Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes
Rwanda: cartographie des crimes du livre "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF" de Judi Rever
Kagame devra être livré aux Rwandais pour répondre à ses crimes: la meilleure option de réconciliation nationale entre les Hutus et les Tutsis.
Let us remember Our People
Let us remember our people, it is our right
You can't stop thinking
Don't you know
Rwandans are talkin' 'bout a revolution
It sounds like a whisper
The majority Hutus and interior Tutsi are gonna rise up
And get their share
SurViVors are gonna rise up
And take what's theirs.
We're the survivors, yes: the Hutu survivors!
Yes, we're the survivors, like Daniel out of the lions' den
(Hutu survivors) Survivors, survivors!
Get up, stand up, stand up for your rights
et up, stand up, don't give up the fight
“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.”
The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones.
"You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom".
Malcolm X
Welcome to Home Truths
The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Interior Tutsis, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.
Everybody Hurts
“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg
KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE
Paul Kagame admits ordering...
Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Inzira ndende
Search
Hutu Children & their Mums
Rwanda-rebranding
Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents inside and abroad, despite war crimes and repression
Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite. What you see is not what you get: A FAÇADE”
Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
Targeting dissidents abroad
One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives
was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually
incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates
and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques
of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents
overseas.
This should be seen in the context of accusations
that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A
recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan
exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….
Ways To Get Rid of Kagame
How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
- The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
- Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
- Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
- Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
- The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
- The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
- Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Fighting For Our Freedom?
KAGAME VS JUSTICE
Tuesday, June 1, 2010
01-06-2010
Appel à la libération immédiate et sans condition de Peter Erlinder, avocat américain arrêté à Kigali le 28 mai 2010
France - L’Observatoire International des Avocats exprime sa plus vive préoccupation concernant l’arrestation de l’avocat Peter Erlinder à Kigali, capitale du Rwanda, et appelle à sa libération immédiate et sans condition.
DESCRIPTION DE LA SITUATION
Peter Erlinder avocat et professeur de droit à William Mitchell College of Law de St Paul dans le Minnesota et président de l’Association des avocats de la défense (ADAD) auprès du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda est arrivé le 23 mai 2010 à Kigali pour assurer la défense de Victoire Ingabire, candidate déclarée à l’élection présidentielle d’août 2010. Celle-ci a été arrêtée puis libérée sous caution en avril, pour appartenance supposée à un groupe terroriste et « promotion de l'idéologie génocidaire ».
Peter Erlinder a été arrêté vendredi 28 mai 2010 pour « occultation et négation du génocide des Tutsi » perpétré en 1994, selon ce qu’ont annoncé le parquet général et la police.
Aux termes d'une loi votée en 2003 au Rwanda, « toute personne jugée coupable d'avoir nié ou minimisé de façon grossière le génocide, d'avoir tenté de justifier le génocide ou détruit des preuves afférentes est passible d'une peine allant de dix à vingt ans de prison ». Son interpellation est survenue quelques jours après que le gouvernement américain ait exprimé ses craintes quant à la liberté d'expression au Rwanda à l'approche du scrutin présidentiel du mois d'août, comme l'ont déjà fait des ONG de défense des droits de l'homme.
En effet, mardi 25 mai 2010, le secrétaire d’Etat adjoint aux Affaires africaines, Johnnie Carson a affirmé devant une commission parlementaire à Washington qu’« en quelques mois, le gouvernement a suspendu deux journaux, annulé le permis de travail et refusé le visa à une chercheuse de Human Rights Watch, et arrêté (puis libéré conditionnellement) la dirigeante de l'opposition Victoire Ingabire ».
APPEL DE L’OBSERVATOIRE INTERNATIONAL DES AVOCATS
L’Observatoire rappelle que l’indépendance des avocats est l’un des principaux baromètres de la démocratie et de l’effectivité de l’Etat de droit. Il attire l’attention des autorités rwandaises sur les Principes de base relatifs au rôle du barreau, qui ont été adoptés par le huitième Congrès des Nations Unies pour la prévention du crime et le traitement des délinquants qui s’est tenu à la Havane (Cuba) du 27 août au 27 septembre 1990.
Principe n°16 :
« Les pouvoirs publics veillent à ce que les avocats a) puissent s’acquitter de toutes leurs fonctions professionnelles sans entrave, intimidation, harcèlement ni ingérence indue ; b) puissent voyager et consulter leurs clients librement , dans le pays comme à l’étranger ; et c) ne fassent pas l’objet, ni ne soient menacés de poursuites ou de sanctions économiques ou autres pour toutes mesures prises conformément à leurs obligations et normes professionnelles reconnues et à leur déontologie. »
L’OBSERVATOIRE INTERNATIONAL DES AVOCATS DEMANDE :
A l’Organisation des Nations Unies, à la Commission européenne et aux autres organisations Internationales, d’intervenir d’urgence auprès des autorités nationales rwandaises afin d’obtenir la libération immédiate de Peter Erlinder et la garantie en toutes circonstances que les avocats rwandais et étrangers peuvent librement exercer leur mission de défense au Rwanda.
Aux autorités rwandaises, la remise en liberté immédiate et sans condition de Peter Erlinder. Les autorités rwandaises se doivent de garantir en toute circonstance qu’aucun avocat ne peut être poursuivi en raison des causes qu’il défend.
