Sunday, August 25, 2013

RWANDA: URUBANZA RWA MADAME VICTOIRE INGABIRE UMUHOZA

We HAVE A CARD THAT SAYS GET OUT OF JAIL FREE

(dedicated to our Umuhoza, Ingabire yacu still in Kagame’s joal)

We feel tears running down our faces
As we sit in this quiet lonely place
We think of you and need you here

Umuhoza Wacu, Ingabire Yacu

We wipe away our falling tears
We hit the floor on bended knees
We ask,We beg, We start to plead
Please bring HER home
God, no longer do We want to be Alone
Is there an Angel you could send to us
And give us a miracle in God We trust
She's unlawfully detained, She needs to be free
Please God bring Her home to us
We believe in love, We believe in you
Please God is there something you could do
We'll make it up to you God, you know We will
We'll be good and honest, grateful and true
So please send us an Angel, is all We ask of you
We'll say this prayer each and every day
Until She is in our arms and home to sta

We love you & miss you so much!

RWANDA: URUBANZA RWA MADAME VICTOIRE INGABIRE UMUHOZA

KANAMA 25, 2013

IKIGANIRO KU RUBANZA RWA MADAME VICTOIRE INGABIRE UMUHOZA
RADIYO ITAHUKA
TARIKI YA 05 KANAMA 2013

Joseph Bukeye, Komiseri Ushinzwe Ubukangurambaga muri FDU-Inkingi

http://www.blogtalkradio.com/radioitahuka/2013/08/06/inkingi-yamahoro-urubanza-rwa-madamu-victoire-ingabire

Q. Tubanze twibutse abatwumva. Harya urwo rubanza rwatangiye ryari mu rukiko rukuru rwa Kigali ? Victoire yaregwaga iki ?

R. Madame Victoire yafashwe bwa mbere tariki ya 21/04/2010, amaze amezi atatu gusa ageze muRwanda. Icyo gihe yaregwaga ibyaha bitatu aribyo: ibikorwa by’iterabwoba, ingengabitekerezo ya génocide, guhakana génocide no gukwirakwiza impuha.

Q. Kuba madame Victoire yarajuriye byatewe n’iki ? Ni iki atishimiye mu mikirize y’urubanza mu rukiko rukuru rwamuburanishije?

R. Mu mikirize yarwo urukiko rukuru rwamuhanaguyeho ibyaha byose yari yarezwe n’ubushinjacyaha, uretse kimwe cy’ibikorwa by’iterabwoba urukiko rwahinduyemo icyaha cyo kugambana. Gusa icyatangaje ni uko urukiko rwarenze ku birego rwari rwashyikirijwe rukiyongereraho ikindi cyo gupfobya genocide. Nkaba nakwibutsa ko haba mu ibazwa imbere ya police, haba imbere y’ubushinjacyaha cyangwa mu rukiko, madame Victoire ntiyigeze abazwa iby’iki cyaha gishya.

Q. Bikaba rero ari byo byatumye madame Victoire Ingabire ajurira?

Mme Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza
Uwali kuba Perezida w'igihugu
Iyo Kagame atamufunga

R. Si ibyo gusa. Madame Victoire Ingabire ananenga uburyo iryo tegeko rihana ingengabitekerezo ya genocide ryakoreshejwe bamucira igihano cy’akamama cy’imyaka umunani. Mwibuke ko madame Ingabire yari yarashyikirije urukiko rukuru ikibazo avuga ko iryo tegeko ritubahiriza itegeko nshinga. Mu buryo budafututse urukiko rw’ikirenga rwari rwavuze ko nta nenge rubona muri iryo tegeko. Nyamara muri iyo minsi, ministre Karugarama wari ushinzwe ubutabera, yahamije ko iryo tegeko rifite inenge ndetse anasaba inteko y’abadepite kurisubiramo. Aha umuntu akaba yakwibaza uburyo ubucamanza bwo mu Rwanda bukora.

Ikindi madame Ingabire yinubiye mu mikirize y’uru rubanza ni ukumuhambiraho umutwe w’ingabo atazi. Byaje no kugaragara ko uwo mutwe utabaho.

Q. Twumva ariko ko ngo n’ubushinjacyaha bwari bwajuriye ?

R. Nibyo koko ubushinjacyaha bwari bwajuriye. Bwo ariko bukaba bwarinubiraga ko ngo imyaka 8 madame Victoire yakatiwe yari mike, ugereranije n’ibyaha bwari bwamureze. Bwageze n’aho bugereranya ibirego bye n’ibya Mushayidi bukavuga ko butumva ukuntu atakatiwe gufungwa burundu.

Q. Reka tugaruke mu bujurire imbere y’urukiko rw’ikirenga. Iburana ryatangiye ryari ?

R. Urukiko rw’ikirenga rwatangiye kumva ababurana tariki ya 25 mars 2013. Icyo gihe muribuka ko urubanza rwari rwitabiriwe n’abarwanashyaka benshi. Kubera ko ubutegetsi butashakaga ko bigaragara ko madame Victoire Ingabire afite abantu bamuri inyuma bangana gutyo, bwahisemo gukwirakwiza imishwaro abo bantu. Ndetse Umunyamabanga Mukuru w’agateganyo w’ishyaka FDU-Inkingi, Bwana Sylvain Sibomana nibwo yafashwe akorerwa ibya mfura mbi kugeza ubwo akutse amenyo. Na n’ubu aracyari mu munyururu aburagizwa.

Q. Madame Victoire yifashe ate imbere y’urwo rukiko ? Uko guhutaza abamushyigikiye ntibymutesheje umutwe cyane cyane ko abamurinda banamubujije gusuhuza abari aho nk’uko bisanzwe ?

R. Madame Ingabire yabimbuye ubujurire ageza ku rukiko ibibazo by’ibanze (Questions de procédure):

1) Ububasha bw’urukiko rukuru mu guhindura amasezerano u Rwanda rwagiranye na RDC ku byerekeranye n’itahuka mu mahoro kubahoze ari abarwanyi muri FDLR.

Bariya basirikare batatu bamushinja aribo : Uwumuremyi Vital, Nditurende Tharcisse na Karuta JMV, akaba yibaza ukuntu bakurikiranwa ku bintu bakoze muri Congo ku buryo bunyuranije n’ayo masezerano. Ku baba batazi igikubiye muri ayo masezerano, yavugaga ko abarwanyi ba FDLR bafata icyemezo cyo gutaha bashyize hasi intwaro batazakurikiranwa ku byaha baba barakoreye hanze y’igihugu, uretse ibyaha bijyanye na génocide n’ibyaha by’intambara cyangwa ibyaha by’inyokamuntu (crimes de guerre et crime contre l’humanité).

2) Ububasha bw’urukiko rukuru mu kutubahiriza icyemezo cy’urukiko rwo mu Buholandi n’amasezerano yakozwe hagati y’u Rwanda n’Ubuholandi m’uburyo ibyo bimenyetso byagombaga gukoreshwa.

