A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Saturday, March 16, 2013
Rwanda: The land of Liars, Total Impunity and Colossal Corruption
In they Think You're Stupid, Inferior and Subman
This horrific story does not end there.
Despite the ongoing violence and human rights abuses in Rwanda, the United States works in public and behind the scenes to strengthen relations with the Rwandan criminal regime.
The US and EU political systems must immediately cut off all funding for Kagame (secret) police, military and militia, who continue to abuse their power without consequence. And US court system must allow Individuals, US citizens who claim to proceed in situations where justice is not possible in the country where the abuse takes place.
We hope the Kagame case will help bring justice where it has been denied. Instead:
Let’s Go Wipe Our Feet on Kagame's Red Carpe
GOMA - A rebel faction spokesman says his armed group has regained control of all of the M23 rebel territory in eastern Congo, and the leader of the other faction "has been arrested" in Rwanda.
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| Jean-Marie Runiga Arrested in Rwanda |
Col. Vianney Kazarama said Saturday that Jean-Marie Runiga was detained by Rwandan authorities after fleeing across the border.
The movement's military leader, Gen. Sultani Makenga, dismissed the political head of the movement, Jean-Marie Runiga, in February. Both men then formed their own factions, which have been fighting since. Kazarama, who is the spokesman for Makenga's faction, says they have taken control of the areas designated for M23 control.
The M23 is largely made of Tutsi fighters who were part of a previous rebellion before being integrated into the army in 2009. They rebelled again in April 2012.
KINSHASA (Reuters) - Congolese rebels loyal to warlord Bosco Ntaganda have fled into neighboring Rwanda or surrendered toUnited Nations peacekeepers after being routed by a rival faction, rebel and U.N. sources said on Saturday.
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| General Nkunda Also arrested or fled to an unknown destination? |
Ntaganda's apparent defeat comes after weeks of infighting within the M23 insurgency and could open the way for rival rebel leader Sultani Makenga to sign a peace deal with Kinshasa, bringing an end to a year-long rebellion in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.
Rebel spokesman Vianney Kazarama said Makenga's fighters seized control of the town of Kibumba, 30 km (19 miles) north of Goma, capital of mineral-rich North Kivu province, early on Saturday.
Ntaganda and an estimated 200 fighters fled into the forest while others crossed the border into Rwanda, Kazarama said. At least seven fighters were killed.
"We're sweeping the area and placing our soldiers at strategic points," Kazarama said. "It is finished."
Ntaganda is wanted by the International Criminal Court on charges of killing civilians during a previous rebellion. His links to M23 have been a stumbling block to peace talks with Kinshasa - the Congolese government has repeatedly said it wants him brought to justice.
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| Gisenyi/Rwanda: A kind of mis-en-scène: JM Runiga's rebels or RDF soldiers?? Check it out ! |
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| General Nkunda Also arrested in Rwanda |
"We're following the situation very closely. The only thing we want is for Ntaganda to be arrested," government spokesman Lambert Mende said.
Ntaganda's whereabouts could not be confirmed independently and members of his faction were not reachable by telephone on Saturday.
Rwanda said on Saturday more than 200 rebel fighters had fled across its border overnight, including M23's former political head Jean-Marie Runiga, a Ntaganda loyalist who was ousted from the rebel hierarchy last month.
"It's over for the Bosco (Ntaganda) and Runiga faction," one U.N. source said.
Dozens of other M23 fighters, including senior officers, had handed themselves over to U.N. peacekeepers in recent days, according to the source, who asked not to be named.
The United Nations has accused Rwanda of backing armed uprisings in its vast and unstable neighbor to tackle extremist Rwandan rebels who operate there and to protect its economic interests.
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| General Mutebusi Also arrested in Rwanda ! |
In 2009, Kigali played a key role in ending the last major insurgency when it arrested its former ally and rebel leader Laurent Nkunda as part of a deal with Kinshasa.
That agreement saw Ntaganda integrated into the Congolese army as a general. It was Kinshasa's alleged failure to honor the terms of the deal that the rebels say sparked the M23 uprising.
M23 is one of many rebel groups operating in eastern Congo, which has been torn apart by nearly two decades of fighting over land, ethnicity and resources which has left millions dead.
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| Bizima ou Bizimana? Why are U lying? Karaha or Karahamuheto?? |
1999 - Rifts emerge between Congolese Liberation Movement (MLC) rebels supported by Uganda and Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD) rebels backed by Rwanda.