Aux ordres professionnels et organisations d’avocats, d’apporter leur soutien à la demande de libération de Peter Erlinder et de réaffirmer ainsi l’indépendance de l’avocat, celui-ci ne pouvant en aucun cas être assimilé à la cause qu’il défend.Appel disponible à l'adresse : http://www.observatoire-avocats.org/avocats-menaces/2010/06/01/me-peter-erlinder/
Call for immediate release of Peter Erlinder, American lawyer arrested in Kigali on 28th May 2010
The International Observatory for Lawyers expresses strong concern about the arrest of Peter Erlinder in Kigali, and call for his immediate release without any condition.
Description of the situation
Peter Erlinder is a lawyer and law professor in William Mitchell College of Law in St Paul, Minnesota, and works as the lead defense counsel for top genocide suspects at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania. He arrived in Kigali on 23th May 2010 to defend Victoire Ingabire, candidate for the next presidential elections in August 2010. She is accused of denying the genocide, collaborating with a terrorist organization and inciting ethnic hatred.
Peter Erlinder has been arrested on Friday 28th May 2010 for denying the 1994 genocide, according to the public Prosecutor and the police.
Under a 2003 law, persons condemned for denying or grossly minimizing genocide, attempting to justify genocide or destroy evidence related to it are liable to a minimum of 10 years and a maximum of 20 in prison.
The arrest comes days after the U.S. government expressed concerns about freedom of expression in the country ahead of August presidential polls, following similar criticism by international rights groups. U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson affirmed that "in a period of months, the Government of Rwanda has suspended two newspapers, revoked the work permit and denied the visa of a Human Rights Watch researcher, and arrested (and subsequently released on bail) opposition leader Victoire Ingabire".
Appeal of the International Observatory for Lawyers
The International Observatory for Lawyers reminds that the independence of lawyers is a key barometer of democracy and the effectiveness of the rule of law. We draw attention of the authorities to Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers adopted by the Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, in Havana, Cuba, 27 August to 7 September 1990.
Principle 16:
“Governments shall ensure that lawyers ( a ) are able to perform all of their professional functions without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference; ( b ) are able to travel and to consult with their clients freely both within their own country and abroad; and ( c ) shall not suffer, or be threatened with, prosecution or administrative, economic or other sanctions for any action taken in accordance with recognized professional duties, standards and ethics.”
The International Observatory for Lawyers asks:
- To the Rwandan authorities, to release Peter Erlinder immediately. They must ensure all lawyers in all circumstances the free exercise of their defense mission.
- To the United Nations Organization, to the European Commission and others international organizations to intercede with the Rwanda national authorities on behalf of Mr. Peter Erlinder to invite them to take all necessary measures to lead to his release and to ensure him in all circumstances the free exercise of his defense mission, as well as all the others Rwandan and foreign lawyers in Ruanda.
- To professional organizations and lawyers associations, to provide their support to Mr. Peter Erlinder and to reaffirm in all circumstances, the free exercise of lawyers’ defense mission. http://www.observatoire-avocats.org/en/lawyers-under-threat/2010/06/01/peter-erlinder-rwanda/
Coordinatrice de l'Observatoire International des Avocats- OIA/ Coordinator of the International Observatory for Lawyers-IOL
Avocats Sans Frontières- France/ Lawyers Without Borders-France
8 rue du Prieuré - 31000 Toulouse
Tel ligne directe/direct line: +33 (0)5 34 31 78 79
Tel standard: +33 (0)5 34 31 17 83
Fax : +33 (0)5 34 31 17 84
Mail : observatoire@avocatssansfrontieres-france.org
Site internet/ web: http://www.observatoire-avocats.org/
***
Charlotte BENOIT (Ms.)
Coordinatrice de l'Observatoire International des Avocats- OIA/ Coordinator of the International Observatory for Lawyers-IOL
Avocats Sans Frontières- France/ Lawyers Without Borders-France
8 rue du Prieuré - 31000 Toulouse
Tel ligne directe/direct line: +33 (0)5 34 31 78 79
Tel standard: +33 (0)5 34 31 17 83
Fax : +33 (0)5 34 31 17 84
Mail : observatoire@avocatssansfrontieres-france.org
Site internet/ web: http://www.observatoire-avocats.org
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, May 31, 2010
[En Francais ci dessous]
Burundi:
Authorities should reverse decision to expel international human rights worker
(28 May 2010) - A group of 18 national, regional and international organizations working on Burundi today expressed concern that space for independent human rights reporting may be diminishing following the Burundian government’s decision to expel the Human Rights Watch (HRW) Burundi researcher from the country. The organizations call on the Burundian authorities to reverse their decision and ensure that the rights to freedom of expression are respected.
This attack on independent human rights reporting came just days before Burundi’s communal elections on 24 May, the first in a series of five elections that are to take place in 2010. The elections are a crucial moment in Burundi’s history, a country recovering from more than a decade of civil war.
In a letter to the HRW researcher, Ms Neela Ghoshal, on 18 May 2010, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation informed Ms Ghoshal that her accreditation as HRW’s representative in the country was withdrawn. She was asked to immediately stop her activities and to leave the country by 5 June 2010.
In the letter, the authorities cited a recent HRW report on pre-election violence as the reason for their decision. According to the letter, the report was biased against the government and the ruling National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) party. They alleged it failed to give sufficient attention to the authorities’ attempts to overcome human rights violations in the pre-electoral period.
HRW stated in a 19 May release that they stand by the research noting that it documents human rights abuses by different groups, not just the ruling party and that the research respected professional standards of objectivity.
