elections, tortures dissenters, and kills political opponents.
Dangerous Liaisons
At the lecture, Gearty heaped effusive praise on Kagame. It went above and beyond what courtesy required; it bordered on the sycophantic. It was also misleading. Gearty described Kagame as winning “a landslide victory in democratically contested elections,” and lauded his “experience in dealing with rights abuses.”
Most alarming of all was the reaction of the audience. Probably knowing little about Rwanda, they looked to Gearty’s behavior for guidance. And they followed his cue. They laughed at Kagame’s terrible jokes, and when, at one point, a Congolese rights campaigner got up and criticized Kagame for his abuses, the audience laughed and jeered at the campaigner like he was a clown.
Kagame, of course, loved it. He smiled smugly. With no hint of irony he criticized African “one-party states” and addressed his lone critic like he was indulging a local loon. Not once did Gearty even question Kagame (an act within his rights as the moderator), and when Kagame denounced human rights organizations, Gearty didn’t even blink. And I squirmed in my seat thinking that either I or everyone else in the hall had gone mad.
- Kagame didn't turn out to be a reformer, as western media freely acknowledges.
- Kagame fashions himself as a man of the people, a man who stopped the genocide (he masterminded), as a reformer.
- Kagame, Saddam Hussein and Muammar Qaddafi. What is that difference?
Rwanda Genocide: Honoring the Dead Without Honoring the Lies
Michael Hourigan was afraid to single out publicly the name of Clinton
Michael Hourigan, dans le secret profond de ses enquêtes spéciales, a découvert que c'étaient Kagame et Bill Clinton qui avaient abattu l'avion de Habyarimana, déclenchant la tragédie du Rwanda.
The Obama administration should heed the call. Kagame's legitimacy comes less from highly-manipulated elections than from the recognition he gets at home and abroad as the man who stopped the genocide.
The crowds head towards the hilltop - thousands of Rwandans streaming in from the surrounding fields and villages. They are ushered, efficiently, into smaller groups; searched, given flags, and then guided towards orderly clusters of roped-off areas. It is all done neatly, and without fuss.
"....Then come the speeches. First a local man, then a woman, stand on the podium and tell the crowd how they have become rich - quickly. The woman started with one goat. Now she has two hundred cows and seven staff. The crowd roars.
I have been to my fair share of election rallies in Africa. They do not normally start like this. They are certainly never on time. The subtext is always power, not prosperity. In Kenya, the guest speakers are usually defectors from rival parties who grovel and confess.
I have been to my fair share of election rallies in Africa. They do not normally start like this. They are certainly never on time. The subtext is always power, not prosperity. In Kenya, the guest speakers are usually defectors from rival parties who grovel and confess.
The cheering from the back of the crowd signals the arrival of President Paul Kagame.
Tall, thin, slow to smile - he walks down the aisle like a university professor dutifully acknowledging his students' approval, but concerned that some of their essays are not up to scratch.
Whoever shot down the plane, the killing began within hours, as Kagame and his Tutsi army fought their way toward Kigali to stop the genocide they had helped provoke. Traveling with them, by his own account, was at least one American - the refugee's friend Roger Winter.
Should Congress ever investigate America's role in the Rwandan holocaust, Mr. Winter would be a star witness.
Should Congress ever investigate America's role in the Rwandan holocaust, Mr. Winter would be a star witness.
Lying About Rwanda's Genocide Why President Clinton refused to intervene in Rwanda? The advice
The omission that made him and Kagame famous !
From the early 1980s, Winter ran the U.S. Committee on Refugees, a private Non-Governmental Organization. Washington provided some 75% of his NGO's budget, but Winter - unlike overt government officials - was free to help the Tutsis organize a conference in Washington in August 1988. The meeting greatly increased support from exiles outside Uganda to the political wing of the Tutsi army, the Rwandan Patriotic Front.