Lusaka peace accord signed
1999 July - The six African countries involved in the war sign a ceasefire accord in Lusaka. The following month the MLC and RCD rebel groups sign the accord.
GOMA/KINSHASA, 26 August 2004 (IRIN) - A battle is looming in the Democratic Republic of the Congo over who will control a key rebel group-turned-political party. How the battle plays out could determine whether the peace process remains on track.
The leader of the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie (RCD-Goma), Azarias Ruberwa, who has been one of the four vice-presidents, left the capital, Kinshasa, last week for Goma, his stronghold in the east, and then this week announced that he was suspending his participation in the country's one-year old transitional government of national unity. But party members are divided over the decision and Ruberwa, himself, seems deeply ambivalent about the action he has taken.
"The situation at the moment is tense and fragile," Jacqueline Chernard, a UN information officer in Goma, said. "This is a difficult period and indeed some hard-line elements might seize the opportunity to continue rebelling," she told IRIN.
The current crisis was precipitated by a massacre on 13 August of 160 Congolese Tutsis, known as Banyamulenge, who in June had fled across the border into neighbouring Burundi. Ruberwa, who is also a Banyamulenge, described the massacre as "a genocide" and said the transitional process needed to be paused and re-assessed.
The leader of the Rassemblement congolais pour la democratie (RCD-Goma), Azarias Ruberwa, who has been one of the four vice-presidents, left the capital, Kinshasa, last week for Goma, his stronghold in the east, and then this week announced that he was suspending his participation in the country's one-year old transitional government of national unity. But party members are divided over the decision and Ruberwa, himself, seems deeply ambivalent about the action he has taken.
"The situation at the moment is tense and fragile," Jacqueline Chernard, a UN information officer in Goma, said. "This is a difficult period and indeed some hard-line elements might seize the opportunity to continue rebelling," she told IRIN.
The current crisis was precipitated by a massacre on 13 August of 160 Congolese Tutsis, known as Banyamulenge, who in June had fled across the border into neighbouring Burundi. Ruberwa, who is also a Banyamulenge, described the massacre as "a genocide" and said the transitional process needed to be paused and re-assessed.
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| Ruberwa or Ruberwankiko? Why are U lying?? |
Divisions within RCD-Goma largely follow ethnic lines and reflect one of major fault lines in the country's on-going conflict. Other Congolese see the Banyamulenge as foreigners since they originally came from Rwanda over a century ago.
Ruberwa said he suspended his participation in the transitional government because the peace accord that brought it about may need to be redesigned. However, according to Information Minister Henri Moya Sakanyi, President Joseph Kabila has said renegotiating the agreement was "out of the question". Moya Sakanyi said the signatories of the accord had met earlier this year and agreed that the accord should stand.
Senior MPs in RCD-Goma based in Kinshasa and the majority of RCD-Goma members are also opposed to withdrawing from the transitional government. "We feel that pulling out of the institutions of the republic at this time is not going to resolve any of the contradictions we are denouncing," Emile Ilunga, a former chairman of the RCD who is the deputy speaker of parliament, said.
"We should rather go to the elections," Ilunga said of the nation's first ever-democratic elections scheduled for 2005. "It's from the inside that we can influence the course of events rather than being on the outside."
But the massacre in Burundi has hardened the position of hard-liner Banyamulenge within the RCD-Goma who have long opposed the transitional government and who now accuse the Kinshasa government of supporting the massacre.
Ruberwa said he suspended his participation in the transitional government because the peace accord that brought it about may need to be redesigned. However, according to Information Minister Henri Moya Sakanyi, President Joseph Kabila has said renegotiating the agreement was "out of the question". Moya Sakanyi said the signatories of the accord had met earlier this year and agreed that the accord should stand.
Senior MPs in RCD-Goma based in Kinshasa and the majority of RCD-Goma members are also opposed to withdrawing from the transitional government. "We feel that pulling out of the institutions of the republic at this time is not going to resolve any of the contradictions we are denouncing," Emile Ilunga, a former chairman of the RCD who is the deputy speaker of parliament, said.
"We should rather go to the elections," Ilunga said of the nation's first ever-democratic elections scheduled for 2005. "It's from the inside that we can influence the course of events rather than being on the outside."
But the massacre in Burundi has hardened the position of hard-liner Banyamulenge within the RCD-Goma who have long opposed the transitional government and who now accuse the Kinshasa government of supporting the massacre.
| General Kagame Monsters don't sleep under your bed They sleep inside your head |
 |
| I hate liars, hypocrits, backstabbers..Huum From Kigali. They keep their eyes open to assure themselves that you believe their tale. |
Already in June, renegade commander Gen Laurent Nkunda led his troops into southern Kivu town of Bukavu saying that the Banyamulenge there were being persecuted. His troops are accused of committing widespread looting and human rights abuses in the week they occupied the town.
