Those who survived say they did not go to the meeting called by Rwandan soldiers.

The Congolese Hutu peasants who did were brought out of the thatched-roof meeting house two by two, to be bludgeoned to death with their own hoes, picks and axes. Some 300 villagers died that morning of Oct. 20, 1996, according to the local Observation Center for Human Rights and Social Assistance.

The story of the 1994 genocide of more than a half million Tutsis slaughtered by Hutus in Rwanda has been told in the world's press, in books and in movies such as "Hotel Rwanda." But the subsequent slaughter of Hutus in neighboring Congo is little known, and its perpetrators never have been brought to justice. The discovery of mass graves prompted investigations that led to a controversial U.N. report published on Oct. 1, which accuses invading Rwandan troops of killing tens of thousands of Hutus in 1996 and 1997.

"There are many, many such mass graves. We've identified 30 just in this Rutshuru district, but our research indicates that this was the first massacre committed by Rwandan troops," the center's coordinator, Herve Nsabimana, said beside the banana trees.

Many victims told their wives to take the youngest children and hide in the fields. Today, Musekera is a village of widows. The only man over 50 was at a nearby health center during the massacre.

Matata Ihigihugo has relatives in three mass graves: her husband and two sons in the one reserved for males, a sister in the women's grave, and her 8-year-old daughter in the one where children's small bodies were buried.

Roberto Garreton, a Chilean lawyer who for eight years was the U.N. special rapporteur in Congo, told The Associated Press that his first report detailing massacres by Kagame's troops involved Hutus killed in Rwanda in 1994. He said the United Nations .
She objected to being asked to name her massacred family. "Why do you ask me to call out the names of those who are dead?" she demanded. "There can be no peace for me until they are properly buried.""They killed all my people. I have no life left," said Ihigihugo, who thinks she is 40 but looks many years older.

It was the Rwandan Tutsi soldiers, led by now-president Paul Kagame, who as rebels ended Rwanda's 1994 genocide. But they now are accused of vengeful massacres of Hutus when they took the war into Congo.

suppressed that report, apparently because of embarrassment and guilt that it did nothing to stop the genocide. The United Nations initially denied the existence of the report, which later was leaked.
After the Tutsi rebels triumphed and took over Rwanda's government, Kagame became vice president and defense minister. He sent troops into Congo in 1996 — although he denied it at the time — in an invasion that led to the ouster of Congo's longtime dictator, Mobutu Sese Seko.

U.N. reports in 1997 and 1998, including one by Garreton, blamed a coalition of Congolese rebel forces that Kagame later admitted were commanded by Rwandan officers for massacres of Hutus, and said they were on a scale to suggest a possible genocide. Then-U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan responded by asking Congo and Rwanda to investigate the allegations — basically to investigate themselves.

The evidence later became too big to sweep under the carpet. In 2005, U.N. peacekeepers uncovered mass graves in east Congo of hundreds of civilians believed to have been executed by Rwandan soldiers. The discovery prompted renewed investigations that culminated in the latest U.N. report, which said the killings in Congo were so systematic that a court could consider it genocide.

The report recommends that those responsible be punished but doesn't name names. Congo has said it is willing to establish a transnational court to punish those responsible. After months of denials that Rwandan troops were in Congo, Kagame took ownership of the invasion, admitting he had planned and ordered it. Among officers commanding the coalition forces was Joseph Kabila, now president of Congo.

Last month, 40 Congolese police officers and a few army military investigators completed a course in forensic science that trained them to find evidence in mass graves. It was paid for by the U.S. State Department and organized by the American Bar Association. The training was led by Peruvian forensic anthropologist Jose Pablo Baraybari, who has investigated massacres in Bosnia.

The trainees worked on dummies set up on mock graves, Elysee Sindayigaya said from the bar association's office in Goma, eastern Congo. "We're making representations to the government of Congo to try to get access to real mass graves, but it's very sensitive."

Kagame, whose reputation is pegged to the moral high ground of having stopped Rwanda's Hutu-led genocide while U.N. peacekeepers and the international community did nothing, tried to get the latest report quashed by threatening to withdraw Rwandan troops from U.N. peacekeeping operations in several countries, including the commander of the forces in Darfur, Sudan. The report was published with some language moderated, but the reference to possible genocide remained. Its publication was delayed to include lengthy rebuttals from Rwanda and Congo.

