A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Sunday, September 19, 2010
September 17, 2010
By Juan CarreroTaylor-Report.com
Juan Carrero
A long-standing code of silence inside the U.N. is coming to an end regarding what is probably the largest genocide ever since the U.N. founding: the genocide committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front since 1990impunity in Rwanda, a discussion with distinguished human rights champions Peter Erlinder, Juan Carrero Sarlegui and Spanish Sen. Pere Sampol, will be held Monday, Sept. 20, 6:30-9 p.m., at Global Information Network, 146 W. 29th St., Suite 7E, New York City – join them!
by Juan Carrero
Paul Kagame’s RPF, in what James Traub describes in Foreign Policy as a “typical episode,” “kidnapped refugees, many of them women and children, and brought them to a camp, allegedly under the pretext of returning them to Rwanda. The refugees were then brought out in small groups. From the report: ‘They were bound and their throats were cut or they were killed by hammer blows to the head. Their bodies were then thrown into pits or doused with petrol and burned. The operation was carried out in a methodical manner and lasted at least one month.’”
The victims were “mostly children, women, the elderly and the sick.” The investigation looks at the crimes perpetrated in Zaire/Congo throughout the decade 1993-2003. Rwanda is not the only country incriminated. But, according to Le Monde’s Jean-Philippe Rémy, the RPF’s systematic extermination of Rwandan Hutu refugees and other Congolese Hutu – either by violent force or by systematically blocking food supplies sent especially to them – could be considered “the crux of the report.” At any rate, it is clear this extensive report is “devastating, especially for Rwanda,” as Christophe Châtelot, in turn, points out in the excellent cover article.
Nevertheless, both articles end by reaching the same major erroneous conclusion stated by most of the press articles that have appeared since the report was leaked: the need, they say, to establish a tribunal with jurisdictional authority over these crimes. Not only does such a court already exist but, on Feb. 6, 2008, it already issued arrest warrants against 40 RPF top officials who are allegedly responsible for the crimes in Congo referred to in the new U.N. report.
An elderly Rwandan woman in a refugee camp in Congo in 1997 was one of countless victims of Rwandan forces making repeated forays into United Nations-administered camps that, according to the New York Times, housed roughly a million Hutu who had fled the genocide in Rwanda. – Photo: Roger Lemoyne via Getty Images
In my opinion, there are various other errors in Jean-Philippe Rémy’s article. Rémy is much too quick to endorse some interpretations of the motives behind the crimes that hardly match the facts and are at this point almost untenable today. The most outrageous interpretation states that “the Rwandan intervention sought to prevent the refugees from coming together and, led by the ‘genocidaires,’ rising in revolt to attack Rwanda from their refugee camps at the other side of the border, in the former Zaire. The approach was to empty the entire region. Part of the refugees will return to Rwanda, another will be killed at the camps, others will flee across Zaire where they will be hunted down.”
- controlling the mineral fields in eastern Zaire, exactly where the “annoying” refugee camps were located; putting an end to the presence and diverting the attention of the international community related to those fields, which could derail the plans these criminals and their powerful allies had in Zaire;
- “correcting” as far as possible the demographic imbalance between Hutu and Tutsi which the RPF viewed as excessive, while at the same time averting a big international scandal under the guise of “hunting down the genocidaires”;
- having a submissive and controlled Hutu population, devoid of intellectuals or leaders, repopulate some of the regions in Rwanda that the RPF “operations” had left so deserted that they could potentially become a permanent black mark for the RPF that the international community would readily decry.
But the report, whose recent leak has spurred widespread international coverage, could be the beginning of the end for Paul Kagame, who at the time was already head of the RPF and is now also president of Rwanda. True, up to now, it has only been a leak.
But the facts of the report are now in the public domain, above and beyond the sequel of pressures, blackmails and deals about to take place from now on, hushed and behind the scenes of the high political and economic circles of our times, primarily with the purpose of eliminating the word “genocide” from the text. Indeed, at long last more and more analyses are appearing about this situation which some of us had already been analyzing 14 years ago as the incidents themselves were occurring.
Already as early as October 1996 and more pointedly from February 1997 onwards, we condemned the massive massacres of Rwandan and Congolese Hutu being carried out in true genocidal manner, the cremation of tens of thousands of bodies, the extermination through starvation etc. Our documents were signed by some 20 Nobel laureates, as well as by heads of the political groups of the European Parliament.