In an interview with IRIN following the recent massacre, Nkunda vowed to invade Bukavu again. "If the peaceful means of solving the problem have failed we shall resort to forceful measures," he said. "Unless our demands are met of protecting our people, then we will certainly pick up our guns and fight on."
Now, according to a number of officials in Goma, a coalition is emerging between Nkunda and former foreign affairs minister Bizima Karaha who was among eight RCD-Goma MPs in the interim parliament who failed to take up their seats recently when the assembly went into session.
Many observes say that Ruberwa is caught between showing his colleagues in Kinshasa that he is serious about the peace process and showing his fellow Banyamulenge in Goma that he will stand up for them.
Reflecting the competing pressures Ruberwa is under, one of his last acts as vice-president was to issue a decree calling for Nkunda's arrest. Then, the next day, he announced his withdrawal from the government, a position that effectively supported Nkunda.
One official within RCD-Goma told IRIN that Ruberwa had wanted to return to Kinshasa but had been overpowered by elements opposed to the transition. An expatriate in Goma agreed. "Ruberwa is seen as a traitor from both sides no matter which decision he takes," he said.
Ruberwa openly admitted the dilemmas he faces when speaking last week at the memorial service in Goma for the Banyamulenge massacred in Burundi. "We are divided at the moment," he said of party members. "Some are for Karaha, others for Ruberwa, others for Nkunda. If we do not unite and speak as one, then we will perish."
Ruberwa's pullout will result in a slow down in the Kinsaha's ability to expand its authority to the east as well as a halt in economic reunification and the reintegration of the armed forces. It also reduces the effectiveness of the parliament and the senate.
Heightened tensions also make the job harder of the 10,800-strong UN peacekeeping force currently spread throughout a country the size of Western Europe.
An international committee supporting the transition called on RCD-Goma to lift its suspension. In a communiqué on Tuesday, it stated that there was no viable alternative to the transition process. The committee is made up of the ambassadors of Angola, Belgium, Britain, Canada, China, France, Gabon, Russia, South Africa, USA, Zambia, the European Union, African Union and the UN mission in the DRC.
Many observers say that war is again a possibility. "This is a stark reminder that events could spiral into large-scale war again at nearly any time," says a UN official in Goma. A South African diplomat in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, agrees. "The position taken by RCD-Goma is definitely a terrible blow to the peace process and could lead this country into renewed war," he said. South Africa brokered the peace agreement that led to the formation of the power-sharing transitional government.
In a letter addressed to the UN Security Council, the International Crisis Group appealed to Western countries to act to save the DRC from being plunged into a new war.
Most dangerous are the threats, accusations and counter-accusations between the governments of the DRC and its eastern neighbours, Burundi and Rwanda.
In an interview with IRIN following the recent massacre, Nkunda vowed to invade Bukavu again. "If the peaceful means of solving the problem have failed we shall resort to forceful measures," he said. "Unless our demands are met of protecting our people, then we will certainly pick up our guns and fight on."
Now, according to a number of officials in Goma, a coalition is emerging between Nkunda and former foreign affairs minister Bizima Karaha who was among eight RCD-Goma MPs in the interim parliament who failed to take up their seats recently when the assembly went into session.
Many observes say that Ruberwa is caught between showing his colleagues in Kinshasa that he is serious about the peace process and showing his fellow Banyamulenge in Goma that he will stand up for them.
Reflecting the competing pressures Ruberwa is under, one of his last acts as vice-president was to issue a decree calling for Nkunda's arrest. Then, the next day, he announced his withdrawal from the government, a position that effectively supported Nkunda.
One official within RCD-Goma told IRIN that Ruberwa had wanted to return to Kinshasa but had been overpowered by elements opposed to the transition. An expatriate in Goma agreed. "Ruberwa is seen as a traitor from both sides no matter which decision he takes," he said.
Ruberwa openly admitted the dilemmas he faces when speaking last week at the memorial service in Goma for the Banyamulenge massacred in Burundi. "We are divided at the moment," he said of party members. "Some are for Karaha, others for Ruberwa, others for Nkunda. If we do not unite and speak as one, then we will perish."