Rwanda's Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo calls the report "an attempt to rewrite history" and "flawed and dangerous."

Kagame has succeeded in the past in stifling similar accusations.

"The question now is the same question there was then: Is there the political will to identify the killers and bring them to justice?" asked Reed Brody, a former deputy U.N. investigator who helped write the 1998 report.

Human rights activists say Kagame's allies in the U.S. and British governments, which pour aid into Rwanda and have used it as a platform to dilute French influence in the region, don't want him investigated. Many fear digging further could destabilize the already volatile Central African region.

Kagame was trained at the U.S. Army Command and Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, in 1990. Once he came into power, the U.S. Special Forces trained Rwandan troops before, during and after the invasion of Congo — even as U.N. and other investigators reported their alarm at alleged atrocities by the government soldiers.

Kagame has said his invasion of Congo was aimed at dismantling massive refugee camps that sheltered both Rwandan Hutu refugees and perpetrators of the genocide. At the time, reporters documented how the camps were being militarized by genocide perpetrators who used them as launch pads for cross-border raids into Rwanda.

Most popular kagame's strategy to murder Hutus

Many times, Kagame urged the United Nations to separate the armed men from the refugees and dismantle the camps. Kagame has said that in 1996 he warned the United States and the United Nations that if they would not do it, he would.

A 1997 Human Rights Watch report that sought to identify commanders of the massacres said James Kabarebe, who became Rwanda's defense minister in April, was the most senior Rwandan officer in Congo during the invasion. Messages left at Rwanda's Ministry of Defense got no response to requests for a comment.

Kagame has said most of those who died were genocide perpetrators. But the new U.N. report says Rwandan troops routinely invited refugees or villagers to meetings and then slaughtered them.

"The extensive use of edged weapons (primarily hammers) and the apparently systematic nature of the massacres of survivors after the camps had been taken suggests that the numerous deaths cannot be attributed to the hazards of war or seen as equating to collateral damage," the report says, adding that most victims were "children, women, elderly people and the sick."

Like the report, Brody noted that the impunity established then has helped fuel violence in Congo that persists to this day.

"The fact that these killings of tens of thousands, if not more, went utterly unpunished, the fact that there was clearly not the political will to identify the authors of these massacres and to bring them to justice, has facilitated the cycle of violence," he said.

Brody said his own investigation in 1997 and 1998 was obstructed by Congo's government and by the U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa, the Congolese capital.

1. Bad News: Last Journalists in a Dictatorship review – Rwanda’s ‘Big Brother’
2. Rwanda: Africa's success story or authoritarian state?
3. Anjan Sundarm
4. La Russie annonce officiellement son opposition à l’axe USA/UE sur le cas du Burundi

Sundaram travels deep into the country during the rainy season to discover scenes he compares to war, the landscape littered with huts destroyed and traditional grass roofs burnt off. Children are sick, old people shake with malaria, families are squashed together in makeshift shelters or living with animals. Yet he is mystified since there are no signs of conflict. Finally, villagers admit they destroyed their own homes after a government order, leaving him pondering the humiliation of a woman who tells him Kagame is a visionary for such signs of progress. “She said the president was a kind man for thinking of the poor.”

This is a desolate work, taut prose describing the stifling atmosphere of a nation trapped in fear. Yet equally depressing are the delusions of western donors, played so skilfully by Kagame as they funnel huge sums into his state then serve as cheerleaders for this bloodstained war criminal. He has just shown again how he manipulates “democracy” with a referendum to ensure he can stay in power until 2034; as Sundaram says, who dares vote against such a government when it orders people to mark ballots with thumbprints?