“The decision by the authorities is not only an attack on one highly respected rights activist but on independent human rights work in Burundi.” said Hassan Shire Sheikh, executive director of the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project. “Given the importance of ensuring credible and impartial rights monitoring, the decision is concerning and gives the wrong signals at this crucial time in the country’s history.”
Ms Ghoshal has worked in Burundi for almost three years and documented a range of rights violations from mob violence to police abuses. Ms Ghoshal has an excellent record of engagement and collaboration with other human rights organizations working in Burundi, collaboration which has proven time and again to be effective in helping to advance key rights in the country.
“Coming just weeks after the de-facto expulsion of HRW’s researcher in Rwanda, this development may signal a worrying trend for independent international rights reporting in the region,” said Véronique Aubert, Africa deputy director at Amnesty International. “The international community should act swiftly to condemn expulsions of international human rights workers and call on Burundian authorities to re-instate HRW’s work authorisation.”
Recommendations
Burundi:
Authorities should reverse decision to expel international human rights worker
(28 May 2010) - A group of 18 national, regional and international organizations working on Burundi today expressed concern that space for independent human rights reporting may be diminishing following the Burundian government’s decision to expel the Human Rights Watch (HRW) Burundi researcher from the country. The organizations call on the Burundian authorities to reverse their decision and ensure that the rights to freedom of expression are respected.
This attack on independent human rights reporting came just days before Burundi’s communal elections on 24 May, the first in a series of five elections that are to take place in 2010. The elections are a crucial moment in Burundi’s history, a country recovering from more than a decade of civil war.
In a letter to the HRW researcher, Ms Neela Ghoshal, on 18 May 2010, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation informed Ms Ghoshal that her accreditation as HRW’s representative in the country was withdrawn. She was asked to immediately stop her activities and to leave the country by 5 June 2010.
In the letter, the authorities cited a recent HRW report on pre-election violence as the reason for their decision. According to the letter, the report was biased against the government and the ruling National Council for the Defense of Democracy-Forces for Defense of Democracy (CNDD-FDD) party. They alleged it failed to give sufficient attention to the authorities’ attempts to overcome human rights violations in the pre-electoral period.
HRW stated in a 19 May release that they stand by the research noting that it documents human rights abuses by different groups, not just the ruling party and that the research respected professional standards of objectivity.
“The decision by the authorities is not only an attack on one highly respected rights activist but on independent human rights work in Burundi.” said Hassan Shire Sheikh, executive director of the East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project. “Given the importance of ensuring credible and impartial rights monitoring, the decision is concerning and gives the wrong signals at this crucial time in the country’s history.”
Ms Ghoshal has worked in Burundi for almost three years and documented a range of rights violations from mob violence to police abuses. Ms Ghoshal has an excellent record of engagement and collaboration with other human rights organizations working in Burundi, collaboration which has proven time and again to be effective in helping to advance key rights in the country.
“Coming just weeks after the de-facto expulsion of HRW’s researcher in Rwanda, this development may signal a worrying trend for independent international rights reporting in the region,” said Véronique Aubert, Africa deputy director at Amnesty International. “The international community should act swiftly to condemn expulsions of international human rights workers and call on Burundian authorities to re-instate HRW’s work authorisation.”
Recommendations
- To the Burundian authoritiesEnsure that rights to freedom of expression are respected.
Reinstate the work authorisation of Human Rights Watch’s Burundi researcher, Neela Ghoshal.
- To the international community
Call on the Burundian authorities to re-instate the work authorization for Human Rights Watch’s Burundi researcher.
Background
This week’s decision follows steps taken by Burundian authorities during the pre-election period to restrict space for freedom of expression and civil society activity.
On 23 November 2009, the Minister of Interior annulled the legal registration of the Forum for the Strengthening of Civil Society (FORSC), a respected civil society umbrella organization, citing irregularities in its registration application, an application previously approved by the same ministry in 2006. The ordinance banning the organization was subsequently suspended, but FORSC’s legal status has not been legally rectified.
Prominent Burundian human rights activist have faced harassment and acts of intimidation, including death threats during the pre-electoral campaign, as a result of their involvement in a campaign to ensure justice for the April 2009 assassination of anti-corruption activist, Ernest Manirumva, Vice President of Anti-corruption and Economic Malpractice Observatory (OLUCOME).
Days before the banning of FORSC in November 2009, FORSC’s President, Mr Pacifique Nininahazwe, received information of a potential plot to assassinate him. In March 2010, Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, president of the Association for the Protection of Human Rights and Detained Persons (APRODH), and Gabriel Rufyiri, president of OLUCOME, stated they were under enhanced surveillance and warned of potential assassination plots against them.
Mr. Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, was summoned on 3 May 2010 by the prosecution to respond to questions about his work and involvement in the Ernest Manirumva campaign.