Ruberwa's pullout will result in a slow down in the Kinsaha's ability to expand its authority to the east as well as a halt in economic reunification and the reintegration of the armed forces. It also reduces the effectiveness of the parliament and the senate.
Heightened tensions also make the job harder of the 10,800-strong UN peacekeeping force currently spread throughout a country the size of Western Europe.
An international committee supporting the transition called on RCD-Goma to lift its suspension. In a communiqué on Tuesday, it stated that there was no viable alternative to the transition process. The committee is made up of the ambassadors of Angola, Belgium, Britain, Canada, China, France, Gabon, Russia, South Africa, USA, Zambia, the European Union, African Union and the UN mission in the DRC.
Many observers say that war is again a possibility. "This is a stark reminder that events could spiral into large-scale war again at nearly any time," says a UN official in Goma. A South African diplomat in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, agrees. "The position taken by RCD-Goma is definitely a terrible blow to the peace process and could lead this country into renewed war," he said. South Africa brokered the peace agreement that led to the formation of the power-sharing transitional government.
In a letter addressed to the UN Security Council, the International Crisis Group appealed to Western countries to act to save the DRC from being plunged into a new war.
Most dangerous are the threats, accusations and counter-accusations between the governments of the DRC and its eastern neighbours, Burundi and Rwanda.
A Sunday at the Pool in Kigali is a moving, passionate love story set amid the turmoil
and terror of Rwanda’s genocide.
All manner of Kigali residents pass their time by the pool of the Mille-Collines hotel: aid workers, Rwandan bourgeoisie, expatriates, UN peacekeepers, prostitutes. Keeping a watchful eye is Bernard Valcourt, a jaded foreign journalist, but his closest attention is devoted to Gentille, a hotel waitress with the slender, elegant build of a Tutsi. As they slip into an intense, improbable affair, the delicately balanced world around them–already devastated by AIDS–erupts in a Hutu-led genocide against the Tutsi people. Valcourt’s efforts to spirit Gentille to safety end in their separation. It will be months before he learns of his lover’s shocking fate.(less)
All manner of Kigali residents pass their time by the pool of the Mille-Collines hotel: aid workers, Rwandan bourgeoisie, expatriates, UN peacekeepers, prostitutes. Keeping a watchful eye is Bernard Valcourt, a jaded foreign journalist, but his closest attention is devoted to Gentille, a hotel waitress with the slender, elegant build of a Tutsi. As they slip into an intense, improbable affair, the delicately balanced world around them–already devastated by AIDS–erupts in a Hutu-led genocide against the Tutsi people. Valcourt’s efforts to spirit Gentille to safety end in their separation. It will be months before he learns of his lover’s shocking fate.(less)
The Rwandan corrupt government use Prostitution, Drugs, Mafia, Tong and much more !
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, March 15, 2013
"The eyes of truth are bright, the head of Truth is up right, Truth has no fear of doubt, the words of Truth are touching and deep..." You true book lovers are the whole reason Dr Olivier Nyirubugara has written and published the book.
Dr. Olivier Nyirubugara is lecturer of New Media and Online Journalism at the Erasmus School of History, Culture and Communication (Erasmus University Rot-terdam). He has published mainly on digital media, history education, cultural heritage, and cultural memory.
Can a
society, a culture, a country, be trapped by its own memories? The question is
not easy to answer, but it would not be a bad idea to cautiously say: ‘It
depends’. This book is about one society – Rwanda – and its culture,
traditions, identities, and memories. More specifically, it discusses some of
the ways in which ethnic identities and related memories constitute a deadly
trap that needs to be torn apart if mass violence is to be eradicated in that
country. It looks into everyday cultural practices such as child naming and
oral traditions (myths and tales, proverbs, war poetry etc.) and into political
practices that govern the ways in which citizens conceptualize the
past.
Rwanda
was engulfed in a bloody war from 1990 until 1994, the last episode of which
was a genocide that claimed about a million lives among the Tutsi
minority. This book – the first in the Memory Traps series – provides a new understanding
of how a seemingly quiet society can suddenly turn into a scene of the most
horrible inter-ethnic crimes. It offers an analysis of the complexities and
dangers resulting from the ways in which memories are managed both at personal
and collective levels.
The
main point is that Rwandans have become hostages of their memories of the
long-gone and the recent past. The book shows how these memories follow ethnic
lines and lead to a state of cultural hypocrisy on the one hand, and to
permanent conflict – either open and brutal, or latent and beneath the surface
– on the other hand. Written from a memory studies perspective and informed by
critical theory, philosophy, literature, [oral] history, and psychology, among
others, this book deals with
Dr. Olivier Nyirubugara is lecturer of
New Media and Online Journalism at the
Erasmus School of History, Culture and
Communication (Erasmus University Rotterdam).