Such shameful stupidity shows how western governments end up as accomplices to terror and apologists for despotism. The book ends with a list of journalists assaulted, deported, forced to flee, jailed, kidnapped, killed or going missing after criticising Kagame’s government. It takes 12 pages to detail all the cases yet Sundaram admits it is not exhaustive.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

Rwanda - The night of April 6, 1994 the Hutu presidents of Rwanda and Burundi, Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira, respectively, as well as General Nsabimana, the Rwandan Army Chief of Staff and several other dignitaries and [the three-man French civilian flight] crew were assassinated when the plane they were on was shot down over Kigali airport by anti-aircraft missiles fired by members of the so-called, Tutsi-led Rwanda Patriotic Front, with the assistance of the governments of several countries. The current leader of the RPF junta now in control of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, gave the final order for the shoot down (1), but he did so with the assistance or complicity of the governments of the United States of America, Britain, Belgium, Canada, Uganda, Burundi and Tanzania. The UN itself was also complicit (2). The United States and Britain, hoping to gain total control of the resources of Central Africa through their proxies in the Tutsi RPF provided the military support for the RPF invasion of Rwanda from Uganda beginning in 1990, flowing that support through Uganda. Britain also supplied the technical means and funding for the RPF propaganda radio station Muhabura as well as the training of RPF soldiers at their base at Jinja, Uganda.(3) Uganda was a direct aggressor against Rwanda, and all the soldiers and officers involved in the RPF invasion of Rwanda carried Ugandan army identity cards. 

It is now known that the missiles used to shoot down the aircraft came from stockpiles the Americans had seized in their first war against Iraq. It was in a warehouse at Kigali airport, rented by a CIA Swiss front company, that the missiles were assembled (4). In fact, the French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere, who has spent several years investigating the shoot down on behalf of the families of the French flight-crew, told Boutros-Boutros Ghali, the Secretary-General of the UN in 1994, that the CIA was involved in the shoot down, adding strength to Boutros-Ghali's earlier statement that the Americans are 100% responsible for what happened in Rwanda.(5)

There is strong direct and circumstantial evidence that the Belgian and Canadian contingents of the UN peacekeeping force in Rwanda in 1993-94, known as UNAMIR, were involved in the shoot down and assisted the RPF in their final offensive launched with the decapitation strike on the President and the Army Chief of Staff.(6) It was the Canadian, General Romeo Dallaire, Force Commander of UNAMIR, who arranged for one axis of the runway at the airport to be closed at the request of the RPF, making it easier to shoot down the plane as it tried to land. Dallaire also consistently sided with the RPF during his mandate, gave continuous military intelligence to the RPF about government army positions, took his orders from the American and Belgian ambassadors and another Canadian general, Maurice Baril, in the Dept of Peace-Keeping Operations in New York, lied to his boss, Jacques Roger Booh-Booh, about his knowledge of a build-up for a final Ugandan Army-RPF offensive(7), and turned a blind eye to the infiltration into Kigali of at least 10 battalions and possibly 13,000 RPF combatants when they were permitted only 600 under the Arusha Accords.(8) It was another Canadian, General Guy Tousignant, who took over from Dallaire after the RPF took power when UNAMIR II helped the RPF consolidate the rewards of its aggression. Burundi was involved both by permitting 600 US Army Rangers to be situated in Burundi in case they were needed by the RPF and by invading Rwanda from the south in May, 1994 to link up with the RPF forces. Tanzania was involved in both the planning of the shoot down and, itself, invaded Rwanda from the east and south blocking escape routes for the Hutu refugees fleeing the atrocities of the RPF in their sweep towards Kigali.

This was all part of the long-term strategy of the RPF and its allies before their renewal of hostilities on April 6th, 1994. They had conspired to use the facilities provided by the power sharing agreements, to take over the institutions of the country and seize power militarily whatever the cost. A military solution was the sole option developed by the RPF and its allies. In a pamphlet provided to its supporters in Kigali in January 1994, the RPF defined four scenarios for taking full control of power before the projected general elections, initially planned by the Arusha Accords to end the 22 months transition period. The fourth scenario(9) and the only one pursued provided for a military takeover within nine months from the date of the signature of the Arusha peace Accords and then the rescheduling of the elections to the most convenient time for the RPF, which, in essence, meant never.
As a matter of fact, President Habyarimana’s assassination and the final RPF offensive that followed occurred exactly eight months from the date of the Arusha Agreement 4 august 1993 and there has never been a legitimate transition government formed since the RPF’s seizure of power.