The RPF, as it was known, played down its Tutsi roots, called itself multi-ethnic, and placed prominent Hutu dissidents in leadership posts. But Kagame and his Tutsi associates kept it - and their army - under firm control, and continued to press for a change in the Hutu government of President Juvenal Habyarimana that would permit the refugees to return to Rwanda.
Washington increased its support for Musaveni's Uganda, which permitted his military to give increasing supplies of munitions, automatic rifles, mortars, artillery, and Soviet-designed Katyusha multiple rocket systems to Kagame's Tutsi troops. With this support, the Tutsis stepped up their incursions into Rwanda from their Ugandan bases.
At the same time, both Paris and Washington pressed President Habyarimana to accept a UN-brokered power-sharing agreement that would allow the Tutsi refugees to return to Rwanda. Perhaps the deep thinkers in Washington saw the Tutsi military attacks as pressure toward a peaceful settlement. If they did, they soon found out how wrong they were.
The climax came on April 6, 1994, when Habyarimana was flying home from peace talks in Tanzania. As his French Falcon 50 aircraft approached Kigali airport, a ground-to-air missile blew the plane apart.
American officials quickly blamed Hutu extremists, who saw Habyarimana as too willing to compromise with the Tutsis. Now, the well-respected French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere is reportedly accusing Kagame of personally ordering the assassination - a charge that the Rwandan ruler bitterly denies. Other reports suggest that a Tutsi commando team in Kigali fired Soviet missiles that the Americans captured during the first Gulf War and gave to the Ugandans.
Again and again :
Whoever shot down the plane, the killing began within hours, as Kagame and his Tutsi army fought their way toward Kigali to stop the genocide they had helped provoke. Traveling with them, by his own account, was at least one American - the refugee's friend Roger Winter.
Should Congress ever investigate America's role in the Rwandan holocaust, Mr. Winter would be a star witness.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, February 18, 2013
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Ubutumwa ku
- "Intwali za Demokakarasi zili mu munyururu
Abo bose RPF yashyize i Mpanga ndetse nahandi bagomba kuva ko ali Intwali za Demokarasi. Demokarasi bitangiye niiyo natwe twitangiye. Kandi mbasezeraniye ko tuli ku rugamba aho batali, turimo turahatana kandi byanze bikunze TUZATSINDA. NI IKIBAZO CY'IGIHE GUSA. - Abanyarwanda bose:
Kuko abanyarwanda bose ni abanyururu. U Rwanda Rwose ni prison bavuga ko n'ikirere ahali gifunze. Abanyarwanda ndababwira ko byanze bikunze Ishyaka PDR mbereye umuyobozi, ulmugambi waryo ali uwo kubabohoza. Kandi barabona ko twatangiye urugamba, tururiho, kandi byanze bikunze IHUMURE rizataha i Rwanda".
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, February 17, 2013
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
COMMUNIQUE DE PRESSE N° 004/P.S.IMB/013
DISPARITION DU MARI DU SECRETAIRE GENERAL
KIGALI - Le parti social IMBERAKURI informe les rwandais, les amis du Rwanda et les IMBERAKURI en particulier de son inquiétude sur la disparition de Monsieur Erwin Fidèle KALIMBA, le mari de Madame Immaculée UWIZEYE KANSIIME, Secrétaire Général du parti PS IMBERAKURI.
Les informations qui nous parviennent sont que Mr Erwin Fidèle KALIMBA a été vu pour la dernière fois le vendredi 08 Février 2013 et que c’est ce même jour qu’il a pu parler avec son épouse Immaculée qui est actuellement en visite en Europe.