Communication (Erasmus University Rotterdam).
He has published mainly on digital
media, history education, cultural heritage,
and cultural memory.
Olivier Nyirubugara:
Complexities and Dangers of
Remembering and Forgetting in Rwanda.
Memory Traps Volume I
ISBN: 978-90-8890-110-2
Language: English
Price: € 29,95 (Incl. VAT, excl. Shipping)
=======
Olivier Nyirubugara:
Complexities and
Dangers of
Remembering and
Forgetting in Rwanda.
Memory Traps Volume I
Order now for special introduction price of € 25,-
· ISBN: 978-90-8890-110-2
· Language: English
· Price: € 29,95 (Incl. VAT, excl. Shipping)
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[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Kigali 14 March 2013
Dutch Ambassador Leoni CUELENAERE visits Madame Ingabire in Kigali
central prison on the eve of her appeal hearing.
Yesterday, the Dutch Ambassador Her Excellency Madam Leoni Margarita CUELENAERE went to visit
the political prisoner Madam Victoire INGABIRE UMUHOZA, FDU-Inkingi Chairperson, in Kigali central
 |
| Dutch Ambassador Leoni Cuelenaere |
25 March 2013.
Madame Victoire INGABIRE is very grateful for the concern of the Dutch government towards the
political space in Rwanda and the judicial process. From her maximum prison cell, she is sending her
greetings to the Dutch people and their Queen, Her Majesty Queen Beatrix of the Netherlands who
recently announced her abdication in favor of her son Willem-Alexander.
In Rwanda, opposition leaders and critic journalists are serving hefty sentences in prisons on
politically motivated charges: Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza was handed 8 years in prison on
30 October 2012; Mr. Deogratias Mushayidi, leader of PDP Imanzi was given a life term in 2010
while Mr. Bernard Ntaganda, leader of PS Imberakuri, is serving a 4 year sentence since 2010.
Kigali, Rwanda.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, March 14, 2013
March 09, 2013
Museveni, Kagame at crossroads
Remember: Constitution is a defiled paper in both countries.
The election of Uhuru Kenyatta is a storybook ending for the son of Kenya's first president.
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
written by Rwamanywa, a tutsi living in Naïrobi, February 28, 2013
"I can't see kagame going anywhere, not until East Africa is tustinised"!
*
The best philosophy of “Harambee” |
| President Zuma of South Africa |
 |
| President-elect Uhuru Kenyatta March 2013 |
- Deputy prime minister, former finance minister
- 51 years old, son of Kenya's first president
- Faces crimes against humanity charges at the International Criminal Court at The Hague relating to post-election violence in 2007
- Nominated to parliament in 2001
- Appointed to run the Kenya Tourism Board in 1999
Kenyatta's small margin was just enough to let him win outright over Prime Minister Raila Odinga and avoid a runoff.
"Really I'd like to congratulate, firstly, the people of Kenya, who have gone into the polls and voted, and as you say in democracy, the majority wins the day," he said. "The fact that they voted and they've decided to choose their leader and he has been declared the winner, I'd like to congratulate him as well for winning elections. You know that in the last elections the conclusion was rather a little bit problematic, although the elections were rare. We are happy today that the announcement has been made and the people of Kenya are accepting this."
The vote count dragged on for days longer than expected because of technical problems. But international observers have said the vote was largely transparent and credible - a stark contrast from a 2007 presidential vote that was marred by violence.
 |
| Kenyans'happiest day |
Zuma said The Hague's indictment of Kenyatta would not affect relations with South Africa.
"No. Why should we have problems? I mean, I mean, the ICC has indicted Kenyatta. That's one thing... The people of Kenya voted for Kenyatta. It's their decision. If you say Kenyatta is convicted, it would be a different matter," he said.
Museveni, Kagame at crossroads
Uhuru Kenyatta, the son of Kenya’s founding president, Jomo Kenyatta, and Raila Odinga, the son of his Vice President, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, are contesting in the March 4 Kenyan General Election to succeed President Mwai Kibaki.