 For reasons it continues to refuse to provide, the UN has never investigated the shoot down of the Presidential plane. The French judge Jean-Louis Bruguière's report of his investigation into the shoot down was leaked to Le Monde in 2004 and states that the RPF was responsible and that the CIA was also involved. The Chief Prosecutor for the International War Crimes Tribunal For Rwanda, Canadian judge Louise Arbour had begun an investigation soon after she accepted the position and was told by her lead investigator, Australian lawyer Michael Hourigan, that it was the RPF group known as the "Network", with the assistance of a foreign power and including the involvement of the CIA, that was responsible for the shoot down.

At that point Arbour ordered the investigation closed, making her an accessory to a war crime. She then completely reversed herself and took the position that the shoot down was not within the ICTR mandate. This policy of protecting war criminals, in fact those who started the Rwanda war, has continued at the ICTR to this day with the full support of the US selected judges.

To add salt to the wound, the murder of the two Hutu presidents was preceded a few months before, on 21 October, 1993, by the murder of President Melchior Ndadaye of Burundi, also a Hutu, murdered by Tutsi officers of the Burundian Army. It is strongly suspected that the RPF was also involved in that assassination and it is known that Paul Kagame was in Bujumbura a few days before the Hutu president was murdered. This complicity of the RPF in the murder of the President of Burundi was a principal factor in creating extreme fear in the Hutu majority population of Rwanda that the RPF intended to kill as many Hutus as possible and that no political solution was ever possible with an organization whose methods were worthy of Murder Incorporated of the US Mafia.

The Prime Minister 

For reasons unknown, General Dallaire, who was aware from the start of her intention to make a radio address to the nation, never mentioned the speech at the senior officers meeting the night of the 6th.(14) The senior officers were completely unaware of it. For some reason she and Dallaire saw fit to keep it a secret. Instead of fulfilling her duties as prime minister in a time of national crisis, she took instructions from others. Twagiramungu states, "I called her to ask her to prepare a statement to the nation..." (15) The senior officers only became aware of the radio address after General Dallaire had left the meeting with Colonel Bagosora to meet Booh-Booh at his residence. A Belgian officer, Colonel Luc Marchal, the Kigali UN commander, arrived later to inform them. There was surprise but no expressed opposition to the idea.(16) When they came back from the meeting with Booh-Booh, neither Bagosora nor Dallaire spoke of any problem concerning Prime Minister Agathe. General Dallaire partially confirms this in his book. He states that Agathe called him seeking his assistance. Dallaire also states in his book that General Ndindiliyimana, Chief of Staff of the Gendarmerie, wanted to post guards at key points in the city, including Radio Rwanda, the government station on which Agathe was to make her address, to prevent sabotage. Dallaire states that it seemed a good idea but that it had to be done in coordination with UNAMIR, and Ndindiliyimana agreed.(17) It was decided to organize joint patrols by UNAMIR troops and the Gendarmerie.

Dallaire then says that about 2:00 am on the 7th he told Colonel Marchal not to go ahead with the plans for the joint patrols worked out with the Gendarmerie. He says he thought the presence of Belgian troops on the streets would be a provocation, though he does not say why. So he instructed Marchal to cut back those patrols(18) , and the Belgian UN troops did not show up at the stations designated to be the bases for those night patrols. The real reason remains obscure but the effect of the withdrawal of the joint UN-Gendarme patrols was to contribute to the break down in the security situation and give the RPF a free hand to activate the 10-13,000 soldiers they had infiltrated into the city and to gather the arms they had secreted in weapons caches all over the city under the deliberately blind eye of Dallaire and in continuous violation of the Arusha Accords.(19)

However, Dallaire says that he did order Colonel Marchal to send an escort to Agathe's house to take her to the radio station. He says also that sometime after 3:00 am Agathe called him about the radio address, but he does not disclose the contents of that conversation. Dallaire then says that the Radio Rwanda station-manager telephoned to say that he refused to give her air time unless his family was protected and then, in a second conversation, that nothing could be done, as soldiers were around the station. Dallaire states that he suggested a telephone interview but the station manager said it was not possible.

In complete contradiction to Dallaire, the station manager, Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, states(20) that Agathe called him at 2:20 am stating she would make an address at 5:00 am. "She asked me to send journalists to her house to record her statement. Towards 4:20 am I called her to be prepared to do the interview by telephone because sending personnel to her was impossible as the roads around Radio Rwanda had been cut (referring to the gendarmes trying to protect Radio Rwanda from saboteurs). I then asked the technicians to record the prime minister's message by telephone and to broadcast it."