How could our world leaders not possibly have known of crimes on such scale? How could Spain’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs not have known either?
We ourselves had those documents handed to Bill Clinton and others truly and ultimately responsible for this genocide. In addition to the diplomatic channels, Elie Wiesel, survivor of the Nazi extermination camps and Nobel Peace laureate, promised our colleague Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, a Nobel Peace laureate as well, to personally hand them to Bill Clinton in the meeting he was to have with the president shortly thereafter.
On the other hand, on Feb. 24, 1997, after my 42-day fast at the European Parliament in Brussels, I personally handed these documents to Abel Matutes1, native of Ibiza, who was Spain’s minister of foreign affairs at the time. Inocencio Arias, spokesman for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, was with him at that meeting. I, in turn, was accompanied by Mercé Amer, Socialist regional/autonomic secretary of Mallorca.
Spanish state television TVE vetoed the news of this meeting, where documents of such serious nature and signed by such prominent people were being presented to the minister. The Brussels correspondent of TVE came over to me and told me how badly she personally felt: She had been following our fast and admired what we were doing together with Commissioner Emma Bonino, but she added that the news had unfortunately been vetoed and that, much to her regret, she wouldn’t be able to film.2
As it was, heightened tension reigned at the meeting due to the assassination of three Spanish volunteers of Médicos del Mundo merely a few days before. We now know that the RPF perpetrated this crime, even though the strong propaganda machine of the international godfathers of this criminal organization had managed within hours to get the world media to attribute this triple murder to extremist Hutu once again.
Indeed, it’s so true that the U.N. report doesn’t make any major revelations that even now, after its leak, I will hardly be making any changes in the second edition of my book, “África, la madre ultrajada” (“Africa, The Violated Mother”). The news is not the fact that the RPF perpetrated a genocide on such a large scale.3
In this genocide, the count of ethnic Hutu, both Rwandan and Congolese, violently eliminated by the RPF since 1990 should be estimated at hundreds of thousands at least. The scale of this genocide is even much larger if we consider the millions of victims, not only Hutu but also from other Bantu ethnic groups in Congo – or simply “not Hima-Tutsi,” as the racist RPF elite calls them.
They died not only through violent force but primarily due to starvation and other reasons related to the aggressions inflicted on Zaire/Congo by Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi in their genocidal attempt to establish in that region an empire controlled by Hima-Tutsi clans.
The High Commissioner for Human Rights has merely investigated the tip of the iceberg of this genocide, since it has looked at merely 600 violent incidents only in Congo and only from 1993 to 2003. It is a genocide in which already as early as 1997 – that is, one year before the second and deadliest invasion – the report of the U.N. team headed by the Chilean Roberto Garretón documented the investigation of around 40 locations in Congo and put the death count at up to 100,000.
A hint of the scale of this genocide can be found in a report by the International Rescue Committee which estimates 5.4 million victims in Congo until 1997 – in excess of the normal mortality figures – due to causes related to the aggressions staged there.
That’s not the news. The real news is something else: namely, that in a move that breaks the code of silence that has reigned within the U.N. for too many years, the High Commissioner for Human Rights reveals that the U.N. Security Council and U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and Kofi Annan before him – the same parties who less than a year ago accused some of us of financing the genocidaires – have actually spent more than a decade covering up the continuous genocide carried out by the RPF from Oct. 1, 1990, until today, which probably constitutes the largest one since the U.N. was founded!
Jean-Philippe Rémy’s article cited above is entitled, precisely, “A Long Set of Obstacles to Justice and Truth.” As Glen Ford well said in the analysis he wrote shortly after the leak of the report, “Rwandan Crisis Could Expose U.S. Role in Congo Genocide,”4 we are facing “a political crisis that threatens to disrupt Washington’s plans to dominate the continent.
“At stake is not only the reputation of Rwandan President Paul Kagame, an alumnus of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, but the larger American strategy for militarization of Africa and exploitation of her riches. …
Former U.S. President Bill Clinton visits Rwandan President Paul Kagame on Kagame’s farm in Muhazi.