Aha naho nakwibutsa abumva Radio Itahuka ko igihe inzego z’ubucamanza z’igihugu cy’Ubuholandi zoherezaga bimwe mu bintu byari byavanywe mu isakwa ryakorewe aho madame Victoire yabaga mu Buholandi, u Rwanda rwari rwemeye ko rutazabikoresha mu rubanza uretse ku byaha by’iterabwoba. Siko byagenze kuko ahubwo zimwe mu nyandiko zakoreshejwe mu kumuhamya icyaha cyo gupfobya génocide.

Q. Kuki madame Ingabire atashakaga ko inyandiko zose zavuye iwe zikoreshwa uko ubucamanza bw’u Rwanda bubishatse ? Haba hari ibyo yashakaga guhisha ?

R. Nta kintu kirimo kidasanzwe. Gusa ubuzima gatozi bw’umuntu ntibuvogerwa. Ni ihame rikomeye. Twese mu ngo zacu tugira icyo bita « intimité » tutifuza ko ivogerwa. Madame Victoire nawe ni umuntu ukeneye « intimité ». Ikindi ni ikibazo cy’irindi hame. Iyo ugiranye amasezerano n’umuntu urayubahiriza. Inteko ishinga amategeko y’ubuholandi yari yatanze ibintu bigomba kubahirizwa kugira ngo leta yabo igeze k’u Rwanda ibyo bimenyetso. Izo ngingo zigomba kubahirizwa, bitaba ibyo u Rwanda rugasobanura impamvu rutabikoze.

Q. None se ntacyo madame Ingabire yavuze ku bujurire bw’ubushinjacyaha ?

R. Birumvikana ko nta kuntu yari kubuca iruhande cyane cyane ko ubushinjacyaha bwamusabiraga gufungwa burundu bumwegekaho urusyo.

Madame Ingabire yatangiriye ku cyaha y’ingengabitekerezo dore ko ari cyo cyari cyafashe umwanya munini mu kirego cy’ubushinjacyaha no mu bujururire. Mu kirego ubushinjacyaha bwari bwatanze ingingo zirenga 10 ngo zerekana ko madame Ingabire icyo cyaha kimuhama. Gusa kubera ko urukiko rukuru rwari rwemeje ko ingingo 2 ari zo zonyine zubahirije amategeko, madame Ingabire yagize icyo avuga kuri izo ngingo gusa, arizo :

1. Amahame ya FDU-Inkingi (charte constitutive)
2. Ijambo madame Ingabire yavugiye ku Gisozi

Kuri izo ngingo ebyiri madame Ingabire akaba yaranenze urukiko ndetse n’ubushinjacyaha kuba bwaribanze kubyo bita mu matekegeko “doctrines” (inyandiko z’abahanga). Akibaza impamvu badakoresha amategeko y’u Rwanda. Keretse niba nabo batakiyemera. Yatanze ingero nyinshi.

Ubusanzwe mu mikirize y’imanza hakoreshwa mbere na mbere amategeko. Iyo adahagije hakoreshwa ibyo bita “jurisprudence” aribyo umuntu yagenekereza akabyita “uko imanza zisa n’urwo zaba zarakijijwe”. Iyo ibyo byose bidahagije bitabaza “doctrines”, umuntu yavuga ko ari inyandiko z’abazobereye mu mategeko. Mu rubanza rwa madame Victoire siko byagenze rero.

Q. Ikibazo se cyo gukurikiza inyandiko z’abahanga ni ikihe, cyane cyane ko ari abahanga nyine?

R. Biroroshye gusubiza iki kibazo iyo urebye abantu biyita abahanga ku kibazo cya genocide yabereye mu Rwanda muri 1994 ukuntu bangana n’ukuntu bivuguruzanya. Buri wese yiyita umuhanga ku buryo uhatera umutwe. Haramutse hari abahanga batabogamye nta kibazo. Gusa iyo ukoresheje uwitwa umuhanga ariko abogamye birumvikana ko biyobya ubucamanza. Niko byagenze.

Q. Ibyo turabyumvise ariko ntacyo uratubwira kuri ziriya ngingo ebyiri ari zo Amahame ya FDU-Inkingi na discours yo ku Gisozi. Abatwumva bakeneye gusobanukirwa.

R. Ku mahame ya FDU-Inkingi, ubushinjacyaha buvuga ko madame Victoire Ingabire apfobya genocide ngo kuko FDU yaba yarabishyize mu mahame remezo yayo. Ndetse abambari b’ubutegetsi bavuze ko ngo mu ndahiro abantu binjira muri FDU bagomba gukora, ibyo kwemera “double genocide” byaba birimo. Icya mbere, nta ndahiro tugira muri FDU-Inkingi. Baribeshye bakeka ko turi FPR-Inkotanyi. Ushaka kujya muri FDU ashyikirizwa amahame remezo y’ishyaka; yayemera tukamwohereza mu rwego rw’ibanze, rushobora kumuha ikarita y’ubunyamuryango cg rukayimwima. Ibyo kurahiza abantu ni ikinyoma cyambaye ubusa.

Icya kabiri muri FDU twemera mu buryo butaziguye génocide yakorewe ubwoko bw’abatutsi. Aho dutaniye na FPR ni uko twemera ko hari abahutu bishwe, kandi benshi. Twemera kandi ko abo bahutu bishwe na bamwe bari mu ngabo za FPR. Si twe twenyine tubivuga. Tugasaba ko ibi byaha byakurikiranwa nk’uko byasabwe n’abandi benshi ndetse na LONU (Mapping report). Ibi ntaho bihuriye na “double genocide”. None se FPR yakwihandagaza ikavuga ko nta bahutu bishwe? Niba ari byo ishaka ntabwo tuzabikora.

Q. Ibyo koko birumvikanye, cyane cyane ko FDU-Inkingi nk’ishyaka itigeze iregwa icyo cyaha, haba hanze y’u Rwanda, haba mu Rwanda. Naho se kuri discours madamu Ingabire yavuze ku Gisozi?

R. Aha naho ni andi mariganya. Ubushinjacyaha bwabanje kwitwaza ko kuvuga byonyine ko hari abanyarwanda bo mu bwoko bw’abahutu bishwe na bamwe bo mu ngabo za FPR ari ugupfobya génocide. Hagati mu rubanza ubushinjacyaha bwavuze ko kuba byaravugiwe kuri mémorial yahariwe abatutsi ari ryo shyano. Hanyuma buvuga ko irindi shyano ari ugukoresha ijambo « génocide » ku bahutu bapfuye kandi nta rukiko rwigeze rubyemeza.

Biragaragara ko uku guhindura imvugo ari ukubura uko bagira. Icya mbere ntabwo madame Victoire yagiye ku Gisozi ajyanywe no kuvuga iriya discours. Yari azinduwe no kwibuka abanyarwanda bazize génocide. Kandi byari bimuri ku mutima. Abanyamakuru bamubajije ikibazo yasubije uko umutima nama we umutegeka.