Higiro then telephoned his Chief of Services to advise him of developments and was told that he had just received an anonymous telephone call that no messages should be broadcast without the approval of the Army. He had assumed the call came from someone in the Army or Ministry of Defense, but if it had it would have been an official call from a named officer or official. It would have been normal under the circumstances for the army to consider such a precaution, so there was no need to make an anonymous call. Further no official or officer has ever stated that they made such a call. So who made it and why? Was it someone who did not want Agathe's message to get out?

The Army had already agreed to the broadcast when Colonel Marchal announced it. The only ones who could want to prevent her from making the address were those who had first proposed the idea. But why? Had the contents of her address changed?

Why does Dallaire state in his book that a telephone interview was not possible when Higiro states it had all been set up?

Why does Dallaire say nothing in his book of the anonymous telephone call Higiro states was the reason the address was not made.

Did Dallaire or someone in his service make that anonymous call?

Higiro says he telephoned Agathe at about 4:30 am to tell her the broadcast was no longer possible. She seemed resigned. He then states that between 6:00 am and 6:30 am, Dallaire telephoned to ask why the prime minister had not made the address and was told why. But, strangely, in his book, Dallaire states that it was he who phoned Agathe to tell her the broadcast was off. So Dallaire’s phoning the station at 6:00 am to ask why she had not been on the radio makes no sense. He already knew why. Agathe knew at 4:30 am the broadcast was off. She must have spoken to Dallaire about the same time about the matter. Was his 6:00 am call a diversion to draw suspicion away from himself?

It is clear that Agathe could have made the radio address to the nation. Even if Dallaire had wanted to take her physically to the station it could easily have been arranged. All he had to do was contact his partners in the Army and Gendarmerie to ensure her arrival as they had already agreed to the address. The radio station was guarded by gendarmes, with Dallaire's approval. So why did Dallaire not mention the speech to the Gendarmerie commander? Why did he fail to mention it to Booh-Booh as to enlist his support?

The night of the 6th at the meeting between Dallaire, Booh-Booh and Colonel Bagasora, Booh-Booh suggested that a meeting be held at the America ambassador's residence the next morning at 9:00 am with various ambassadors, Agathe, senior officers of the Army and Gendarmerie and UNAMIR to discuss the situation. However, at the appointed time only Bagasora, another army colonel and General Ndindiliyimana of the Gendarmerie showed up. The American ambassador, Mr. David Rawson, not only failed to express any condolences on the death of the president and the others, he told them that he did not know why none of the others had come and stated he could not make contact with anyone. But he was aware that Agathe had planned to make a radio address as he asked why she had not done so. So he must have been advised of the matter by Dallaire the night before.(21)

It is likely that the others never showed up at the meeting with Ambassador Rawson because they already knew that Agathe had left her house some hours before and was no longer playing their game, and so the meeting had no point.

Rawson must have been aware that Agathe had left her house and was now in the UNDP complex, but inexplicably he failed to mention this fact to the Rwandan officers. Rawson had to know this as Dallaire states that he was in contact with New York about Agathe's situation around the time of the meeting and that he and "various ambassadors" maintained close communication.(22)

Colonel Bavagumenshi, the officer in charge of the Gendarme VIP security detail states that at 21:00 hours, the night of the 6th, he received orders to reinforce the VIP’s protection and that of Agathe in particular. When he testified in the court martial trial of Colonel Marchal, Bavugamenshi said that during that night, he telephoned the office of Colonel Marchal at least five times to inform him of the degrading VIP’s security situation.

Bavagumenshi stated that he discussed the VIP’s security with Colonel Marchal again in the morning of the 7th April. Colonel Marchal promised him that he would act but nothing was done by UNAMIR in favor of those Ministers. At 7:00 am he again telephoned Marchal and this time was told by Colonel Marchal that he could join an escort mission at 8:30 am to take her to the radio station. Inexplicably, Marchal kept secret the fact that a team of 13 Belgian soldiers had already arrived at Agathe's residence between 4:30 am and 5:OO am.(23) Bavagumenshi showed up at 8:30 am only to be told the mission was scrubbed because Agathe had fled her house. Marchal must have been aware that the Prime Minister had fled her house and sought refuge in the UNDP compound by that time, but again, inexplicably, Marchal never told Bavagumenshi that he knew where she was, that she was in UN hands, and that the escort mission could have been redirected to the UNDP compound where she was then located.