“Carnage on such a scale could not have occurred were it not for the connivance of the United States, which has nurtured Kagame at every juncture. …
“The leaked U.N. report cannot be put back in the bottle. Kagame, who labels all critics ‘genocidaires’ or apologists for genocide, is exposed as ‘the greatest mass killer on the face of the earth, today,’ as described by Edward S. Herman, co-author of ‘The Politics of Genocide.’ Kagame’s mentors and funders in the U.S. government, who aided and abetted his genocide in Congo, must be held equally accountable – if not more so, since United States corporations derive the greatest benefit from Congo’s blood minerals, and the U.S. military gains the most advantage from Rwandan and Ugandan services as mercenaries at America’s beck and call in Africa.”
The Rwandan government has reacted by making virulent threats, and the High Commissioner has postponed the report’s release until Oct. 1. The following weeks will be marked by a fierce struggle to delete the word “genocide” from the report, since this classification would require the immediate intervention of the international community.
The U.S. government must be held equally accountable if not more so, since United States corporations derive the greatest benefit from Congo’s blood minerals, and the U.S. military gains the most advantage from Rwandan and Ugandan services as mercenaries at America’s beck and call in Africa. – Glen Ford, Black Agenda Report
Nevertheless, something new is happening in this great conflict as a significant movement of pieces appears to be taking place on the board. Another fact also evidences this: The important Gersony report5, up until recently eerily unavailable, suddenly surfaced this past Sept. 7. It is another honest report, done as early as 1994, but in this case by the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees.
The report has remained suppressed since then and high-ranked U.N. officials even denied it had ever existed. It documents the systematic ethnic cleansing of Hutu, genocidal in nature, carried out by the RPF in the Rwandan interior6 during 1994.
The investigative team led by Gersony examined the assassination of some 30,000 Hutu by the RPF, but only looked at crimes perpetrated during a two-month period and in merely three prefectures. However, similar to the recent report by the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, “[T]he massacres condemned in the Gersony report represented only the visible tip of a monumental iceberg consisting of hundreds of thousands of victims butchered by RPF troops since October 1, 1990 in the areas occupied by the military.”
Rwandan refugees massacred in a camp in DR Congo.
– Photo: http://survivorsnetoworks.blogspot.com/
Former Rwandan Foreign Minister Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana makes this statement in his excellent book recently published, “Paul Kagame a sacrifié les tutsi”7 (“Paul Kagame has sacrificed the Tutsi”). Upon receiving a photocopy of the Gersony report, I asked him to confirm its authenticity, which he did, although he added that an annex is missing.
Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana, of mixed Hutu-Tutsi descent, had testified in the lawsuit we filed at the Spanish National Court and is now the person responsible in France for the Intra-Rwandan Dialogue we have been sponsoring since 2004. This extraordinary Rwandan witnessed first hand the wheeling and dealing behind the suppression of the compromising report.
The entire horse-trading took place in the U.S. Department of State in early October 1994 between Hutu Rwandan President Pasteur Bizimungu from the RPF – albeit always under the watchful eye of “consultant” Charles Muligande – and Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs George Moose. Pasteur Bizimungu had actually gone to argue that “a ‘post- genocide’ was going on, while at the same time, the RPF military was getting away with massacring entire groups of people without the international community expressing any disapproval.”
Seeing George Moose’s excessively understanding reaction to the Rwandan president’s case, Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana inferred what was going to happen with the Gersony report, as it indeed turned out: That meeting “sealed the fate of the Gersony report once and for all.”
Vianney Ndagijimana resigned from his post as minister a few weeks later “in order not to be an accomplice of the ethnic cleansing practises” and went into exile “to bear witness of this silent genocide, as disgraceful and reprehensible as the Tutsi genocide, and to publicly condemn it worldwide.”
Others didn’t act with such ethics and integrity: Kofi Annan, U.N. Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping at the time; Shahryar Khan, U.N. Secretary-General’s Special Representative to Rwanda; Timothy Wirth, Undersecretary for Global Affairs, including matters of human rights; Brian Atwood, director for Africa of USAID, which had financed the investigation aimed at determining whether the interior of Rwanda was equipped for the return of Hutu refugees.
“Kagame’s army and allied militias knowingly committed wholesale killings of Hutus, often ‘mostly children, women, old and ill people.’ Indeed, the (leaked U.N.) report goes on to say that some of the attacks could have amounted to a genocide,” according to The Economist.