Ibyo yavuze ni ukuri kwambaye ubusa. Nta bwiyunge nyabwo buzagerwaho mu Rwanda, igihe cyose buri wese atazumva akababaro k’undi. Wabyita génocide wabyita ukundi, ikibazo cy’abahutu bishwe bazira ubwoko bwabo kigomba kuzafuturwa. Kurenzaho bizahora bikurura urwikekwe n’inzangano mu bana b’u Rwanda. Ntaho madame Victoire yaciye inka amabere abivuga.

Madame Ingabire ariko akaba yarasobanuye ko atigeze na rimwe ashaka gushinyagurira abanyarwanda bo mu bwoko bw’abatutsi avuga ayo magambo.

Q. Mu yandi magambo rero madamu Ingabire yemera génocide yakorewe abatutsi ndetse na FDU-Inkingi irayemera ?

R. Rwose nta shiti. Bitavuga ariko ko babindikiranya ubwicanyi bwakozwe na zimwe mu ngabo za FPR. Ariko kuki FPR yakwigira indakoreka ? Ubu se ushobora kubwira umuntu mwene wabo akiri mu muringoti haruguru y’urugo ko uwamwishe ari indakorekwa, ko azahama aho mu muringoti adashyinguwe mu cyubahiro? Tugomba kugira umuco mwiza wo kwubaha abacu bishwe nta vangura.

Q. Ibyo ndakeka ko bireba icyaha cyo gupfobya génocide. Hari ariko n’icyaha cy’iterabwoba.

R. Mu isomwa ry’urubanza, urukiko rukuru rwari rwagihinduyemo « Kugambana (conspiration)». Gusa naho harimo urujijo. Mu iburanishwa uwunganira madame Victoire yabajije urukiko uwo bagambanye arabura kuko madame Victoire Ingabire ari we wenyine waregwaga icyo cyaha. Ndetse ni we wenyine cyahamye. Umuntu se agambana wenyine? Mu mikirize ariko byaje kugaragara ngo ko madame Victoire Ingabire yaba yaragambanye na majoro Uwumuremyi Vital. Kuki rero byagizwe ibanga mu iburanishwa ? Kuki madame Victoire Ingabire atahawe urubuga ngo yisobanure ndetse abe yahuzwa na Vital imbere y’urukiko buri muntu yisobanure (confrontation)?

Q. Uko kugambana ahubwo twe twakekaga ko kureba bariya basirikare bose bahoze muri FDLR.

R. Ibyo biragarura ikibazo cy’uriya mutwe mpimbano witwa CDF (Coalition of Defense Forces) ngo waba warabonye inkunga ya madame Victoire Ingabire.

Umuntu yakivugabo ibintu bibiri :

Icya mbere, byaragaragaye ko uriya mutwe utigeze ubaho. Abari babivuze imbere y’urukiko rukuru bose bisubiyeho basobanura ko utigeze ubaho, kandi ni nabyo. Nta kindi kimenyetso kigeze kigaragaza ko wabayeho.

Icya kabiri madame Ingabire yibajije, ni ukuntu yahamwa ko yatanze amafranga yo kugura intwaro z’umutwe w’ingabo utabaho. Iki ni ikindi kinyoma.

Q. None se uko kwisubiraho kw’abamushinjaga bahoze muri FDLR byaba byaraturutse he ?

R. Sinabyita ukwisubiraho ahubwo nabyita ukuvugisha ukuri. Barashutswe bavuga amatakira ngoyi kuko bari bafungiwe Mutobo igihe batanze ubwo buhamya. Habonetse umutanga buhamya wabyemeje. Ubushinjacyaha bwakoze iyo bwabaga ngo bumuteshe agaciro, ariko yerekanye uburiganya bwose bwakorewe i Mutobo.

Q. Uwo mutanga buhamya se kuki atari yaragaragaye mu rukiko rukuru ?

R. Mu by’ukuri uwo mutangabuhamya yari azwi kandi yagombaga gutanga ubuhamya mu rukiko rukuru. Gusa igihe madame Victoire yavaga mu rubanza akanasaba abamwunganira kuruvamo, ntibyari bigishobotse ko uwo mutanga buhamya aza mu rukiko. Ariko urukiko rwari ruzi ko ahari.

Q. Igishya se yazanye ni ikihe ?

R. Yemeje ko umugambi wo guhimbira madame Victoire Ingabire ibyaha wapangiwe i Mutobo ndetse atanga ibimenyetso simusiga. Ubushinjacyaha bwagerageze uko bushoboye kumunyomoza , ariko byabaye iby’ubusa. Ndetse n’iterabwoba ryarakoreshejwe ariko ntacyo ryatanze.

Q. Umuntu akwumvise yavuga rero ko madame Ingabire yashoboye kwambika ubusa ibirego byose aregwa ?

R. Kugira ngo abatwumva bibabere bigufi, madame Victoire yari yarahamijwe ibyaha bibiri aribyo : « Ugupfobya génocide (minimisation du génocide) », no « kugambana (conspiration) ».

Ku cyaha cyo gupfobya génocide, urukiko rwari rwitwaje discours madamu Ingabire yavugiye ku Gisozi. Madamu Ingabire yatanze ibimenyetso bihagije ko nta kintu kirimo gipfobya génocide. Ndetse naho bavugaga ko udashobora gukoresha ijambo rya génocide nta rukiko rwabyemeje, yibukije ko kuri urwo rwibutso hari inyandiko zivuga génocide yakorewe abantu bo mu gihugu cya Armenie kandi nta rukiko rwayemeje. Yanagarutse ku yindi nyandiko ivuga génocide y’abantu bo mu bwoko bwa Herero bwo muri Afurika y’amajy’epho nayo ikaba nta rukiko rwemewe rwigeze ruyemeza. Biragaragara rero ko nta cyaha cyakozwe avuga ko abahutu bishwe bagomba kwibukwa nabo, kabone n’iyo yabivugira ku rwibutso rwagenewe abatutsi. Nkeka ko abatutsi bari bakwiye kwumva ko iyi mvugo itagamije kubatoneka.

Ku cyaha cyo kugambana, nacyo cyataye agaciro igihe umutwe w’ingabo bamushinja utigeze ubaho; ndetse n’abaregwaga ko bari bawuri ku isonga bakaba barabivuze.

Q. N’ubwo bigaragara ko ibirego byose bisa n’ibyataye agaciro ntawamenya uko urubanza ruzacibwa tariki ya mbere Ukuboza 2013. Madame Victoire Ingabire yaba yiteguye kwakira ate imikirize y’urubanza ?

R. Biragoye gusubiriza umuntu mutari kumwe. Ariko nkurikije uko muzi, n’ibyo mbyirwa n’abahura nawe buri munsi, nakwemeza ko madamu Ingabire ajya mu Rwanda yari yiteguye ibigeragezo byose. Imyaka itatu amaze ari muri gereza yerekanye ko atari umuntu ujegera gutyo gusa. Ikindi, mu butumwa yakomeje kutugezaho abunyujije kubo bavugana, ntiyahwemye kutugaragariza ko ugufungwa nako ari uruhare mu rugamba rwa démocratie buri munyarwanda ushaka impinduka ya démocratie agomba kwitegura kunyuramo. Ugufungwa kwe kandi kukaba kwarerekanye isura nyayo y’ubutegetsi bwa FPR-Inkotanyi bwirirwaga buvuga ko ntawe bwabujije gukora politique mu gihugu.