Also, inexplicably, General Dallaire took part in a meeting with senior Rwandan officers at 11:00 am the morning of the 7th at the Officers Military School or ESM and said nothing to those there that he knew where the prime minister was and had known for over three hours. This is the same meeting at which Dallaire fails to tell them that he was aware his men were under attack by mutinous soldiers.

Agathe’s Final Hours 
What happened to Agathe after the station manager told her at 4:30 am that the telephone interview was not possible? It is important to recall that this was just after the placing of the anonymous telephone call supposedly preventing any radio addresses. And that anonymous call was made shortly after Dallaire talked to Agathe by telephone some time after 3:00 am. Had she told him that she now refused to go on air and say it was an "accident"? Did she threaten to tell the world that she knew who was responsible for the shoot down of the plane? In other words, had she become a liability and signed her own death warrant?

The Ghanaian UN soldiers on guard at her house the night of the 6th and 7th of April have provided statements to Belgian investigative judge Vandermeersch, investigating the deaths of the Belgian soldiers who had gone to Agathe’s house at 4:30 am. Sgt. George Aboye, who commanded the unit of 5 men, states that at about 4:30 am to 5:00 am, that is, shortly after Dallaire's conversation with Agathe and the placing of the anonymous call to the radio station, four Belgian jeeps arrived at her house. It is important to note here that both Dallaire and his Deputy Force Commander state in their respective books that they had asked Agathe in the early morning of the 7th if she wanted to be taken out of her house but that she had refused.(24)

These Belgians were the same men who had gone out to the area east of Kigali airport area from which the missiles were fired, earlier on the 6th on a mission only Dallaire is aware of, and it is these same men who had been intercepted and detained, coming out of the area from which the missiles were fired, by the Rwanda Army, just after the plane was shot down.(25)

The Ghanaian commander approached the Belgian officer in charge and asked him what their mission was. The Ghanaians, also inexplicably, had no prior notice that the Belgians were coming there even though they were in radio contact with the UN command. The Belgian officer, Lt. Lotin, refused to answer, stating simply, "We are coming to see the Prime Minister." The Sgt, then accompanied the Belgians to the door of Agathe's residence. They knocked on the door but Agathe refused to answer the knock or open the door. Did she know these men had been involved in the murder of the president? Why had they been sent to her house secretly? Were they there, or did she think they were there, to kill her also? A clue may be found in a cryptic entry in the official Belgian Army history of the events known as the KIBAT (for Kigali Battalion) Report. On page 13, at paragraph k, the report states that the Belgian officer radios to his superior that the "Rwandans believe that the Belgians want the skin of Agathe."(26)

The Ghanaian Sgt. then states that shooting in the area got very close and everyone took cover; the 4 or 5 gendarmes and 5 Ghanaians who made up her security detail, and the 13 Belgians who had just arrived. They stayed in firing positions until, at about 7:00 am, the gendarmes suddenly cut a hole in the barbed wire fence at the back of her house and then took her and her family out of the compound. The Ghanaians and Belgians stayed in their positions. At about 7:15 am Rwandan soldiers entered the residence compound and detained the UN soldiers. They were disarmed but then allowed to board a bus without armed guard to take them to Camp Kigali, the nearest UN post. The officer was allowed to keep his pistol. This is confirmed by the UN military observer stationed at Camp Kigali, Capt. Apedo, who states that Ghanaians and Belgians arrived there at 7:00 am.(27)

We must pick up the story from the only seemingly reliable witness to her death. The witness is a UN functionary. Despite this, his testimony has been suppressed by the Prosecutor at the ICTR, thereby emphasizing its importance. His name is Willy Mpoye and he lived at the UNDP complex to which the gendarmes took Agathe and her family. The gendarmes state that they took her there and then, so as not to attract attention to her whereabouts, left the scene, believing her to be safe in UN hands.(28)