Prior to the meeting of the Rwandan president with the assistant secretary of state, all individuals cited above had met several times with Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana, on one occasion with Robert Gersony present. The former minister described that some of them had spoken very harshly to the Rwandan president. But the fact is that the Gersony report was suppressed and none of the people mentioned above ever condemned the terrible ethnic cleansing that had taken place nor the cover-up of such an important piece of evidence.
Kofi Annan showed the report to Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana and even let him read it but refused to give him a copy. Thus, already back then the future U.N. Secretary-General knew very well that the theory of a double genocide was not wrong. And it is certainly far from being a form of negationism and hence a crime, as Ramón Lobo has dared state in the Spanish daily El País.
Good heavens! – daring to label as criminals Judge Fernando Andreu, who accuses Kagame and 40 top officials from the RPF of committing crimes of genocide, and now High Commissioner Navi Pillay, who signs the recent U.N. report!
Yet this journalist is not alone. Many are the know-it-all analysts, who have no qualms writing about any matter of the moment, even about conflicts as serious and complex as this one – or who, rather, have only listened to the powerful rhetoric of the Manichean official doctrine that resolutely maintains that the story of the genocide is one of genocidaires on the one side and noble liberators on the other.
On the contrary, Kofi Annan and current Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon know that the accusations made by Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles are well-founded: “crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, crimes against individuals and property protected in the event of armed conflict, membership in a terrorist organization, terrorist acts, pillage of natural resources and the assassination of nine Spanish nationals.”
As we suspected and made public at the time, Ban Ki-moon’s efforts to bill genocidaire Paul Kagame as the superhero of the struggle against hunger and other evils plaguing our world have possibly infuriated and mobilized the group of people with integrity still to be found at that big organization which is the U.N. Let’s just hope that Navi Pillay doesn’t end up sacked for the same reasons for which others were ousted in former times: U.N. Secretary-General Boutros Boutros Ghali, ICTR (International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda) prosecutor Carla del Ponte, among many others.
Jean-Marie Vianney Ndagijimana spent years wondering why the secretary-general had decided to embargo the Gersony report. In a meeting at the headquarters of the Tribunal of The Hague in November 2002, Carla del Ponte confirmed to him what he had been suspecting all along. The former minister writes in his book:
“[W]ithout avoiding [the subject], she acknowledged that this report was under the jurisdiction of the ICTR and that it should have ordinarily been included in the dossier of crimes perpetrated in Rwanda in 1994 by one of the warring parties. Unfortunately, she added, all efforts to obtain the Gersony report as well as various other U.N. reports providing evidence of the crimes committed by the RPF had proved to no avail up until then. She continued: ‘I sent an official request to the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Ms Ogata,8 asking her for that report, but I ran into a wall. …
“Carla del Ponte admitted that, in despair, she also requested that Robert Gersony be heard by the ICTR prosecutor – again to no avail. Once again the U.S. government expressed its opposition, ruling it inadmissible! As we can see, Paul Kagame enjoys the protection of one or more of the superpowers which have a veto right [in the U.N. Security Council] and are able to dictate its agenda at the heart of the U.N. organizations. You don’t need to be a wizard to know that the Clinton administration, surely embarrassed and ridden with guilt for having opposed the deployment of U.N. troops to stop the genocide, has preferred focusing on the bottom line of the massacres of hundreds of thousands of innocent Hutu civilians.”9
A boy in Rwanda passes election posters a few days before the presidential election on Aug. 9, 2010. “Rwandan President Paul Kagame was reelected with 93 percent of the vote in the country’s elections earlier this month, but there were widespread reports that journalists and opposition politicians had been imprisoned or killed. Now a leaked U.N. report suggests that Rwandan troops may have committed war crimes and massacred tens of thousands of people in the late 1990s,” reported Newsweek on Aug. 27, the day the report was leaked. – Photo: Marc Hofer, AP
Let’s hope that the time has come; let us hope that those who pull the strings realize that sustaining this sham, this disgraceful impunity, is untenable at this point. We firmly believe that those of us outside the U.N. should help enable those upright individuals within the organization to keep it from serving the interests of the Trilateral Commission10 and of other powerful and elitist groups instead of serving the interests of peoples. In this respect, we share the views expressed by Adolfo Pérez Esquivel and Mallorquinian Sen. Pere Sampol, who was vice-president of the government of the Balearic Islands and knows well the mazes of political intrigue.