Supporting organisations :
Action by Christians against Torture Burundi (ACAT Burundi)
Action by Christians against Torture France (ACAT France)
Amnesty International (AI)
Civil Peace Service Programme Great Lakes (AGEH)
CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation
Development and Peace
East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project (EHAHRDP)
EurAc (European Network for Central Africa)
Forum for the Strengthening of Civil Society (FORSC)
Front Line
Interchurch Organisation for Development Cooperation (ICCO)
International Federation of Action by Christians for the Abolition of Torture (FIACAT)
International Refugee Rights Initiative
Ligue Iteka
Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders, joint programme of the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) and the World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT)
Observatory of Government Action (OAG)
Oxfam International
Refugees International
Burundi : Il faut protéger le suivi indépendant de la situation des droits humains
Les autorités doivent revenir sur leur décision d’expulser une employée d’une organisation internationale de défense des droits humains
(28 mai 2010) Un groupe de 18 organisations nationales, régionales et internationales travaillant sur le Burundi a déclaré craindre une limitation de l’espace dédié au suivi indépendant de la situation des droits humains, le gouvernement ayant décidé d’expulser la chercheuse de Human Rights Watch au Burundi. Ces organisations appellent les autorités burundaises à revenir sur leur décision et à garantir le respect du droit à la liberté d’expression.
Cette attaque contre les activités indépendantes de suivi des droits humains intervient quelques jours seulement avant les élections municipales au Burundi, le 24 mai – les premières d’une série de cinq scrutins prévus en 2010. Ces élections sont un tournant dans l’histoire du Burundi, qui sort de plus de 10 années de guerre civile.
Dans une lettre adressée le 18 mai 2010 à la chercheuse de Human Rights Watch Neela Ghoshal, le ministre des Affaires étrangères et de la Coopération internationale l’a informée du retrait de son agrément en tant que représentante de Human Rights Watch au Burundi. Il lui demandait de cesser immédiatement ses activités et de quitter le pays d'ici le 5 juin 2010.
Dans cette lettre, les autorités ont expliqué que leur décision était motivée par la publication récente d’un rapport de Human Rights Watch sur la violence dans la période préélectorale. Selon la lettre, ce rapport fait preuve d’un parti pris contre le gouvernement et le parti au pouvoir, le Conseil national pour la défense de la démocratie au Burundi–Forces pour la défense de la démocratie (CNDD-FDD). La lettre continue que ce rapport ne prête pas suffisamment attention aux mesures prises par le gouvernement en vue de remédier aux atteintes aux droits humains émaillant la période préélectorale.
Dans un communiqué du 19 mai, Human Rights Watch a défendu son rapport, faisant valoir qu’il met en évidence des atteintes aux droits humains commises par divers groupes, et pas seulement par le parti au pouvoir, et que les recherches répondent aux normes professionnelles d’objectivité.
« La décision des autorités constitue non seulement une attaque contre une défenseure des droits humains très respectée, mais aussi contre le travail indépendant en faveur des droits humains au Burundi » a déclaré Mr Hassan Shire Sheikh, Directeur Exécutif du East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project (EHAHRDP). « Il est primordial d’assurer un suivi crédible et impartial de ces droits. De plus cette décision inquiétante délivre-t-elle un message néfaste au moment même où le Burundi se trouve à un tournant de son histoire ».
Neela Ghoshal travaille au Burundi depuis près de trois ans et a recueilli des informations sur tout un éventail de violations des droits humains – des enjeux liés à la justice collective aux exactions policières. Elle s’enorgueillit d’un excellent bilan en termes d’engagement et de collaboration avec d’autres organisations de défense des droits humains présentes au Burundi, collaboration qui s’est avérée à maintes reprises efficace pour faire progresser des droits essentiels dans le pays.
« Quelques semaines seulement après l’expulsion de facto de la chercheuse de Human Rights Watch au Rwanda, cette nouvelle mesure semble refléter une tendance préoccupante quant au suivi indépendant et international de la situation des droits humains dans la région » a indiqué Véronique Aubert, directrice adjointe du programme Afrique d'Amnesty International. « La communauté internationale doit réagir sans tarder en condamnant les expulsions d’employés d’organisations internationales de défense des droits humains et en demandant aux autorités du Burundi de rétablir l’autorisation de travail de Human Rights Watch».
Recommendations
- Aux autorités burundaises
Rétablir le permis de travail de la chercheuse de Human Rights Watch au Burundi, Neela Ghoshal.
- A la communauté internationale
Faire appel aux autorités burundaises afin qu’elles rétablissent le permis de travail de la chercheuse de Human Rights Watch.
Contexte
La décision prise cette semaine par les autorités burundaises fait suite à des mesures mises en place au cours de la période préélectorale pour restreindre la liberté d’expression et les activités de la société civile.
Le 23 novembre 2009, le Ministre de l’Intérieur a retiré son agrément au Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile (FORSC), organisme respecté qui chapeaute plusieurs organisations burundaises représentant la société civile, invoquant des irrégularités dans sa demande d’enregistrement, lors même qu’elle avait été approuvée par le même ministère en 2006. La décision annulant l’agrément a par la suite été suspendue, mais le statut juridique du FORSC n’a pas été rectifié au niveau légal.
Par ailleurs, d’éminents défenseurs burundais des droits humains sont en butte à des actes de harcèlement et d’intimidation. Ils ont notamment été menacés de mort durant la campagne préélectorale, en raison de leur participation à une campagne visant à obtenir justice pour le meurtre en avril 2009 du militant anticorruption Ernest Manirumva, vice-président de l’Observatoire de Lutte contre la Corruption et les Malversations Economiques (OLUCOME).
Quelques jours avant que le FORSC ne soit interdit en novembre 2009, son président, Pacifique Nininahazwe, a eu vent d’un possible complot visant à l’assassiner. En mars 2010, Pierre Claver Mbonimpa, président de l'Association burundaise pour la protection des droits humains et des personnes détenues (APRODH), et Gabriel Rufyiri, président d’OLUCOME, ont affirmé qu’ils faisaient l’objet d’une surveillance renforcée et avaient été avertis que des complots étaient sans doute ourdis contre eux en vue de les éliminer.