Ikindi madame Ingabire ahora vuga ni uko nta bwoko bumwe ubwo aribwo bwose bushobora kwiharira umurage w’u Rwanda cyangwa ngo buvuge ko ari bwo bufite umuti w’ibibazo u Rwanda rufite. Niba hagomba kuba impinduka ya démocratie, izagerwaho ari uko amoko yose agize u Rwanda abigizemo uruhare.

Nkeka rero ko madame Victoire Ingabire yiteguye gukomeza urugamba ariho rwa démocratie uko imikirize y’urubanza rwe yagenda kose.

Q. Mu kurangiza ubutwumwa se wageza ku barwanashyaka no kubatwumva bose ni ubuhe ?

R. Nabasaba gukomeza kugirira icyizere umushinga dufite wo kugera ku mitegekere ibereye abanyarwanda bose no kwemera ko iyo nzira ishobora kuba irimo amahwa. Nabasaba kandi kwemera ko iyo nzira ishobora kuba ari ndende. Nkanabasaba gushishikariza abandi kudusanga, kuko tudashobora kwemera ko akarengane kari mu gihugu cyacu gakomeza. Igihugu ntabwo ari akarima ka kanaka, igihugu ni icya twese. Kandi nidushyira hamwe twese tuzatsinda.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Friday, August 16, 2013

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL - PUBLIC STATEMENT

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

16 August 2013
AI Index: AFR 47/002/2013

Rwanda: Official interference in affairs of human rights NGO places independent human rights work in peril

The former leadership of the Rwandan human rights organization LIPRODHOR, the Rwandan League for the Promotion and Defence of Human Rights (la Ligue rwandaise pour la promotion et la défense des droits de l’homme) has been forced out. The circumstances in which the board was replaced strongly indicate the involvement of the Rwandan authorities.

The capacity of human rights defenders to work in Rwanda has been further weakened and the space for meaningful human rights work has all but closed up.

The move followed a decision by the former leadership to leave the Collective of Leagues and Associations for the Defense of Human Rights in Rwanda (Collectif des ligues et associations de défense des droits de l'homme au Rwanda, CLADHO), a platform of human rights organizations, on the grounds that its executive committee had been put in place by the Rwanda Governance Board (RGB), an official body charged with promoting and monitoring good governance.

On 3 July 2013, the President of LIPRODHOR wrote a letter to announce LIPRODHOR’s decision to pull out of CLADHO, questioning the selection of CLADHO’s new committee and the network’s capacity to protect member organizations. Two other partner organizations also signed the letter.

On 21 July 2013, a group of LIPRODHOR members, which included a former president of the organization, held an extraordinary general assembly to discuss the organization’s decision to leave CLADHO. The meeting was conducted without notifying LIPRODHOR’s governing board, which included the President and the Vice-President. According to the statute of the organization, members should receive an invitation letter at least eight days before the meeting. In addition, the number of participants in the meeting did not meet that required for a General Assembly, which needs an absolute majority. The meeting resulted not only in the reversal of LIPRODHOR’s withdrawal from CLADHO, but in the replacement of LIPRODHOR’s board and President. A new board, including a new President, were elected and scheduled to begin in post from 26 July 2013.

The election of the new board was swiftly recognized by the RGB, despite complaints by the ousted board regarding the legitimacy of the procedure. The former board of LIPRODHOR has since launched a legal action against the decision of the RGB to support the former board’s dismissal, as well as the cancellation of the decision to leave CLADHO. The case is on-going.

The Rwandan authorities have shown that they have too much influence in the internal workings of NGOs. Incidents such as these demonstrate how legitimate freedom of association can be curtailed and how an organization’s independence can be compromised.

The procedure for resolving internal conflicts in civil society organizations in Rwanda is governed by law. The 2012 law governing the organisation and the functioning of national NGOs specifies that all national NGO statutes shall provide for an organ charged with conflict resolution. To comply, Article 19 of LIPRODHOR’s statute provides for a Committee for Discipline and Conflict Resolution for handling such disputes, but this was not used.

Restrictions have been placed on LIPRODHOR’s activities. A workshop scheduled for 24 July 2013 was prevented from going ahead by the police. The workshop, organized by LIPRODHOR, was on how civil society organizations could submit evidence as part of the reporting process for the United Nations Universal Periodic Review.

Background information

Amnesty International has documented longstanding patterns of intimidation and harassment of human rights defenders by the Rwandan authorities. Human rights defenders are regularly intimidated, threatened, and subjected to public and personalized attacks or administrative obstacles. Reporting on human rights violations, especially if publically denounced, leads to hostile government reactions. Human rights defenders often avoid working on sensitive areas, and refrain from or delay publishing to minimize potential repercussions. Rwandan human rights defenders also face challenges within their own organizations which have been infiltrated by people close to the authorities.

Few human rights organizations left in Rwanda retain some level of independence, but LIPRODHOR has been one such organization. It was established in 1991 and became one of the only credible independent national human rights organisations. By 1999, it had significantly increased its operations, staff and monitoring presence. LIPRODHOR’s capacity to investigate and report on human rights violations incurred attacks from the Rwandan authorities. Its staff members have repeatedly been intimidated, harassed and forced into exile. The authorities have sought to discredit the work of the organization. A parliamentary commission report in March 2003 accused the Democratic Republican Movement (Mouvement démocratique républicain), a political opposition party, of propagating an alleged “divisionist” and discriminatory program and accused LIPRODHOR of obtaining foreign funding for the party. A second parliamentary commission in June 2004 alleged that LIPRODHOR, along with other organizations, was guilty of holding and disseminating genocide ideology and recommended its dissolution.

ENDS…/

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Tuesday, August 13, 2013

Breaking Niews - Prins Friso op paleis overleden

Op Paleis Huis ten Bosch is vanmorgen prins Friso overleden. Dat meldt de Rijksvoorlichtingsdienst.
Zijne Koninklijke Hoogheid Prins Johan Friso Bernhard Christiaan David, Prins van Oranje Nassau, Jonkheer van Amsberg is 44 jaar geworden.

Prins Friso met zijn vrouw prinses Mabel in 2008

Volgens de RVD is de prins overleden aan complicaties die zijn opgetreden na een hersenbeschadiging die het gevolg was van zuurstoftekort bij zijn ski-ongeluk in Lech op 17 februari 2012.

Terug van vakantie

Koning Willem-Alexander en koningin Máxima komen in verband met het overlijden van Friso terug van hun vakantie in Griekenland.
Waar prinses Beatrix op dit moment is, heeft de RVD niet bekendgemaakt.