At any rate, what I stated in the preface of my book might begin to prove true: “When this monumental tragedy gets the coverage it deserves in the big media, it will become one of the most embarrassing chapters in the annals of the United Nations, of the entire Western world, in general, and in particular, of José Luís Rodríguez Zapatero’s Socialist government.”
Spain’s prime minister, however, may still be able to change fate. He just needs to continue on the path he started by not meeting with Paul Kagame in Madrid; he just needs to refuse to co-chair together with this criminal the Advocacy Group of the Millenium Development Goals. He just needs to cooperate with Spain’s Audiencia Nacional on the legal proceedings against the 40 top officials of the RPF. He just needs to meet – at long last – with the families of the nine Spanish victims.
Juan Carrera of the International Forum for the Truth and Justice in the Great Lakes Region, a Nobel Prize nominee, has campaigned for years against impunity there. In 1996, he walked over 600 miles to Brussels and a year later went on a 42-day hunger strike in front of the European Union Council headquarters to persuade the EU to stop the atrocities in the DR Congo. With Spanish Sen. Sampol he successfully pushed for a lawsuit in Spain against members of the Rwandan government on behalf of Spanish victims who died in Rwanda after the genocide. The lawsuit resulted in the indictments of 40 of Rwanda’s current top and former military officials for genocide crimes and other human rights abuses. He can be reached by emailing info@stopimpunityinrwanda.org.
End impunity in Rwanda
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
UN Demonstration demanding the immediate withdrawal of Paul Kagame as Co-Chair of the Promoter Group of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)Ralph Bunch Park10:30AM
Africa Round Table
Venue: Global Information Network, 146 W. 29th St Suite 7E6:30 - 9 p.m.RSVP: 212-244-3123 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting 212-244-3123 end_of_the_skype_highlighting begin_of_the_skype_highlighting 212-244-3123 begin_of_the_skype_highlighting 212-244-3123 end_of_the_skype_highlighting end_of_the_skype_highlighting
Please join us for this late-breaking opportunity to greet distinguished rights activists Peter Erlinder, Juan Carrero Sarlegui and Spanish Senator Pere Sampol and for questions and answers on the most recent initiatives toward ending impunity in the Great Lakes Region.
Former National Lawyers Guild president Peter Erlinder; founder of VeritasRwanda Forum Juan Carrero Sarlegui and Spanish Senator Pere Sampol will be looking to meet with U.S. counterparts to discuss the latest developments in the Rwanda/Congo region.
“With the strong conviction that the truth is history’s most powerful force and that its might is independent from the smallness of the messenger, we firmly resolved to investigate and analyze what had really happened in Rwanda and in the Democratic Republic of Congo in the last fourteen years.”
Messrs. Carrero and Sampol successfully pushed for a lawsuit against members of Rwandan government in Spain on behalf of Spanish victims who died in Rwanda after the genocide. The lawsuit on their behalf resulted in the indictments of 40 of Rwanda's current top and former military officials including James Kabarebe and Kayumba Nyamwasa for genocide crimes, and other human rights abuses.
These activists will provide information on their campaign and will discuss the recently leaked draft UN report indicating that Rwanda may have committed genocide and crimes against humanity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
Since May 2010 and the arrest of Minnesota-based professor Peter Erlinder in Rwanda, there has been a surge of international attention to Rwanda's "genocide ideology" and the limits placed on freedom of speech.
Juan Carrera of the International Forum for the Truth and Justice in the Great Lakes Region has been working for years against the impunity in the Great Lakes Region, trying to bring Hutus and Tutsis together to rebuild the country.
Spanish Senator Pere Sampol of PSM-Entesa Nacionalita, fully supports this Campaign and has been very active in demanding official answers from the Spanish government on this issue.
Please join us in welcoming these distinguished guests.