The election has been significant because it has marked the handing over of the mandate to lead Kenya to a younger generation, and has tested the maturity of the multiparty that Kenyans have practiced since 1992.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, March 13, 2013
Rencontre Kabila-Dos Santos-Zuma,
QUAND RFI DENATURE LES FAITS
Une tripartite Kinshasa, Luanda et Pretoria ce mardi 12 mars dans la capitale angolaise. Les modalités de mise en œuvre de l’accord-cadre sur la paix en Rdc et dans la région des Grands Lacs, signé le 24 février dernier à Addis-Abeba, étaient au centre des échanges entre délégations. Le président congolais, Joseph Kabila, l’angolais, José Eduardo dos Santos et leur homologue d’Afrique du Sud, Jacob Zuma se sont séparé après avoir rendu public le communiqué final. Un communiqué que Rfi a feint d’oublier dans le traitement de ses informations. Une désinformation et une manipulation qui sont autant de stratégies de ceux, pour qui la paix représente une sérieuse menace contre les intérêts de leurs mentors.
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Zuma-Dos Santos-Joseph Kabila
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Voici le communiqué final de la tripartite Angola-Rdc-Afrique du Sud:
Les Présidents de la République d’Angola, Son Excellence José Eduardo dos Santos, de la République Démocratique du Congo, Son Excellence Joseph Kabila et de la République d’Afrique du sud, Son Excelence Jacob Zuma, se sont réunis dans un Sommet Tripartite, le 12 mars 2013, à Luanda, enfin d’analyser la situation actuelle en RDC et se sont accordés sur la meilleure manière pour la mise en oeuvre de l’Accord-cadre pour la paix, la stabilité et la Coopération en RDC, signé le 24 février 2013 à Addis Abeba.
• Le Sommet s’inscrit dans le cadre des efforts internationaux développés au niveau des Nations Unies, de l’Union africaine, de la Conférence Internationale de la Région des Grands Lacs et de la Communauté de Développement de l’Afrique Australe, visant de stabiliser la situation dans l’Est de la République Démocratique du Congo, notamment à travers l’opérationalisation de la Brigade d’Intervention avec la MONUSCO ;
• Les Chefs d’Etat réaffirment l’importance de l’Accord-Cadre comme la perspective la plus adéquate pour la résolution pacifique de la crise et du conflit dans l’Est de la RDC, tout en souvegardant sa souveraineté et son intégrité territoriale comme condition indispensable au développement économique et social de ce pays, la paix, la sécurité et la stabilité dans la région et le processus d’intégration régiolnale ;
• Les Présidents de l’Angola et de l’Afrique du sud ont réiteré leur appui aux efforts menés par le Président Kabila et son gouvernement dans la recherche de la paix, la stabilité et le développement en RDC ;
• Dans ce contexte, les Chefs d’Etst décident de créer un mécanisme Tripartite de coopération conjointe RDC-Angola_RSA, en vue de créer des conditions favorables à la mise en oeuvre de ce réferé Accord-Cadre.
Luanda, le 12 mars 2013.
P.P.
Les trois pays dont les délégations ont été conduites par les Chefs d’Etat à Luanda sont toutes signataires de l’accord d’Addis-Abeba. Le respect des engagements pris à travers leur acte serait le principe fondateur de toute démarchent qu’ils sont susceptibles d’entreprendre en rapport avec la démarche entamé pour la restauration de la paix dans les grands lacs africains. Ainsi, prétendre que le simple fait de n’avoir pas produit du boucan à l’issue d’une rencontre de ci haut niveau serait un signe des discordances entre les voix des trois présidents africains relève d’une mauvaise lecture des faits. Pire encore, les auteurs d’une telle interprétation seraient au service de ceux qui, de tous leurs vœux, ne jure que par la pérennisation de la violence en vue de la prédation des ressources dans l’est de la Rdc.
Tous les médias et autres analystes nationaux et internationaux ont accueilli positivement l’initiative prise par Kinshasa, Luanda et Pretoria. La Rfi par contre, puisque c’est d’elle qu’il s’agit, a, avec ses loupes orientées, imaginé un fond inimitié à la place de ce qu’elle a qualifié d’unité de façade. Cet instrument de la politique extérieure de la France n’a même pas voulu s’arrêter là. Ses analystes dont le point de vue sur la situation en Rdc n’est plus à attendre, sont allés jusqu’à prendre pour preuve de la difficulté des négociations de la capitale angolaise, l’absence d’aucune mesure concrète à l’issue de la rencontre.