Londen

Na dat ongeluk werd hij behandeld op de intensive care van het Landeskrankenhaus in Innsbruck. Begin maart werd de prins overgebracht naar het Wellington ziekenhuis in Londen, de woonplaats van van de prins en zijn vrouw prinses Mabel.
In de medische bulletins werd vermeld dat Friso "tekenen van zeer gering bewustzijn" vertoonde. In die toestand hebben zich verder geen veranderingen voorgedaan. Begin juli 2013 werd hij overgebracht naar Paleis Huis ten Bosch.

Prinses Mabel

Prinses Mabel vierde gisteren nog haar 45ste verjaardag aan het ziekbed van haar man.
In het communiqué staat verder dat de koninklijke familie iedereen bedankt voor de uitstekende en toegewijde verzorging van de prins.
Volgens bronnen komt het overlijden van de prins onverwacht voor de koninklijke familie. Zijn broer, koning Willem-Alexander, was net op vakantie gegaan.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Saturday, August 10, 2013

State Department: Human Rights Report on Rwanda, 2012

Rwanda

PDF

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYShare

Rwanda is a constitutional republic dominated by a strong presidency. The ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) leads a coalition that includes six smaller parties. In August 2010 voters elected President Paul Kagame to a second seven-year term with 93 percent of the vote. Three other registered political parties participated in elections. Senate elections took place in September 2011, with RPF candidates winning the majority of seats by wide margins. International observers reported the senate elections met generally recognized standards of free and fair elections in most respects but noted concerns regarding the independence of voters’ decisions. State security forces (SSF) generally reported to civilian authorities, although there were instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control.
The most important human rights problems in the country remained the government’s targeting of journalists, political opponents, and human rights advocates for harassment, arrest, and abuse; disregard for the rule of law among security forces and the judiciary; restrictions on civil liberties; and support of rebel groups in the neighboring Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Other major human rights problems included arbitrary or unlawful killings, both within the country and abroad; disappearances; torture; harsh conditions in prisons and detention centers; arbitrary arrest; prolonged pretrial detention; executive interference in the judiciary; and government infringement on citizens’ privacy rights. The government restricted freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and to a lesser extent, religion. Security for refugees and asylum seekers was inadequate. Corruption was a problem, and the government restricted and harassed local and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Violence and discrimination against women and children occurred, including the recruitment by the M23 armed group of Rwandan and refugee minors as child soldiers. There was a small but growing incidence of trafficking in persons. Discrimination and occasional violence against persons with disabilities and the Twa minority occurred. The government restricted labor rights, and forced labor, including by children, and child labor were problems.
The government generally took steps to prosecute or punish officials who committed abuses, whether in the security services or elsewhere, but impunity involving civilian officials and SSF was a problem.
During the year the government provided material, logistical, and strategic support to the M23 armed group in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which committed summary executions and forcibly recruited adults and minors. The government strongly denied providing any support to the M23. SSF remained complicit in the illegal smuggling of conflict minerals from the DRC.

Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:Share

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

There were several reports the government attempted to commit arbitrary or unlawful killings within the country and abroad. The government typically investigated SSF killings within the country and prosecuted perpetrators. The government investigated sporadic grenade attacks and a spate of machete killings across the country and continued to prosecute individuals who threatened or harmed genocide survivors and witnesses.
On October 15, Mozambique police found former Rwandan Development Board Managing Director Theogene Turatsinze floating dead and tied with ropes in a lake two days after he was reported missing. Mozambique police initially indicated Rwandan government involvement in the killing before contacting the government and changing its characterization to a common crime. Rwandan government officials publicly condemned the killing and denied involvement. Domestic political observers commented that Turatsinze had access to politically sensitive financial information related to certain Rwandan government insiders. The killing remained unsolved at year’s end.

In a June 27 addendum to its interim report, in its November 15 final report, and in a November 26 letter to the UN Security Council, the UN Group of Experts (UNGOE) accused the government of violating UN arms embargo and sanctions regimes through “direct military support” and “the provision of material and financial support to armed groups operating in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo.” Specifically, the UNGOE claimed the government provided weapons and ammunition, recruits, intelligence, political and financial support, logistics, and direct Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF) military interventions in support of the M23 armed group rebellion in the eastern DRC, which began in April. The UNGOE asserted the de facto chain of command of the M23 started with Rwandan Minister of Defense General James Kabarebe and included Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Defense General Jacques Nziza. The government strenuously disputed the credibility of the UNGOE report and consistently denied providing any support to the M23. Human Rights Watch (HRW) and other international experts also provided evidence in support of the claim of government assistance to the M23. In press releases dated June 3, September 11, November 8, 16, and 20, and December 28, HRW accused the M23 of arbitrary or unlawful deprivation of life, including the summary execution of at least 33 recruits, among other abuses. The UNGOE echoed such claims, alleging the M23 and RDF troops killed dozens of recruits and prisoners of war through summary executions, beatings, starvation, or by burying them alive. Fourteen international NGOs, including Global Witness, Freedom House, and The Enough Project, published an open letter on December 10 criticizing Rwanda’s support for the M23 armed group. Several of those NGOs also produced their own reports and press releases detailing human rights abuses by the M23. In addition to the M23, the UNGOE alleged the Rwandan government provided material and financial support to several other armed groups operating in the DRC, including Raia Mutomboki, the Congolese Defense Forces, and the Patriotic Resistance Forces of Ituri, among others. The UNGOE had charged each of those groups, but especially Raia Mutomboki, with committing extrajudicial killings and other human rights abuses.
Laurent Nkunda, the former leader of the Congolese armed group National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), which was reported to have received support from the Rwandan government, remained under house arrest without charges. During the year, elements of the CNDP reconstituted themselves as the M23 armed group. Nkunda was arrested in 2009 by the RDF when he returned to the country reportedly for consultations with government officials. The Rwandan government has not acted on the DRC’s 2009 extradition request for Nkunda.

In September 2011 security personnel shot and injured opposition party PS-Imberakuri member Eric Nshimyumuremyi, allegedly because he was armed and seeking a fight. A PS-Imberakuri spokesperson claimed Nshimyumuremyi was not armed and was shot because he was a party member. The Rwanda National Police (RNP) defended SSF action and did not discipline those involved. Prosecutors charged Nshimyumuremyi with illegal possession of weapons, and his trial continued at year’s end.
In December 2011 an unidentified gunman killed Charles Ingabire, a Rwandan journalist and government critic, in Kampala, Uganda. Both the press and human rights organizations reported Ingabire had survived an earlier attack in September 2011. Rwandan authorities alleged he had embezzled from a microfinance company, orphans, and a genocide survivors’ organization and was probably killed for that reason.
Five grenade attacks in January and March in Kigali’s Muhanga District and Musanze District resulted in three deaths and injuries to 37 persons. Police arrested several suspects associated with the attacks, which were widely believed to have been orchestrated by the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) armed group operating mainly in the eastern DRC. On January 13, judges convicted 21 defendants and acquitted eight in relation to several 2011 and earlier grenade attacks. Prosecutors earlier dropped charges against more than 70 others. Of the 29 defendants tried in court, only four had lawyers, and several maintained SSF members had tortured them into signing false confessions. Judges placed the onus of proving torture on the defendants and refused to examine defendants’ claims absent a medical report; however, Amnesty International and HRW claimed the defendants had no access to doctors during their time in detention at Kami military intelligence camp and that such medical examinations could not be obtained without endangering the doctor. Several appeals continued at year’s end.
On December 6, the High Court in Musanze District convicted 11 of 12 defendants for threatening state security in relation to 2011 and earlier grenade attacks and other “terrorist acts.” According to HRW, many of the defendants had disappeared in 2011, and the majority claimed in open court they had been tortured and forced into confessing during illegal detentions at Mukamira military camp. The criminal trial of an additional 18 SSF defendants began on December 12. An observer of the trial told HRW the majority of the defendants testified by year’s end and claimed to have been arrested between 2010 and 2011, illegally detained at Mukamira military camp, and tortured.