Pierre Claver Mbonimpa a été convoqué le 3 mai 2010 par le ministère public pour répondre à des questions sur son travail et sa participation à la campagne sur l’affaire Ernest Manirumva.
Organisations signataires :
Action Chrétienne contre le Torture Burundi (ACAT Burundi)
Action Chrétienne contre le Torture France (ACAT France)
CIVICUS: Alliance Mondiale pour la Participation Citoyenne
Amnesty International (AI)
Développement et Paix
East and Horn of Africa Human Rights Defenders Project (EHAHRDP)
EurAc (Réseau Européen pour l'Afrique centrale)
Fédération internationale de l'Action des chrétiens pour l'abolition de la torture (FIACAT)
Le Forum pour le Renforcement de la Société Civile (FORSC)
Ligue Iteka
Front Line
International Refugee Rights Initiative
Observatoire de l'Action Gouvernementale (OAG)
Observatoire pour la protection des défenseurs des droits de l'Homme, programme conjoint de la Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l'Homme (FIDH) et de l'Organisation mondiale contre la torture (OMCT)
Organisation inter-églises de coopération au développement (ICCO)
Oxfam International
Programme Service Civile pour la Paix Région des Grands Lacs (AGEH
Refugees International
© Amnesty International
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverin
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), and mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.=>ASIF]
C. Peter ErlinderProfessor of Law
President of the Arusha Defense Lawyers Assoc., ADAD
Tuesday, May 25, 2010
[We kick off the International Defense Committee for ALL Political Prisoners and POWs of NATO/UN*** with one of its founding members, Chris Black’s response to Professor Jeremy Kuzmarov’s Review of Edward S. Herman and David Peterson's “The Politics of Genocide,” foreword by Noam Chomsky (Monthly Review Press, 2010). As the name of the Committee might suggest, the scope of our concerns and intentions is very—perhaps, even too broad. So we’re hoping Maitre Black’s article will help us focus on the effects of a continuing falsification of History by the forces of Fascism. This manufacture of mass lies has been trying to rid our world of all rational experiments in revolutionary socialism or communism since October 1917. It is this anti-intellectual and anti-social pathology against which the Committee seeks to defend all political prisoners of this global military occupation by Western Waste Capital.
There is hope. Recently in Moscow there was a celebration of the 65th Anniversary of the Red Army’s victory over Fascism in the Great Patriotic War—known in the West as WWII. For the first time in recent memory an official contingent of US Marines marched through Red Square in solidarity with, and commemoration of, the more than 20 million Soviet lives that were given in repelling, then vanquishing, the Nazi invaders. This recognition of the unimaginable sacrifice made by the Slavic, Jewish, Muslim, Orthodox Christian and other Soviet peoples—of all the partisans on the Eastern Front and in Europe—to guarantee (however partially or temporarily) a world free from neo-feudal enslavement to Waste Capitalist anti-Reality, was foreshadowed by the election in 2008 of Barack Obama (a face that just doesn’t look comfortable in Hugo Boss) to captain the flagship of the Fascist fleet, when he invited to his inauguration representatives of the Tuskegee airmen, those Black flyers who defied the US military’s institutional racism to play a major role in the air wars over the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, itself. Burt Lancaster would never have let us forget, in his sadly neglected ‘The Unknown War,’ that it was the Tuskegees who put the lie to the Nazi’s technological (and racial) superiority when they shot down the first two (of a half dozen) operational jet fighter/bombers (Messerschmitt 262s).
To recognize this History is only the beginning; to get it right is the goal of this Committee. For example, the USSR and then Russia have been cajoled by their Fascist interlocutors into admitting to various crimes committed under Josef Stalin’s leadership, thereby creating a sense of authoritarian equivalence between Fascism and Communism. The April-May 1940 massacre of 11,000 Polish Army officers in the Katyn forest is one of the more popular and ludicrous historical manipulations, as Stalin and Beria are credited only with the liquidation of the Polish pows (at a time when the Red Army was fleeing Eastern Poland with the Wehrmacht chomping at their heels and was forced even to abandon its own Soviet citizens to Nazi predations, why would they take time out to spend 11,000 rounds on Polish pows?), while the rest of the million+ Jewish, Ukrainian and Soviet victims are assigned to the Nazi occupation without debate. And recently, Serbia has had to ‘apologize’ or ‘express regret’ for the mass killing in 1995 Bosnia at Srebrenica—a crime (no longer seriously referred to as a genocide) that has never been established on the evidence and which has had to be stipulated to in a number of dodgy ICTY judgments. And as Chris points out so well, the inability of the ICTR over more than a decade to establish that there was any planning or intention on the part of the 1994 Rwandan state, its Army or any of its allies, to carry out any kind of mass slaughter, has become, itself, a crime against Humanity—and, especially, against that part of Humanity that remains imprisoned, persecuted and prosecuted, for this non-event.