De notre côté, nous avons tenté de le joindre sur son téléphone mobile en vain, nous avons été chez lui où nous avons remarqué que sa maison était fermée. Ses voisins nous ont également appris que ça fait quelques jours qu’ils ne le voient pas. De son côté, Immaculée s’est faite aidée par sa famille et c’est là qu’elle a su que le dernier contact qu’il a eu était ce 08/02/2013.
| General Paul Kagame Chef de l'armée RDF Chef des Services secrets Rwandais Chef des milices du FPR |
Comme nous n’avons cessé de le faire savoir, ce voyage du Secrétaire Général a fait trop parlé le pouvoir de Kigali à tel point que plusieurs responsables du parti à différents niveaux sont régulièrement approchés pour les dissuader à quitter leur parti et rejoindre le FPR sans quoi, ils seront considérés comme des ennemis du pays.
Le parti social IMBERAKURI demande aussi à toute personne qui de près ou de loin pourrait lui venir en aide pour sauver la vie de Mr Erwin Fidèle KALIMBA de le faire sans tarder. Le parti rappelle également que ces actes de violence n’avanceront en rien le Rwanda, qu’ils sont plutôt à bannir.
Fait à Kigali, le 17/02/2013
Alexis BAKUNZIBAKE
Premier Vice Président
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, February 13, 2013
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see....Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed.
By TRICIA L. NADOLNY Monitor staff
Wednesday, February 13, 2013
(Published in print: Wednesday, February 13, 2013)
(Published in print: Wednesday, February 13, 2013)
A federal court judge criticized prosecutors’ handling of Beatrice Munyenyezi’s trial yesterday, calling their case “unbalanced” and accusing them of eliciting 40 minutes of rambling testimony for every 5 minutes of evidence.
Judge Steven McAuliffe’s harsh words came as the fifth day of testimony, in a trial the judge is trying to cap at two weeks, came to a close. Munyenyezi is accused of helping identify Tutsis to be killed at a roadblock during the 1994 genocide, then lying about her involvement when she applied for U.S. citizenship.
But several of the Rwandan witnesses who have already taken the stand have given substantial testimony about Munyenyezi’s husband and mother-in-law, who have each been convicted in an international court of helping organize and carry out the genocide.
McAuliffe decided to remind the lawyers who they’re prosecuting.
“Shalom is not on trial here, okay?” McAuliffe said, naming Munyenyezi’s husband.
One of the prosecutors said he was aware of that fact.
“Well you don’t seem to,” McAuliffe continued. “Your opening statement was all about, ‘This is not about genocide. It’s about lying on forms.’ And yet all the questions are about the mother-in-law” and the husband.
McAuliffe has been critical of the prosecutors before, but this was the first time the judge hit at the substance, not just the delivery, of their case.
As he spoke to the lawyers after the jury at U.S. District Court in Concord was dismissed, McAuliffe again asked them to pick up the pace and spend less time going over the same details with each witness, such as the political affiliation of Munyenyezi’s family members and the precise location of the hotel where they lived together.
The prosecutors, though, have argued that they need to show each witness has a deep and personal knowledge of the topic because the defense is intent on attacking their credibility. Munyenyezi’s lawyers say she’s innocent and argue her accusers are relaying a story promoted by the Rwandan government.
But McAuliffe said the testimony is painfully repetitive.
“The jury is giving me looks like, ‘Can’t you stop this?’ ” he said.
McAuliffe reminded the lawyers that he can.
“The jury has heard this over and over and over and over,” he said before suggesting a more direct approach for the prosecutors. “ ‘Do you live in Butare? How old were you? Are you familiar with the town you grew up in? Do you know the (Hotel Ihuriro)? Great, tell us about it.’ You don’t need to spend 30 minutes on, ‘Did you walk by it every day or every other day?’ ”
Part of the machine?
Prosecutors have described Munyenyezi as a piece in the “machinery” of Rwanda’s genocide, 100 days of turmoil in which an estimated 800,000 Tutsis, 80 percent of the population, were killed. She’s accused of checking identification cards at a roadblock outside her family’s hotel in Butare and sorting out those who would be murdered or raped.
As each Rwandan witness has described that roadblock, they’ve first pointed out the hotel on a set of grainy, gray satellite photos taken in June and July 1994, in the midst of the genocide.