Tuesday September 21st
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, September 18, 2010
"Rwanda will not hesitate to withdraw its troops once the report comes out as it was when leaked to the media". Louise Mushikiwabo
François Mwamba
Blackmail : the crime of threatening to reveal embarrassing, disgraceful or damaging facts (or rumors) about a person to the public, family, spouse or associates unless paid off to not carry out the threat. It is one form of extortion (which may include other threats such as physical harm or damage to property). (See: extortion)
It is important to realise that allegations of war crimes, many committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (now the national army), are not new. Suspected atrocities have previously been documented
by human rights organisations and journalists
Regardless of whether Kagame’s government believes there is any truth to the allegations, Rwanda cannot be allowed to hold its ongoing humanitarian obligations to ransom, in exchange for UN silence on significant
and quite likely
systematic human rights abuses
Le MLC s’insurge contre la quête de Kigali d’une neutralité de Kinshasa dans sa dispute avec l’ONU
Le Mouvement de libération du Congo (MLC), parti de l’opposition congolaise, s’insurge contre cette démarche du Rwanda et réclame la publication du rapport onusien, qui couvre toutes les exactions commises au Congo entre 1993 et 2003. 
Paul (pot) Kagame
Genocidaire extraordinaire (G.E.)
and leader of Rwanda
Le Mouvement de libération du Congo (MLC), parti de l’opposition congolaise, s’insurge contre cette démarche du Rwanda et réclame la publication du rapport onusien, qui couvre toutes les exactions commises au Congo entre 1993 et 2003.
Francois Mwamba, secrétaire général du MLC, qualifie de « curieuse » la démarche rwandaise. Le « premier devoir « du gouvernement de la République démocratique du Congo, a-t-il dit, « c’est protéger les Congolais. » Rappelant les événements « inadmissibles » qui se sont passés dans le pays entre 1993 et 2003, François Mwamba a dit que le pré-rapport onusien « vient éclairer en partie » l’opinion congolaise « quant à l’ampleur. »
By VOA
Washington, D.C. Tuesday, Septembre 14, 2010
© Copyright VOA News
Related article:
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The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, September 15, 2010
Doctor Eugene Rwamucyo:
French court has rejected Kigali’s request to extradite him
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]
A la suite de la conférence, très courue, qu’il a donnée le 10 septembre dernier à Yaoundé, le journaliste et essayiste franco-camerounais qui s’est illustré ces 10 dernières années sur ses enquêtes sur le Rwanda et les conflits dans les Grandes Lacs, met en exergue la «stratégie» mise sur pied pour déstabiliser la zone Afrique centrale en passant par le Rwanda.
Au moment où vous teniez votre conférence à Yaoundé, Paul Kagamé, le président rwandais, menaçait les Nations Unies de retirer ses troupes du Darfour si l’organisation mondiale venait à publier son rapport qui accuserait son armée de pires exactions au Congo. Etait-ce le prétexte de votre prestation à Yaoundé, ou un simple hasard de calendrier ?
Je peux dire que c’est juste une coïncidence de calendrier : lorsque j’ai été invité par le journal Mutations pour cette conférence au Cameroun, personne ne savait qu’on allait avoir des fuites dans le journal Le Monde sur le rapport de l’Onu en Rdc. La pression que fait Paul Kagamé de retirer ses troupes du Darfour si l’Onu publiait ce rapport est inacceptable ! Ce dont il est question, aujourd’hui, ce sont des millions de morts au Congo et le pillage des ressources dans ce pays.
Je suis ravi que le rapport des Nations Unies confirme mes investigations sur le Congo. M. Kagamé, s’il n’a rien à se reprocher, pourquoi fait-il du chantage à l’Onu ?
Quelle est la crédibilité des procès sur les génocidaires menés par le Tribunal pénal international d’Arusha sur le Rwanda ?
Pour avoir eu des confidences de Carla Del Ponte à l’intérieur de ce tribunal, je peux conclure aujourd’hui que ce tribunal est une véritable mascarade judiciaire. Il y a certes des juges qui sont honnêtes dans ce tribunal et qui essaient de faire leur travail. Comment pouvez-vous expliquer que seuls les Hutus sont devant ce tribunal, et qu’aucun criminel Tutsi ne s’y retrouve ? Les événements de 1994 impliquent à la fois l’armée rebelle Fpr et l’armée gouvernementale de Habyarimana, mais il n’y a que les Hutus dans ce tribunal. Ce qu’on ne dit pas assez, c’est que dans la mission du Tpir, il y a la réconciliation nationale. Comment pouvez-vous tendre à cela, si vous n’accusez qu’un groupe au détriment de l’autre ?