To sample Richard Lovelace outta 1648,
Stone walls do not a prison make,
Nor iron bars a cage;
Minds innocent and quiet take
That for a hermitage;
But the Fascists’ falsification of History does create a very real Super-Max lock-up that deprives millions—both those who are imprisoned and those who think they are safe at home—of the freedom to pursue their rightful destinies. The false histories—be they of the Katyn massacre, the Ukrainian genocide famine of 1933, of the various post-Cold War mass-murders that called for even more murderous Humanitarian Interventions—all served one principal purpose: to take political power out of the hands of popular political leaders by judicially vilifying them as inhuman killers, while placing their sovereignties under military occupation for private commercial and financial exploitation in the service of Capitalist Wastage.
It is the Political Prisoners under this sort of confinement—deprived not only of their physical freedom, but of their own History, their own lives’ stories—who are the subjects of this Committee’s attention. For only by eventuating their freedom and advancing the liberation of their homelands, can we, ourselves, ever hope, really, to be free. –mc]
***To take part in The Committee, to join its discussions, go to:
http://intlndefcompppows.blogspot.com/2010/05/international-committee-to-defend.html and post a comment to the blog.
To submit articles for possible posting to The Committee’s site, send them to cirqueminime@gmail.com.
Kuzmarov Review of The Politcs of Genocide (#142972)
by Christopher Charles Black
May 24, 2010 at 5:29 PM
Professor Kuzmarov's generally positive review of this important book by Ed Herman and David Peterson is marred by a misapprehension of the facts of the history of Rwanda and the war that destroyed the country between 1990 and 1994.
He states that though Herman and Peterson's critique is thought provoking, they should "acknowledge the historical injustice faced by the Tutsi..." but fails to point out what injustice, exactly, he is referring to.
The entire history of Rwanda, from the 11th century on to the present, has been discussed and examined and analysed by expert after expert, by hundreds of witnesses to the events at the war crimes trials at the International War Crimes Tribunal For Rwanda in Arusha, Tanzania. It is in the transcripts of these trials, which have gone on for more than ten years, that one will find the truth, and it is this:
Before the arrival of the Europeans, first the Germans, then the Belgians, in the 1890's, Rwanda was a conglomeration of petty chiefdoms with the Tutsi minority, a cattle-raising people, ruling with an iron fist over the majority Hutu peasants. Over the first decades of the twentieth century, the Tutsis, who were adopted by the European colonisers as the comprador class to rule on their behalf, expanded their control over all the chiefdoms and replaced Hutu leaders with Tutsis. From then until 1959, when the social revolution took place, the Tutsi aristocracy held sway over the Hutu people, by then reduced to serfdom. It was required by law that Hutus work for Tutsi masters several days a week without pay, forced labor. Hutus were not allowed to go to school or to serve in the government administration, and had no political, social or economic power.
In 1959, a small group of Hutus, inspired by the liberation struggles after the second world war, issued a manifesto demanding equal right to education, to serve in the government, for elected democracy, for the abolition of serfdom, abolition of the monarchy, the right to form unions, freedom of the press, freedom of association, freedom from arbitrary arrest and other quite standard democratic ideals. Essentially, it was a call for social, economic and political justice after centuries of minority Tutsi oppression.
The result was a build-up of pressure in the West for democracy in Rwanda, and the Belgians supported this. Elections were held. Hutu candidates swept away the Tutsi bosses, and, for the first time, the majority of Rwandans had control of their destiny. Soon after the elections, a referendum was held on the monarchy, which was abolished by an overwhelming majority. The Tutsi aristocracy, not willing or able to accept a role less than that of overlords, responded by murdering several local mayors, civic officials and other Hutus. The Hutu government called for help, and the Belgians returned with a military force from the Congo to restore order and to pursue and arrest the Tutsis involved. However, as it was the entire Tutsi aristocracy that was involved, instead of facing arrest for murder, they fled the county, most to Uganda. From 1961 until 1973, the Tutsis who had fled staged armed raids into Rwanda, during which they wantonly slaughtered Hutus until they were captured or forced back into Uganda. The UN was called in, and many UN documents at the ICTR as well as press reports fron that time establish beyond question that it was the Tutsis who could not accept the social and democratic revolution and were to blame for the killings and all the violence.
Until 1990, there was no further interference in Rwanda from Uganda. However, the Tutsis were still there, but now as one of the main elements of the Ugandan Army of Yoweri Museveni. Museveni had been picked by the US and UK to oust Milton Obote, the socialist. Many Tutsis joined his forces, and when Museveni took power a third or more of his soldiers were Tutsis and many of them held high rank, as did Paul Kagame.
The collapse of the USSR allowed the US and UK to target two remaining socialist countries, Yugoslavia and Rwanda: Yugoslavia as it was the last strong bastion of working socialism in Europe, and Rwanda as it was a model of socialist development in Africa, even called the "Switzerland of Africa." The US was also tired of Mobutu, as he was beginning to turn towards China, and so they wanted to remove him. Rwandan President Habyarimana had been approached to allow his country to be used as a staging ground for an attack on Zaire (Congo). He refused. This, with their wish to destroy a working example of socialism in Africa, caused the US to look for other agents they could work with and found the Tutsis in Uganda still thirsting for the restoration of their hegemony in Rwanda and, even more, for Hutu blood in revenge. Museveni wanted to be rid of them as he also felt uneasy about the Tutsis in his ranks.