According to HRW, another state security trial began in December, including defendants charged with the early 2012 grenade attacks. In addition HRW reported at least three persons who disappeared in September 2011 and were illegally detained at Kami military intelligence camp until transfer to Kicukiro prison in December 2011 have been scheduled to go on trial in a group of 10 defendants in February 2013 for threatening state security and collaborating with the FDLR.
On December 20, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), based in Tanzania, convicted Augustin Ngirabatware, the country’s former minister of planning, of genocide and crimes against humanity. The court sentenced Ngirabatware to 35 years in prison. Ngirabatware was found to have distributed weapons at checkpoints where Hutu militias would kill ethnic Tutsis during the 1994 genocide. Ngirabatware’s trial was the last genocide case tried by the ICTR.
Police arrested 14 individuals in connection with numerous machete killings between July and September. Assailants tortured and killed at least 15 prostitutes in Kigali, while small groups indiscriminately slaughtered more than a dozen prostitutes in Muhanga District and Musanze District. According to the Association for the Defense of Human Rights (ARDHO), which received death threats for investigating the Muhanga killings, citizens were afraid to speak with authorities because the assailants attacked witnesses who provided information. Some witnesses, human rights activists, and government officials expressed fear the machete killings were a terrorist campaign instigated by the FDLR.
The government investigated and prosecuted individuals accused of threatening or harming genocide survivors and witnesses or of espousing genocide ideology, which the law defines as dehumanizing an individual or a group with the same characteristics by threatening, intimidating, defaming, inciting hatred, negating the genocide, taking revenge, altering testimony or evidence, killing, planning to kill, or attempting to kill someone. From January to September, a special protection bureau in the Office of the National Public Prosecution Authority (NPPA) registered 167 cases of genocide ideology, of which 64 were filed in court, 31 were dismissed, 10 were reclassified, and 62 were pending investigation. From January to September, the courts adjudicated 59 cases (63 individuals), convicting 52 and acquitting 11 (see section 1.e.). Police investigated six murders of genocide survivors. No information was available regarding charges filed, but according to the genocide survivors’ association Ibuka, police arrested suspects in all six cases. On October 1, in Kigali, genocide survivor Alex Rutindura, who media reported was involved in a court case over his parents’ land, survived a machete attack by six assailants, the third attempt on his life in two years.

b. Disappearance

There were fewer reports of disappearances and politically motivated abductions or kidnappings than in previous years, but local human rights organizations ceased investigating disappearances during the year after reporting pressure from government officials, including threats and allegations of treason. Amnesty International, the Rwandan League for the Promotion and Defense of Human Rights (LIPRODHOR), and other observers alleged SSF, including the RDF J-2 Military Intelligence Directorate, the National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS), and the RNP’s Department of Intelligence, orchestrated the disappearances. The government occasionally made efforts to investigate occurrences but did not punish any perpetrators.
On September 5, unknown persons abducted Alexis Bakunzibake, vice president of the unregistered faction of PS-Imberakuri, from a bus station in Kigali. Two days later Bakunzibake reappeared across the border in Uganda, claiming his kidnappers interrogated him about PS-Imberakuri’s plans to register and compete in the 2013 parliamentary elections, its funding sources and supporters, and his conversations with HRW, Amnesty International, and foreign diplomats. Bakunzibake further alleged his kidnappers bound and blindfolded him before staging a mock execution and then warned him to get out of politics. Bakunzibake and other PS-Imberakuri members fled the country soon thereafter. The RNP did not launch an investigation into the incident, claiming Bakunzibake did not file a formal complaint in person.

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

The constitution and law prohibit such practices, and there were fewer reports of abuse of detainees and prisoners by military and NISS officials than in 2011; however, reports of abuse by police intelligence officials increased. Authorities dismissed or disciplined some police officers for use of excessive force and other abuses during the year. Police investigations led to formal criminal charges filed in court in more serious cases.
On May 2, the government signed into law a new penal code that upgrades torture from an aggravating circumstance to a crime in itself. The new law mandates the maximum penalty, defined by extent of injury, for SSF and other government perpetrators.

There were numerous new reports during the year of detainee abuse and lengthy illegal detention by police intelligence at Kwa Gacinya detention center in Kigali, despite government assertions the center had been closed. Former detainees told HRW they were detained in isolation and repeatedly beaten by police intelligence with plastic batons or bare hands to secure information and force confessions. Between May and August, police arrested at least 15 persons in connection with an electronics theft ring in Kigali. According to HRW, several of the defendants told the judge during a September pretrial detention hearing police had illegally detained and beaten them into forced confessions, but the judge accepted the prosecution’s argument, based on precedent set by the 2011 “grenade case,” that illegal detention could be excusable by investigative prerogative and that claims of torture and abuse could not be examined without a medical report.
Amnesty International reports published in April and October documented 18 allegations of torture and other cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment perpetrated by military intelligence and other SSF personnel in 2010 and 2011 to secure information or force confessions at Kami military intelligence camp, Ministry of Defense (MINADEF) headquarters, Mukamira military camp, and safe houses. Former detainees repeatedly alleged to Amnesty International, HRW, and LIPRODHOR they endured sleep deprivation, sensory deprivation, starvation, extraction of fingernails, electrocution, scalding, melting of plastic bags over the head, suffocation, burning or branding, beating, and simulated drowning through confinement in cisterns filled with rain water. Local and international human rights organizations reported the RDF took positive steps during the year to reform military interrogation methods and detention standards, resulting in fewer reports of torture and other cruel, inhumane, or degrading treatment or punishment at Kami and other military detention facilities; however, they cautioned the increased use of safe houses by NISS, RDF J-2, and RNP Intelligence made monitoring more difficult.