Et pourtant, en qualité de signataires de l’accord-cadre d’Addis-Abeba, ces trois pays n’ont plus qu’à attendre la résolution du Conseil de sécurité pour sa mise en œuvre. Les positions des uns et des autres sont connues depuis l’annonce de la proposition de l’accord en question. Comme son homologue tanzanien Jakaya Kikwete, le président sud-africain avait déjà affirmé qu’il était prêt à contribuer à la future brigade et même d’en prendre la tête. Option qu’un autre partenaire, l’Angola, n’a jamais rejetée malgré que, lui, a toujours plaidé pour une résolution pacifique du conflit dans la région. Sinon, le président Edouardo dos Santos n’aurait apposé sa signature au bas du document de la capitale Ethiopienne.
Rapport des forces
Ce que nos confrères de la chaine publique française feignent d’ignorer c’est que, dans chaque processus de négociation ou de conclusion des accords entre acteurs de la scène internationale, le principe majeur reste la préservation des intérêts de chacun. C’est ainsi qu’ils ont tendance à véhiculer un message du genre : « puisqu’on doit restaurer la paix en Rdc, tous les pays doivent oublier qu’ils ont leurs propres intérêts à préserver ici ou ailleurs ». Ils osent même croire que ce sont les congolais qui, au nom d’un quelconque accord, seraient restés inertes au point que les autres viennent, à eux tout seuls, décider de ce qui doit se passer sur leur territoire.
La défiance qui, selon la Rfi, serait croissante entre Luanda et Kinshasa, n’a, en réalité, rien avoir ni avec la mise en œuvre de l’accord d’Addis-Abeba, ni avec le contenu de la tripartite d’hier. Au regard du jeu international, l’Angola et la Rdc se doivent de se faire de la bonne guerre. Guerre qui, aux yeux d’observateurs avertis, se trouve être normal en ce sens que seul le rapport des forces compte dans la nouvelle configuration du monde et de la partie médiane du continent africain. Les deux pays ont tout à fait raison, quelles que soient les péripéties de la géopolitique mondiale et continentale, de s’inscrire, d’une manière permanente, dans la logique de la lutte pour la suprématie des puissances dans la région. D’où, la normalité des positions de l’un envers l’autre. Ce qui ne donne pas, pour autant raison aux allégations fallacieuses formulées par ceux qui ne veulent pas voir la paix revenir en Rdc et dans la région.
On ne cessera jamais de le dire, à chaque moment où un tournant décisif se dessine à l’horizon de l’histoire de la Rdc, l’ennemi se réveille. C’est à ce moment là, peut-être, qu’il se rend compte de la faiblesse de ses méthodes et tente de les renforcer, sinon les modifier. La Coalition internationale pour la déstabilisation du Congo – Cidc – semble en être arrivée là. Cette fois-ci encore, elle ne veut pas laisser la situation lui échapper aux pays de Simon Kimbangu, Lumumba et Kabila. Cette nébuleuse, dans les girons de laquelle se trouvent des Nations, personnalités, multinationales, sociétés secrètes, Organisations non gouvernementales et intergouvernementales ainsi que les médias, s’investit dans la lutte contre la paix, la stabilité, la reconstruction et le développement socioéconomique de la République Démocratique du Congo. Et la Rfi ne fait que son travail, celui pour lequel elle est là.
A en croire plus d’un analyste, la Radio France internationale confirme de plus en plus son appartenance à la Coalition internationale pour la déstabilisation du Congo. Plutôt que se limiter à collecter, traiter et diffuser les informations, ce média se comporte à la manière de ceux des acteurs de la scène internationale qui sont employé par cette alliance des forces engagées dans la lutte contre les intérêts de la Rdc. Et les actes qui prouvent ce fait sont multiples. Le dernier cas en date est le traitement de l’actualité relative à la tenue de la tripartite Rdc-Angola-Rsa à Luanda. De l’avis de plus d’un spécialiste de l’information, la Rfi se serait arrangée pour faire l’apologie des pensées négatives véhiculées par ceux qui ne vivent qu’au profit de la violence et de la prédation des ressources dans l’est de la Rdc.
Jean-Luc MUSHI-MPAKU
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, March 2, 2013
By: Emmanuel Hakizimana, Ph.D., Economist, Université du Québec à Montréal, Canada
and
Gallican Gasana, Genocide survivor, Toronto, Canada
Related article:
At first, Blair and Buffet argue that cutting aid does nothing to
address the core issues of the Great Lakes region. What they fail to mention is
that Eastern Congo had known peace and stability until the massive exodus of
Rwandan refugees of 1994, shortly followed by the first Rwandan invasion of
1996 and then the first “African World War” of 1998. More than five million
people are estimated to have perished as a direct consequence of the
involvement of Rwanda in Eastern DRC.