He says(29) that she arrived in the compound about 7:30 am and went to the house of a Mr. Daff, while her husband and children were put in the house of Bampieng Maxime. Around 8:30 am, the witness contacted a man named Yvon LeMoal, Chief UN Security Coordinator, somewhere in Kigali, who promised to contact New York and UNAMIR regarding her presence at the UNDP complex. Indeed, Dallaire confirms he knew where she was at about that time as does the Deputy Force Commander, Brigadier Anyidoho.(30) At 9:30 am, that is, over two hours after the Rwandan soldiers had entered her house nearby, the witness re-contacted LeMoal by radio and telephone to say soldiers were near the house.

He then says that at 10:04 am four soldiers speaking Kinyarwanda, entered the compound, first searched the house in which the witness was located, failed to find her, searched another house, found her, shot her and left. He says that at 12:30 pm General Dallaire arrived at the compound with a Belgian officer, asked questions, looked around and then left leaving the Belgian officer on the site.

At 2:30 pm Dallaire returned this time with a Senegalese officer, left him at the site and departed with the Belgian officer. The witness does not say what became of the body of the prime minister. Since the witness was in contact with LeMoal who was in contact with New York and UNAMIR, Dallaire must have been aware by at least 10:30 am that Agathe had been killed. Only this explains the complete failure by Dallaire to mention Agathe's name at the meeting with senior Army and Gendarme officers at 11:00 am that morning, which surprised them in light of the heavy pressure he had put on them to continue supporting her just a few hours before. Now it was as if she did not exist.

Why did Dallaire not tell them she was dead? Why does he say in his book that it was only around 1:00 pm that he learned of her death when Mpoye says he was at the UNDP compound at I2:30 pm? Why does he state in his book that he and another officer named Robert walked without any trouble whatsoever from Camp Kigali to the UNDP compound to see Agathe at about I:00 pm only to be met by a Senegalese UN officer who informed him Agathe was dead, whereas the UNDP witness states it was Dallaire who brought the Senegalese officer and that not until 2:30 pm?

Dallaire goes to great lengths in his book to make it appear that he did not know of Agathe's death when everything indicates he did know. Who were the four men who came in, quickly shot her and left? Why does the prosecutor of the ICTR deliberately keep this evidence buried, all the while alleging, without credible proof, that Agathe was killed at her house by the Rwandan Army?

It is certain that Agathe knew many things. It is clear that she was counted on by the RPF and its allies to be their puppet and to calm the nation by telling them about an "accident". It is clear that the RPF hoped to use her as a front for their seizure of power. But things went wrong.

Unexpectedly the Army accepted her as prime minister instead of rejecting her. Her utility decreased. Then between 2:20 am and 4:30 am something happened with the speech. In that time she talked to Dallaire. But he fails to state what they talked about.

Did she threaten to tell the world what really had happened and who was responsible?

Did she realize that she had been set up, made a patsy, by the RTLM rumours that she was plotting against the president just two days before, and that she would be labeled as a prime suspect in his assassination?

Did she want to clear herself in the eyes of the public?

Was that why the anonymous call was made, so that she could not make such an address?

Was that why the 13 Belgians were secretly sent to her house, men implicated in the assassination of the president?

Is that why she refused Dallaire's "offer" to take her out of her house, or to answer the knock of the Belgian officer?

Was she fleeing the Rwandan soldiers or the Belgians and the RPF?

She may have thought she was safe at the UNDP compound. But New York and Dallaire were alerted to her presence and for several hours did nothing to ensure her safety. Why did General Dallaire and Colonel Marchal do nothing to protect the prime minister, the most important political figure in Rwanda, though they easily protected the prime minister designate, and her controller, Faustin Twagiramungu? Just like men, dead women tell no tales. Agathe cannot tell us who killed her. Her children, still alive, are silent. There are many disturbing questions to be asked of General Dallaire, Colonel Marchal, Faustin Twagiramungu, Paul Kagame and others regarding the death of the prime minister. It is time an international investigation was conducted into the affair to learn the answers, something the prosecutor at the ICTR singularly refuses to do.