In addition to torture, former detainees repeatedly alleged to Amnesty International, HRW, and LIPRODHOR that, while in military intelligence detention in 2010 and 2011 at Kami, they had been held in solitary confinement, without light and without communication with the outside world, they were allowed only two bathroom visits per day, they had to eat next to their feces, and they were sometimes told the food was poisoned. RDF reforms led to a reduction in such reports during the year, according to local and international human rights organizations, but the increased use of safe houses complicated monitoring efforts.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

Prison and detention center conditions were harsh, although the government made numerous improvements during the year. Police sometimes beat newly arrested suspects to obtain confessions. There were numerous reports of detainee abuse and lengthy illegal detention by police intelligence at Kwa Gacinya detention center in Kigali. There were reports that J-2 military intelligence personnel employed torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment to obtain confessions in military detention centers, although less frequently than in the previous year (see section 1.c). The SSF increasingly used safe houses to detain and interrogate “security” detainees and military officials accused of insubordination. The government selectively permitted visits by independent human rights observers.

Physical Conditions: At year’s end the prison population was 55,618, over 90 percent of whom were men. A total of 333 prisoners were juveniles. The system was designed for 54,700. Men and women were held separately in similar conditions, although overcrowding was more prevalent in male wards. Fewer than 100 children under the age of three lived with their parents in prison. The Rwanda Correctional Services (RCS) provided five nursery schools, one psychosocial center, and fresh milk for such children. All juveniles were held at Nyagatare Rehabilitation Center or in special wings of regular prisons. There were no reports of abuse of juveniles, and the RCS continued to improve access to lawyers, education, and job training for juveniles. Individuals convicted of genocide-related offenses comprised a majority of the adult prison population. Authorities generally separated pretrial detainees from convicted prisoners; however, there were numerous exceptions due to the large number of detainees awaiting trial.
The government continued to hold eight prisoners of the Special Court for Sierra Leone in a purpose-built detention center, which the UN deemed met international standards for incarceration of prisoners convicted by international criminal tribunals. The government held international transfers and some high-profile “security” prisoners in similarly upgraded maximum security wings of Kigali Central “1930” Prison.
Unlike in the previous year, there were no prison riots. A riot at Huye Prison in July 2011 resulted in the deaths of five prisoners, who reportedly were shot by guards.
Prisoner deaths resulted from anemia, HIV/AIDS, respiratory diseases, malaria, and other diseases at rates similar to those found in the general population. Medical care in prisons was commensurate with care for the public at large. The government enrolled all prisoners in the national health insurance plan. Prisoners had access to potable water. The Ministry of Internal Security (MININTER) implemented a 2011 directive taking full responsibility to provide food for prisoners through contracted cafeteria services, canteens, and prison gardens. Family members were permitted to supplement the diets of vulnerable prisoners with health issues. Ventilation and temperature conditions improved as overcrowding continued to decline. According to the RCS, each prison had dormitories, toilets, sports facilities, a health center, a guest hall, a kitchen, water, and electricity, as required by a 2006 presidential order governing prison conditions.

Conditions in police and military detention centers varied. Overcrowding was common in police detention centers, and poor ventilation often led to high temperatures. Provision of food and medical care was inconsistent, and some detainees claimed to have gone for several days without food. There were complaints regarding inadequate sanitation in some detention centers, and not all detention centers had toilets. There were numerous reports of substandard conditions for civilians held in military detention centers.
Gikondo Transit Center, where Kigali authorities held street children, vagrants, suspected prostitutes, and street sellers, continued to operate despite a Senate committee’s 2008 call for its closure due to substandard conditions (see section 1.d.). Two other transit centers, where conditions generally met basic international standards, operated under the management of the Ministry of Gender and Family Promotion (MIGEPROF), as did one transit center under church management. Hundreds of male transit center detainees and at-risk youth between the ages of 18 and 35 were transferred to the Iwawa Rehabilitation and Vocational Development Center on Iwawa Island, where substandard sanitation and nutrition resulted in disease outbreaks and several deaths. During the year there were reports of individuals drowning while attempting to escape. There were also reports the RDF recruited individuals from Iwawa to join the M23 armed group in the DRC (see sections 1.a. and 6, children.).
Administration: Recordkeeping on prisoners and detainees remained inadequate, but authorities took steps to transfer paper files to an electronic database. Domestic and international human rights organizations reported numerous instances of long delays and failures to locate prisoners and detainees. There were reports of forgotten detainees and of prisoners who remained incarcerated beyond their release date due to misplaced records. The RCS provided additional training to its staff on the shift from penal to rehabilitative detention as it coped with the July 2011 merger of the National Prisons Service and the Works for General Interest (TIG) community service program for perpetrators of the genocide. The Nyagatare Rehabilitation Center for juveniles continued renovations with the assistance of the Dignity in Detention Foundation and UNICEF to align with rehabilitative priorities. In May the government amended the penal code to allow community service as alternative sentencing for misdemeanors and petty offenses, and the Ministry of Justice (MINIJUST) instructed judges to utilize alternative sentencing to incarceration for nonviolent offenders during the first half of the year. MININTER granted conditional release to 1,421 prisoners in May. The law provides for an ombudsman who has the power to carry out investigations of prisons. The ombudsman also receives and examines complaints from individuals and independent associations relating to civil servants, state organs, and private institutions. Prisoners and detainees had weekly access to visitors and were permitted religious observance. Prison staff held regular meetings with prisoners and detainees to listen to inmates’ complaints and take action to resolve them when possible. The MININTER permanent secretary personally inspected all prisons and took steps to hire staff for a human rights inspectorate within the ministry. The chief of defense staff supervised detention reform efforts in MINADEF.

Monitoring: The government permitted independent monitoring of prison conditions by diplomats, as well as the International Committee of the Red Cross, which reported unimpeded access on an unannounced basis to all the prisons, police stations, and military facilities that it visited during the year. HRW obtained access to visit prisons, but the government repeatedly blocked access to individual prisoners and subsequently ruled HRW did not have the right to request access to individual prisoners. Amnesty International was unable to visit prisons due to government delays in permit approval. Journalists may access prisons with a valid press card but must request permission from the RCS commissioner to interview or take photos. The government did not permit independent monitoring of safe houses. It also denied local human rights NGOs, including LIPRODHOR and the Youth Association for Human Rights Promotion and Development (AJPRODHO-JIJUKIRWA), permits to visit prisons and police detention centers.
Improvements: There were continued improvements in treatment of the general prison population. Overcrowding in prisons continued to decline. MININTER took full responsibility to provide food for prisoners. Unannounced quarterly inspections by the MININTER permanent secretary led to improved recordkeeping and treatment of prisoners in RCS facilities, while periodic monitoring by the MINADEF chief of defense staff led to a reduction in reported abuses at military detention facilities. Under the RCS Strategic Plan 2012-17, RCS undertook renovations of some of the 14 existing prison facilities and began construction of Butamwa Prison, which will replace Kigali Central “1930” Prison upon completion. As part of a shift to rehabilitative detention, RCS had 2,848 regular prisoners and 650 TIG camp prisoners in vocational training programs at year’s end. Also, 4,432 regular prisoners and 849 TIG camp prisoners were participating in literacy and language education. RCS established a psychosocial center for children under the age of three who lived with their parents in prison. All juvenile cases were recorded and submitted to MINIJUST and other government institutions on a quarterly basis, and increased efforts were made to provide juveniles legal assistance through Legal Aid Week.