The ongoing humanitarian crisis in that part of the world was
recently exacerbated by the M23 rebel group insurrection, created, armed and
commanded by Kigali. In a nutshell, Rwanda is at the very core of DRC problems,
and solving them requires first solving the political conundrum that is Rwanda.
Congo’s problems are the symptoms of a grim syndrome from its smallest
neighbor: cure that neighbor, and Congo will be on its way to healing. We
believe the cascade of foreign aid suspensions triggered by Rwanda’s
unquestionable involvement with M23, albeit overdue, is a welcome response.
Should it had happened earlier, who is to tell how many lives it could have
saved. Instead, Rwanda has come to realize it does not need to respect its
citizens’ rights or its neighbor’s sovereignty to sit at the negotiation.
Secondly, Blair and
Buffet contend that the Rwandan economic miracle is too rare to stop in its
course by cutting vital funding. However, the much hyped success story loses
much of its weight when put in perspective. Data from the World Bank show that
Rwandans suffer from mass poverty, growing inequality, and low standards of
living. Income inequalities between the rich and the poor have reached their
highest point in recent history.
Between 1985 and 2011, the share of gross domestic product by the
10% richest almost doubled from 24.58% to 43.22%, while the poorest 10% saw
their share reduced by more than a half, from 4.41% to 2.13%. These are not
just figures on a spreadsheet: According to the United Nations Development Programme,
three Rwandan out of four (76.8%) live below the poverty line on less than $
1.25 per day. Obviously, the majority of the Rwandan population is not part of
the success story alluded to by Blair and Buffet.
Compared to Sub-Saharan Africa, Rwanda is far from being an island
of prosperity in an ocean of misery. The UNDP report on the human development
index puts the gross national income per capita at $ 1,133 in constant prices
of 2005, or $ 800 below the average of the region ($ 1,966). Business towers and
posh neighborhoods may be changing the skyline in Kigali, but the rest of the
countryside stagnates.
The causes of this mass poverty and large disparities can be
traced to the policies in place. In Rwanda, political and economic powers are
concentrated in the hands of General Paul Kagame plus a few close generals and
businessmen. In addition to being President of Rwanda, he is the chairman of
RPF, and as such, the CEO of Crystal Ventures, a conglomerate owned by his
ruling party.
It controls key sectors of the economy ranging from construction,
food processing, and communication to retail and public utilities. It is
estimated that Crystal Ventures is the second largest employer in the country
after the public sector. As is to be expected, numerous conflicts of interest,
disguised monopoly situations and high-level corruption are common practices in Kigali.Policies prevailing in the agricultural sector maintain rural
Rwanda in poverty. Farmers cannot grow or dispose of their crops as they see
fit for them and their natural markets. They are forced to sell their crops at
low prices in cooperatives where a few RPF officers control the entire system
of storage, transport and commercialization of agricultural products.
Discrimination among the victims of the Rwandan tragedy is also another source of continued impoverishment of a large fraction of the Rwandan population. Although the wholesome destruction of human life that culminated in the 1994 genocide and extended into DRC made victims in all groups of the population of Rwanda, survivors’ assistance is granted on a discriminated basis. Added to the multiple violations and abuses widely documented by human rights organizations, these elements show that talk of history of success for Rwanda is, to say the least, misinformation and cynicism.
Discrimination among the victims of the Rwandan tragedy is also another source of continued impoverishment of a large fraction of the Rwandan population. Although the wholesome destruction of human life that culminated in the 1994 genocide and extended into DRC made victims in all groups of the population of Rwanda, survivors’ assistance is granted on a discriminated basis. Added to the multiple violations and abuses widely documented by human rights organizations, these elements show that talk of history of success for Rwanda is, to say the least, misinformation and cynicism.
Rwandans and human rights watch groups have been stating the obvious for so long that the belated recognition of the troubling patterns in Kigali came as a vindication. The international community is still nursing the guilt of not having intervened in 1994 while the genocide against Tutsis was being committed in broad daylight. She subsequently looked away when the victorious RPF methodically massacred Hutus inside Rwanda and in DRC - crimes that multiple UN reports indicate could be defined as genocide by a competent jurisdiction. In short, Blair and Buffet advocate for knowingly continue funding a regime that closed the political space, slowly steering Rwanda to another tragedy. They advise the world to keep looking away while Kigali entertains a climate of insecurity for millions of neighboring Congolese. That can’t be right.
Submitted by: Jennifer
Fierberg
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.