(1) Bruguiere Report as published by Stephen Smith, Le Monde, 2004. Abdul Ruzibiza,Testimony before the ICTR, March 2006, Military I trial, Jean Pierre Mugabe, Hourigan Report of the UN, I997
(2) Testimony of Francois-Xavier Nsanzuwera, ICTR, before the Belgian Senate, May 22, I997.
(3) Wayne Madsen, Genocide and Covert Operations in Africa, 1993-1999, and testimony before US Congressional Subcommittee on International Operations and the Human Rights Committee on International Relations, Chaired by Cynthia McKinney
(4) Bruguiere,supra, Madsen, ibid
(5) Interview with Robin Philpot, Feb. 26/27 2005. Counterpunch, "Second Thoughts on Hotel Rwanda, Boutros-Ghali: A CIA Role in the I994 Assassination of Rwanda President Habyarimana
(6) Radio intercept night of April 6, I994, Statement of James Gasana, testimony before French National Assembly, 1998
(7) Jacques Roger Booh-Booh, Dallaire's Boss Speaks, Editions Duboiris, Paris, 2005
(8) Abdul Ruzibiza, Rwanda, A Secret History, Duboiris, Paris, 2005, Outgoing Code Cable Dallaire to Baril, April 7, I994
(9) Guichaoua : « LES CRISES POLITIQUES AU BURUNDI ET AU RWANDA » p 656-658 :
L'environnement actuel et l'avenir de l'organisation (document confidentiel non signé ni daté, attribué au FPR, Kigali, février 1994, 13 p. :
Scénario IV: Rupture des accords par la chute du gouvernement de transition à base élargie de Twagiramungu et reprise des hostilités au détriment de Habyarimana…………. - rupture des accords d'Arusha et recomposition d'un gouvernement en écartant par la force militaire et populaire Habyarimana et ses satellites, dans un délai ne dépassant pas neuf mois à partir de la date de la signature des accords de paix ; - redéfinition de la Transition ; - organisation des élections au moment jugé opportun par le FPR.
(10) Dallaire, Shake Hands With The Devil, Random House, Toronto, 2003, p193
(11) Letter, Agathe Uwilingiyimana, January 50th, I994, made a defence exhibit in the Military II trial, ICTR.
(12) Jacques Roger Booh-Booh, supra
(13) General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, Chief of Staff, Rwanda Gendarmerie, Testimony, Belgian Senate, I997
(14) Ndindiliyimana Testimony, ICTR, April 3, 2000ana,supra
(15) Testimony, ICTR, April 3, 2000ana,supra
(16) Ndindiliyimana, To the author
(17) Dallaire, supra, p 224
(18) Dallaire, ibi, p 228
(19) Confidential Inter-office Memo,15th April, I994, Mil Observer to Dallaire. "RPA is conducting massive but concealed infiltrations in Kigali. It has assured that about 10 battalions are already in the city...It also seems that the RPA had begun infiltrations before the current hostilities.
(20) Letter dated November 29th', 1994, from Higiro to Herve Deguine, Reporter Without Borders
(21) Ndindiliyimana, testimony before the Belgian Senate, 1997
(22) Dallaire, UNAMIR Code Cable to Baril, April 7th, 1994
(23) Statements of 5 Ghanian UN soldiers on guard duty at Agathe's, provided to the Belgian investigative authorities in I995
(24) Brigadier Anyidoho, Guns Over Kigali, Waeli, Accra, 1999
(25) This is the Belgian blue helmets who had disappeared from their duty the whole day of 6th, it has been alleged in the Belgian Parliamentary Commission that they had accompanied a VIP RPF team to the national part of Akagera, to the east of the Capital city. Colonel Marchal alleges that no one knew about that mission. It is from that area that the lethal missiles were fired in the evening.
(26) Kibat Report, Col. Dewez, Belgian Army, Sept. 20, 1995
(27) Statement of Capt. Apedo, UN Military Observer, Camp Kigali, in the Dounkov Report, UNAMIR, made April 7th', I994
(28) Testimony of prosecution witness OOX, ICTR
(29) Appendix, Rapport sur l'evacuation du personnel international du système des nations Unis au Rwanda, 7-I2 April. I994
(30) Anyidoho, supra, Dallaire, Code Cable April 7th' to Baril supra

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