President Clinton : The embarrassing US President Undermines US foreign Policy on Rwanda and DRC

The former US President

Bill Clinton

The US dilemma

President Clinton: Get away from Rwandans and let them fight for their basic liberties.

“Truth is the first casualty of war.” George Orwell

What will happen next?

"We have come to almost expect them. And while most Presidential scandals have to do with corruption or running guns or just flat out lying about things (*cough* yellowcake *cough*), occasionally these scandals head into the territory of the absurd, the hilarious and the outright embarrassing. It is to these wonderful scandals that this list is devoted. What better way to bring us together as a nation than to look back and laugh at our betters? ..."

Bill Clinton has more blood on his hands as he still supports and collaborates with General Kagame, the architect of the Rwandan genocide. the former US President Bill clinton continues to build up a win-win relationship with the Rwandan dicator that antagonizes President Obama's foreign policy.

STAY OUT !
Rwandans need you out of their country

We must all ask the question: If there were no lootings of mineral resources in the Eastern region of the DRC, would we be so concerned with the region?

A matter of fact: Foreign policy is and has always been in the best interest of the US.

But what you see is what you get: On one hand, The White House and the state Department’s position on Rwanda’s occupation of the Democratic Republic of The Congo through different armed groups and the M23 in particular and political grievances of the former US President Bill Clinton in some key-countries in Africa should serve to draw much-needed attention to an increasingly untenable contradiction in U.S. policy toward Rwanda. Bill Clinton continues to support or encourages Kagame’s terror in the African Great lakes region.

Bill Clinton should not interfere in the African Great lakes Region if he was not interested. Without Clinton’s involvement, the situation in Rwanda as well as in the Democratic of the Congo wouldn’t be in a much worse state. Since 1994, the region became an unstable region, of which the political and economic power is in the hands of the Tutsi minority ethnic group under the rule of bloody Tutsi dictators General Kagame of Rwanda and Museveni of Uganda.

In this context, the involvement of Bill Clinton appears in different experts’ analysis to make these countries much more economically and politically unstable. The existing Clinton organization’s interests antagonize President Obama and John Kerry’s foreign policy on Rwanda.

Clinton sees the ruin that Obama has caused the country ....., and must wail and gnash his teeth at night.

We believe that General Kagame's prosecution will stabilize Rwanda and the African Great Lakes Region.

To make matters worse: Bill Clinton has granted a war criminal the current Kagame's regime makes it worse with it's support to the M23, responsible of rapes, assassinations and mass-slaughters in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The time has come to arrest, prosecute and indict Him. The UN investigators saw evidence of genocide in both Rwanda and DRC against the Hutus.

The Worst Human Rights Abusers in the Western Hemisphere Are U.S. Allies.

Kagame and the Tutsi-led government is supported politically, economically and equipped with weapons by the United States and Great Britain and individuals like Bill Clinton, with full knowledge that they are used in a campaign of genocide, torture and war crimes both inside Rwanda against the Hutus and in the DRC against the Congolese people through the M23 support and ammunition.

They don't care about us!
Big money has been made in, and is still being made in this business

One of the important justifications for the Clinton administration’s support of General Kagame may sound earily familiar: The US intervention in the 1994 RPF (to make it happen) and Ugandan invasion of Rwanda, Clinton's organization supporting Kagame's wars in the neighbouring Congo, Bill Clinton's support of the Kagame's torture, imprisonment and conducting extrajudicial killings of politcal opponents, human rights activists and journalists in an organized capacity . The former US president is not forced into supporting Kagame and the RPF dictatorship by circumstances.Bill Clinton is doing so because he's afraid the world will be knowing how he made everything to make the genocide happen in Rwanda by refusing the UN intervention in the 1994 bloody war.That made him the best friend of Paul Kagame, the Rwandan dictator. Is it necessary to prove that Bill Clinton is aside with kagame, the mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide?. No there is no need to do so, it's bloody obvious.

Bill Clinton and Paul Kagame's win-win relationship

The US government and Bill Clinton in particular does not and did not care about 8 million mass-slaughtered s Hutus in Congo, most of them children and women so long as the end result was control of the country by a U.S. ally: General Paul Kagame.

A Candle For Remembering

Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes

Let us remember Our People

You can't stop thinking

Welcome to Home Truths

Everybody Hurts

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Why did Kagame this to me?

RPF committed the unspeakable

Inzira ndende

Search

Hutu Children & their Mums

Rwanda-rebranding

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

Almighty God :Justice for US

Killing Hutus on daily basis

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

Fighting For Our Freedom?

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

RWANDA: URUBANZA RWA MADAME VICTOIRE INGABIRE UMUHOZA

We HAVE A CARD THAT SAYS GET OUT OF JAIL FREE

AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL - PUBLIC STATEMENT

16 August 2013 AI Index: AFR 47/002/2013

Rwanda: Official interference in affairs of human rights NGO places independent human rights work in peril

The capacity of human rights defenders to work in Rwanda has been further weakened and the space for meaningful human rights work has all but closed up.

On 3 July 2013, the President of LIPRODHOR wrote a letter to announce LIPRODHOR’s decision to pull out of CLADHO, questioning the selection of CLADHO’s new committee and the network’s capacity to protect member organizations. Two other partner organizations also signed the letter.

The Rwandan authorities have shown that they have too much influence in the internal workings of NGOs. Incidents such as these demonstrate how legitimate freedom of association can be curtailed and how an organization’s independence can be compromised.

Background information

ENDS…/

Thank you for your interest in Amnesty International. We encourage you to become a Supporting Amnesty International Organization and support Amnesty's important work.

For more information please call Amnesty International’s press office in London, UK, on +44 20 7413 5566 or visit our website at http://www.amnesty.org

Breaking Niews - Prins Friso op paleis overleden

Terug van vakantie

Londen

Prinses Mabel

State Department: Human Rights Report on Rwanda, 2012

EXECUTIVE SUMMARYShare

Section 1. Respect for the Integrity of the Person, Including Freedom from:Share

a. Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life

b. Disappearance

c. Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

President Clinton : The embarrassing US President Undermines US foreign Policy on Rwanda and DRC

“Truth is the first casualty of war.” George Orwell

They don't care about us!Big money has been made in, and is still being made in this business

“Truth is the first casualty of war.” George Orwell

AS International

Profile

Genocide masterminded by RPF

Human and Civil Rights

Rwanda: A mapping of crimes

KIBEHO: Rwandan Auschwitz

Mass murderers C. Sankara

Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.

Prof. Allan C. Stam

Prof. Christian Davenport

The killing Fields - Part 1

The killing Fields - Part II

Daily bread for Rwandans

The killing Fields - Part III

Time has come: Regime change

Drame rwandais- justice impartiale

Sheltering 2,5 million refugees

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Everything happens for a reason

Hutus didn't plan Tutsi Genocide

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16 August 2013
AI Index: AFR 47/002/2013

They don't care about us!
Big money has been made in, and is still being made in this business