So, with Belgium and the UK, the US supported the invasion of Rwanda by the Ugandan Army on October 1, 1990. One thing must be understood very clearly: This was not an invasion by a Tutsi liberation group, as the RPF has claimed. The RPF was in fact the Ugandan Army operating in Rwanda under that name. All the soldiers in the RPF at that time were, aside from mercenaries, members of the Ugandan Army, carried Ugandan Army id cards, and used Ugandan army equipment, vehicles and communication facilities. The RPF was never a liberation group and was never backed by China. It was, as everyone knows, backed by the United States and Britain, along with Belgium and Canada. The RPF did at one time claim to be a marxist liberation group but that was another of their cynical ploys to sucker in the left in the West to support what was and still is a fascist organisation.
Another thing must be clearly understood: There was no justification for this surprise attack in which thousands of Hutus were slaughtered in the cruelest manner. The RPF claims that it was necessary to solve the refugee problem and that the Habyarimana regime had refused the Tutsi refugees' right of return. This is completely false, a total rewriting of documented history. Before all the judges at the ICTR are all the agreements and minutes of meetings in which the UN, the Rwandan government, the OAU, the RPF and Uganda and Tanzania had all agreed that those Tutsis who wanted to return could do so en masse. Despite what the good profesor says in his review, individual Tutsis had always had the right of return, and many had returned, and the Rwandan government encouraged this, both to reduce the outside threat and to build more harmony. Mass return had been deemed impractical as it was not understood how a small, already densely populated country could take the sudden influx of 500,000 people, when every piece of land was being used, and there were no extra jobs or housing for them. But in September, 1990, a deal was reached between Habyarimana and Museveni, to which the RPF was signatory. The next step was for the RPF to send a team to meet with the Rwandan commission set up to deal with the refugees to discuss logistics. That team was due in Kigali at the end of September. That team never arrived. Instead the RPF wing of the Ugandan Army mounted a surprise attack, thus rupturing the deal for the return of the refugees and revealing that there never was a refugee problem.*
Many witnesses have also described life for Tutsis in Rwanda before 1990. A picture of oppression does not appear; it is, rather, one of privilege. The MRND party (seen as a peoples movement rather than a political party, as such), in charge of the government and and made up of both Hutu and Tutsi members, created an affirmative action program guaranteeing the Tutsis a place in education, government, public service and the army. The RPF claims this was 'a ceiling.' But all witnesses, and I will rely on the Europeans who worked in the systems as being the least biased, confirmed that the percentage guarantees were not a ceiling but a floor, and in the universities, for example, the number of Tutsis often exceeded their 15% (maximum) portion of the population, and in many schools Tutsis exceeded 20% of the total number of students. Outside of the state-owned industries, it was the Tutsis who predominated. The Tutsis were the wealthiest group in Rwanda and controlled most import and export businesses. One has only to read the transcripts of the testimony of the Tutsi prince and son of the last king, Antoine Nyetera, who testified in the Military II trial, where he states that all the RPF claims are pure propaganda and that it was the RPF that committed most of the massacres, both before and during 1994, to see how the world has been taken in by a pretty clumsy propaganda effort by the RPF and the US and its usual allies.
The Professor dares to compare Kagame to Castro and Guevara's acting against Batista. No. You have it completely backwards. Kagame is Batista. With the help of the US et al, he overthrew a democratic, coalition government set up under the Arusha Accords to which, again, the RPF was signatory. The Professor prefers to omit from his review the crucial testimony from 2006 of Dr. Alison Des Forges, also in the Military II trial, in which she stated that there was no plan by the government of Rwanda to commit genocide, as it was impossible for a coalition government composed of Hutus and Tutsis and including the RPF and its allied parties, and in which Habyarimana had been reduced to a figurhead, with real power resting with the pro-RPF prime ministers, to conceive such a thing.
He ignores the fact that it was Habyarimana who first got rid of the one-party socialist government and rewrote the constitution in 1991 and agreed to talks with the RPF to stop the war.
The Belgian and US ambassadors, senior Belgian army officers, Tanzanian and UN diplomats all confirm that every time the Rwandan government agreed to a cease-fire, it was the RPF that violated it with more slaughter using a "fight and talk" strategy, and that it was the RPF who did not want free elections and who prepared for their final solution, their final offensive of 6 April 1994 in which they launched another surprise attack, in breach of the Accords, with the connivance of the UN and the direct military support of the US and others.
It is also clear on the evidence that most of those killed in 1994 were Hutus not Tutsis, as the RPF claims in order to justify its seizure of power. RPF officers have testified and written letters to the UN stating that the RPF killed 2 million Hutus in those 12 weeks and then claimed the victim were Tustis.
It is also established beyond doubt that the first massacre of 1994, the murder of all those on the president's plane on 6 April, was committed by the RPF, which blew it out of the sky with help from its western allies. The Professor fails to mention something he must know: that the first body to determine who shot down the plane was the prosecution service of the ICTR in 1997. Michael Hourigan, the Australian lawyer who headed the team investigating the shoot down, reported to Prosecutor Louise Arbour that it was the RPF, that he had met with three members of the shoot down team and that he had the documents to prove it. Arbour quickly called him to The Hague and ordered him off the file and demanded he burn his notes. His notes lead to the CIA. This was revealed first by the National Post newspaper in 2001 and later by other journals. Hourigan left the UN in disgust. His testimony before the tribunal is recorded. So it is not just a French or a Spanish judge who has likewise determined this to be the case. Further, the intercepted radio message of Kagame telling his troops that President Habyarimana had been killed and that the offensive could go ahead were also filed as an exhibit in several trials. Just last June, this writer filed as an exhibit a letter from Paul Kagame to a Tutsi leader in Burundi, dated August 1994, in which he speaks of the thanks he has for the Americans, Belgians and British, for the taking of Kigali and the plans they have next for Zaire and the overthrow of the Hutu regime in Burundi. I am quite willing to share that letter with anyone who wishes to see it. The testimony of the General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, chief of staff of the Rwandan National Gendarmerie, in the Military II case, that US air force C130 Hercules aircraft dropped men and supplies to the RPF after 6 April, is something else to bear in mind in this regard.