Est-ce pour cette raison que vous considérez que le génocide est le plus grand mensonge sur l’Afrique ?
Tout à fait ! C’est l’un des plus grands mensonges et l’une des plus grandes manipulations de l’Afrique du XXème siècle. On nous a fait croire que le génocide du Rwanda avait été planifié par les Hutus. Au jour d’aujourd’hui, on constate qu’il n’y a personne, au Tpir, qui a été condamné pour avoir planifié le génocide. On constate en même temps qu’en 2005, il y a un rapport interne et confidentiel des Nations Unies qui montre qu’il n’y a aucun début de commencement de preuve sur la planification du génocide. Ce que l’on ne veut pas dire, c’est qu’il s’agit d’un coup d’Etat pour renverser le président en exercice, Juvénal Habyarimana, au profit de Paul Kagamé, qui a bénéficié de la mort du président Habyarimana.
C’était une façon de mettre en place une stratégie qui permette à Paul Kagamé de mettre sur pied une base arrière pour la conquête des minerais, notamment l’uranium et le coltan au Congo. Ce qui, aujourd’hui, démontre clairement que l’ensemble des multinationales qui travaillent sur le coltan, l’achètent à vil prix au Rwanda ; ce pays est devenu un exportateur du coltan et de l’or, alors qu’il n’a pas du tout ces minerais dans son sous-sol. Voilà la mission qui a été dévolue à M. Kagamé et à son gouvernement. Ceci est très dangereux pour l’Afrique centrale, parce que les pays pétroliers de la sous-région vont forcément être menacés comme le Congo, si leurs dirigeants ne font pas attention.
Certains estiment que les conflits, dans les Grands Lacs, c’est davantage une bataille géopolitique et géostratégique…
C’est une bataille géopolitique intense dans laquelle vous avez des Français, des Anglais et des Américains. Ces derniers sont très nerveux, et veulent reprendre l’ancienne chasse gardée de la France. Vous avez également les Chinois, qui arrivent de façon très organisée et qui s’implantent solidement en Afrique. Tout cela fait que le gâteau va devenir petit, pour ceux-là qui avaient tout gratuitement et facilement. Il va donc falloir négocier.
Pour éviter de se retrouver dans des situations de négociations, on crée l’instabilité parce que, dans ce genre de situation, il n’y a pas d’Etat pour organiser le commerce des matières premières et, avec les guerres, on peut plutôt vendre des armes, faire des trafics… empêcher des révoltes populaires parce que les gens sont plutôt attachés à leur sécurité.
Vos écrits sont très souvent axés sur le régime Kagamé. Ne craignez-vous pas qu’à un moment, votre opiniâtreté apparaisse comme un conflit de personnes avec le président rwandais ?
J’ai toujours dit que, si c’était le président Kagamé qui avait été victime d’un attentat le 6 avril 1994, j’aurais fait exactement la même enquête. Quand je commençais mon enquête, je ne savais pas que c’était le président Kagamé qui était responsable de cela. Je ne savais pas qu’il voulait, plus tard, piller les ressources du Congo. Les arguments que j’avance, ils sont les uns après les autres indestructibles. Dans cette histoire, je suis tout simplement attaché à ce que les Africains comprennent qu’il ne faut pas sous-estimer ce qui est en train de se passer.
Comment cela ?
En 2004, quand j’ai écrit mon livre, les Congolais avaient sous-estimé ce qui était en train de se passer dans leur pays avec l’armée rwandaise. Quelque 10 ans après, ils se retrouvent avec 6 millions de morts. Et ce n’est pas terminé. Aujourd’hui, par exemple, le Cameroun a de nombreux réfugiés hutus. Les réfugiés hutus, pour le Rwanda, ont été un prétexte pour attaquer militairement le Congo. Je ne veux pas que le Cameroun se retrouve dans la même situation que le Congo. Je ne veux pas que d’autres pays en Afrique centrale, à l’exemple du Congo Brazzaville, qui a également des réfugiés hutus, se retrouvent dans cette même situation.
Doit-on penser qu’il existe une stratégie de conquête de l’Afrique centrale, soigneusement préparée par le Rwanda ?