Yesterday, the prosecutors zoomed in on the images. And an expert described details not visible to an untrained eye, like two dozen items clustered in the backyard of a school next to the hotel.
Department of Defense image analyst Eric Benn said those items weren’t there on a satellite photo taken four days prior.
“Some are light. Many are quite dark,” he said, describing the marks. “Some of them are almost too big to be individuals. If they are people they could be pairs of people or multiples of people.”
He called them “features.” And beside the features, he described what appeared to be a mound of dirt.
Benn’s assessment of the images from June and July 1994 also appeared to support what witnesses have already said about a roadblock where Munyenyezi is accused of working. A man who testified last week that he passed through the barricade on foot described it as a series of items in the roadway that cars had to swerve around to pass. Benn yesterday, reviewing the image, pointed out several cars that appeared to be curving around items in the roadway.
But defense attorney David Ruoff questioned why the government only produced photographs showing the area around the hotel during a small portion of the genocide, which started April 6, 1994, and spread to Butare about two weeks later. Ruoff showed Benn another satellite image, which the prosecutor hadn’t shown the jury, that was taken in late May of that year. That image, while blurry, didn’t appear to show any obstacles in the road, Benn said.
Ruoff asked if any images were taken in April. (Several of the witnesses have testified that is when they saw the roadblock in front of the hotel.)
Benn responded that those in his office who had worked on the case hadn’t produced images from April; he couldn’t confirm that none existed. He said the Department of Defense was asked to review satellite images and look for any showing obstructions in the roadway, not images showing a lack of obstructions.
That prompted McAuliffe to ask Benn if he could get a definitive answer one way or the other.
“The basic problem is the defense wants to know, ‘Are there images of this road in April that may show no obstructions?’ ” McAuliffe said.
But U.S. Attorney John Capin said he asked for any images taken during the genocide. Defense attorney Mark Howard then asked Capin to provide that initial written request.
The prosecutors said they would look for it. The issue was not taken up again yesterday.
Eyewitness?
While the defense questioned the existence of a roadblock outside the hotel in late April 1994, another Rwandan witness testified yesterday that he saw that blockade with his own eyes.
Jean Paul Rutaganda, who was about 15 years old during the genocide, said he hid with other Tutsis at the school next to the hotel while Hutus canvassed the city looking for people to kill. Rutaganda said from the school he could see Munyenyezi at the roadblock, writing in a notebook. And he said that from one corner of the compound he could hear screams and cries of people who were being killed in the nearby woods.
But at times during Rutaganda’s testimony it was unclear if he was talking about things he had actually witnessed during his three days at the school, which is several hundred feet from the hotel, or things that he inferred to have taken place. At one point, Capin asked what he saw Munyenyezi doing at the roadblock.
“She was counting, registering dead Tutsis and others who were not yet dead,” he said, testifying through a translator.
Capin asked how he knew that.
“Tutsis that would die at that time had been already registered and counted,” Rutaganda responded.
The prosecutor asked if he could see what Munyenyezi was writing.
“I couldn’t see the words,” he said. “But you could see exactly what the action she was doing.”
Ruoff, though, questioned just how well Rutaganda could see the roadblock. Reading an investigation report from when U.S. agents interviewed him about the genocide, Howard asked if Rutaganda had claimed to have seen Munyenyezi wearing a pin with the president’s picture on it.
The witness agreed that he had.
Rutaganda also testified yesterday that he had spent much of his time at the school in the corner of the compound farthest from the hotel. Pointing to that space on one of the satellite photos, Ruoff asked if he had seen Munyenyezi writing down Tutsis’ names from there. Rutaganda said he had.
When Capin again questioned the witness, he asked Rutaganda whether he had moved around the school compound and been in spaces where the roadblock was more easily seen.
The man agreed that was the case.
(Tricia L. Nadolny can be reached at 369-3306 or tnadolny@cmonitor.com or on Twitter @tricia_nadolny.)
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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