I will not get into the charge of Mssrs Herman and Peterson's being too harsh on NGOs in Rwanda. Well, no, I will--they were not too harsh on NGOs. The role of these organizations was always damaging to peace and, as with Human Rights Watch, almost coincidental with the RPF strategy and the role of the Western mass media, was shameful. A slaughter of perhaps millions, certainly hundreds of thousands, of people was covered up and made to look like its opposite: Ethnic cleansing as a war of liberation; Mass slaughter of innocents as revenge for contrived grievances.
The saddest thing for me is the studied indifference to the war crimes trials that have taken place at the ICTR, and are still taking place there, and the shattering evidence that has been revealed to the world about what really happened to Rwanda and Rwandans and what is happening to them now under the fascist RPF military junta now placed in control of the country by the US and the UK. It is as if the most important criminal and political trials of the past century (I say this with all respect to the Nuremberg process, because they were very short and issues were never examined at any length.) have never taken place. Well, they have. They are still taking place. Anyone who is ignorant of the testimony and evidence in those trials has no claim to academic authority about the war in Rwanda. Anyone who claims he has such expertise, based on old saws from ten years ago, has been sadly left behind by time and events, and, to get back in the game, must go to the trials. There lies the reality.
Christopher Black
Barrister,
International Criminal Lawyer
Lead Counsel, International War Crimes Tribunal For Rwanda
Toronto, Canada
*From the irony file: The fact-finding mission that Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni was to send to Rwanda to look into the mass repatriation of Rwandan Tutsi refugees from Uganda was to be led by Ugandan Army Chief of Staff, Major General Fred Rwigema. But, instead, on 1 October 1990, the Ugandan National Resistance Army sent an invasion force into Rwanda. That invasion was led, however briefly, by Ugandan Army Chief of Staff, Major General Fred .
© Mick Collins -Cirqueminime
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I am Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, an Economist, Content Manager, and EDI Expert, driven by a passion for human rights activism. With a deep commitment to advancing human rights in Africa, particularly in the Great Lakes region, I established this blog following firsthand experiences with human rights violations in Rwanda and in the DRC (formerly Zaïre) as well. My journey began with collaborations with Amnesty International in Utrecht, the Netherlands, and with human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and a conference in Helsinki, Finland, where I was a panelist with other activists from various countries.
My mission is to uncover the untold truth about the ongoing genocide in Rwanda and the DRC. As a dedicated voice for the voiceless, I strive to raise awareness about the tragic consequences of these events and work tirelessly to bring an end to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)'s impunity.
This blog is a platform for Truth and Justice, not a space for hate. I am vigilant against hate speech or ignorant comments, moderating all discussions to ensure a respectful and informed dialogue at African Survivors International Blog.
Genocide masterminded by RPF
Finally the well-known Truth Comes Out.
After suffering THE LONG years, telling the world that Kagame and his RPF criminal organization masterminded the Rwandan genocide that they later recalled Genocide against Tutsis. Our lives were nothing but suffering these last 32 years beginning from October 1st, 1990 onwards. We are calling the United States of America, United Kingdom, Japan, and Great Britain in particular, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Germany to return to hidden classified archives and support Honorable Tito Rutaremara's recent statement about What really happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994 across the country and how methodically the Rwandan Genocide has been masterminded by Paul Kagame, the Rwandan Hitler. Above all, Mr. Tito Rutaremara, one of the RPF leaders has given details about RPF infiltration methods in Habyarimana's all instances, how assassinations, disappearances, mass-slaughters across Rwanda have been carried out from the local autority to the government,fabricated lies that have been used by Gacaca courts as weapon, the ICTR in which RPF had infiltrators like Joseph Ngarambe, an International court biased judgments & condemnations targeting Hutu ethnic members in contraversal strategy compared to the ICTR establishment to pursue in justice those accountable for crimes between 1993 to 2003 and Mapping Report ignored and classified to protect the Rwandan Nazis under the RPF embrella . NOTHING LASTS FOREVER.
Human and Civil Rights
Human Rights, Mutual Respect and Dignity
For all Rwandans :
Hutus - Tutsis - Twas
Rwanda: A mapping of crimes
Rwanda: A mapping of crimes in the book "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF by Judi Rever
Be the last to know: This video talks about unspeakable Kagame's crimes committed against Hutu, before, during and after the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda.
The mastermind of both genocide is still at large: Paul Kagame
KIBEHO: Rwandan Auschwitz
Kibeho Concetration Camp.
Mass murderers C. Sankara
Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.
Prof. Allan C. Stam
The Unstoppable Truth
Prof. Christian Davenport
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Prof. Christian Davenport Michigan University & Faculty Associate at the Center for Political Studies
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The killing Fields - Part II
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Daily bread for Rwandans
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Time has come: Regime change
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Sheltering 2,5 million refugees
Credible reports camps sheltering 2,500 million refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.
The UN refugee agency says it has credible reports camps sheltering 2,5 milion refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.
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Everything happens for a reason
Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.
Hutus didn't plan Tutsi Genocide
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