Je pense plutôt à une volonté de coloniser l’Afrique centrale sous le régime de Paul Kagamé, ou, en tout cas, sous le pouvoir qui lui ressemble. C’est sur cela que je veux attirer l’attention des gens dans la région pour leur dire : ce qui se passe a été réfléchi, pensé et la stratégie qui est sur le terrain vous le démontre tous les jours, y compris avec les voyages politiques. Vous ne voyez pas, par exemple, les mêmes voyages politiques faits vis-à-vis d’autres dirigeants africains qu’on menace plutôt d’emprisonner ou d’arrêter. Je veux tout simplement que les Africains comprennent le jeu qui est en train de se dérouler sur leurs têtes. C’est un jeu très complexe mais très efficace.
La France a récemment envoyé des juges pour enquêter sur l’attentat du 06 avril 1994…
Les avocats des veuves françaises ont déposé une plainte en 1997, et cette plainte suit son cours. Les avocats veulent savoir la vérité, et M. Sarkozy est dans une situation où il veut, d’un côté, reprendre les relations diplomatiques avec le Rwanda, et de l’autre, il est obligé de se rendre compte que les juges français doivent quand même faire leur travail. Le départ du juge ne va pas, en ce qui me concerne, apporter des révélations sur la question. Mais j’ose simplement espérer que le fait d’aller voir le lieu de l’attentat, de faire une expertise balistique, permettrait tout simplement de confirmer un certain nombre de choses sur le plan technique que l’on sait déjà et de faire connaître la vérité.
Pensez-vous que cette vérité finira par être connue ?
Elle est déjà connue, à travers mes ouvrages, qui sont confirmés par des enquêtes judiciaires. Ce qui manque, c’est la reconnaissance officielle de cette vérité. On en est là. Ce n’est pas que les gens ne savent pas ce qui s’est passé. Aujourd’hui, on le sait. Dans le cas de l’assassinat de Patrice Lumumba, les Africains ont attendu de longues années pour savoir ce qui s’est passé. Mais aujourd’hui, je ne veux pas que les Africains attendent 50 ans pour savoir pourquoi Habyarimana a été tué, et qui l’a assassiné.
Les Nations Unies développent la thèse du camouflage de l’attentat de Habyarimana, qui est en fait le déclencheur du génocide…
C’est les Nations Unies qui disent que l’attentat est le déclencheur du génocide. Comment peuvent-elles le dire et ne pas vouloir parler de l’attentat ? Il y a une contradiction !
Le génocide a eu lieu sous Boutros Boutros Ghali, comme secrétaire général de l’Onu. Koffi Annan, qui l’a remplacé, a été accusé de camoufler des éléments. La responsabilité des Africains est-elle ainsi engagée dans cette affaire?
Boutros Boutros Ghali n’avait pas accepté de marcher dans la combine américaine, mais celui qui était son collaborateur le plus étroit chargé des opérations de maintien de la paix a eu une promotion : il est devenu Sg de l’Onu et vous savez qu’aux Nations Unies, les nominations par continent sont des nominations rotatives. Mais pour une fois, l’Afrique a eu successivement à trois reprises la tête du Secrétariat général de l’Onu, puisque le mandat de Koffi Annan avait été reconduit. Au passage, M. Annan a eu le prix Nobel de la paix, mais je ne me souviens pas d’un conflit qui lui a valu de recevoir ce prix. Dans le conflit qu’il a vraiment géré, celui du Rwanda, il n’y a personne qui mérite d’avoir eu un prix Nobel de la paix.
Qu’est-ce qui motive votre passion pour le Rwanda ?
C’est tout simplement que je veux partager, avec le public, 10 années de travail difficile, de recherches approfondies et d’échanges avec des gens du département d’Etat américain. J’ai eu des confidences du procureur Carla Del Ponte, et je pense que j’ai quand même assemblé, pendant toutes ces années, des informations inédites venant de sources variées. Garder tous ces éléments pour moi n’a aucun sens, aucun intérêt. C’est pour cela que je mets ces éléments à la disposition du public pour que, demain, les gens ne se disent pas qu’ils ne savaient pas. Ce qui pêche beaucoup, dans le continent africain, c’est l’ignorance des grandes stratégies internationales et la compréhension intime de la dimension géopolitique. Je souhaite qu’ils aient un décodeur pour mieux analyser la situation. Ils ne doivent pas rester comme des téléspectateurs sans décodeur, devant une chaîne cryptée.
Entretien mené par Dorine Ekwè
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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