© As International - Community for SurViVors

Saturday, April 30, 2011

Organized crimes and proliferation of predatory crimes in Rwanda.

Quest for Justice in

J’accuse
7^th edition

Corruption makes Kagame
Untouchable

Kagame the bloody dictator Paul Kagame of Rwanda and the US and GB embarrassing "friend" remains untouchable.
Main reason: Corruption
African SurViVors International’s findings are based on solid and demonstrable evidence. Rwanda is subjected to permanently organized torrent of violence, repression, slaughter, carnage, disappearances, arbitrary arrests, massacres and pogroms by the ruling party RPF.
It's not paranoid to be extremely wary of Britain Government that would give the Rwandan dictator Paul Kagame power to legally prejudice or declare all his opponents and Hutus in particular “terrorists” and send them to death or prison.


The Rwanda Hitler The Rwandan Tsunami The Rwandan AIDS

Paul Kagame and his RPF corrupt regime have created untold suffering for their political opponents: those in exile, those they jail without benefit of trial, those they assassinate, those they fraudulently defeat in an election, and those whose passports and bank accounts they illegally seize and seal under charges.
Times to time, we have witnessed the horror: “after their murder, the bodies were taken to the Akagera National Park, burnt and the ashes thrown in the Akagera River.” All these killings were ordered by General Kagame and RPF.

Rwandans, Congolese Victims and survivors
cry for Justice
Why? Why? Why Kagame
still remains untouchable?

Regarding other human rights abuses, nearly 11 years after RPF takeover, people are still being killed and tortured in prisons by the security organs especially DMI, CID and MP and Special Intelligence using electric wires.

Journalism is no longer
valid in Rwanda

When Pal Kagame and RPF members commit such crimes as graft, embezzlement, and bribery, they create a space for criminals, a regime institutionalizing the crimes of the corrupt RPF member, rich and powerful. We have found out that RPF ideology copied from the Germany Nazism is detrimental to the social, economic, and political development of a

Rwanda

. In addition, the RPF corruption has always been the motivating factor for rigging elections in

Rwanda

by Paul Kagame. Finally, the crimes of RPF corrupt members provide the underprivileged Tutsis including Local defence forces, the RPF soldiers with logic for rationalizing their own crimes.

Traditional Dictators seize control through force and often are self-styled "Generals."

Paul Kagame as an example: He is believed to be a dictator who holds office through voting fraud since 2003 and is known to severely restrict (August 2010) elections and we all know he’s a mouthpiece for the military junta which control the ballot boxes throughout

Rwanda


Peter Erlinder has also experienced the Kagame's treat

As a Friendly Dictator, he has raised to power in 1994 through bloody 1994 CIA-backed coup and rules by intimidation, terror, torture, assassinations and mass-murder. The RDF troops receive training and advice from the CIA, the Pentagon and from other

Why? Why? Why Kagame
still remains untouchable?

Me Ntaganda Bernard behind the bar
Why? Why? Why Kagame
still remains untouchable?

Ms. Ingabire Victoire, the would-be
President of Rwanda

Why? Why? Why Kagame
still remains untouchable?

Add caption

Why? Why? Why Kagame
still remains untouchable?Kids and babies in prison

Overcrowded prison

U.S.

agencies.
General Paul Kagame has grown rich since 1994, while

Rwanda

’s economy goes down the drain. He own millions of dollars throughout the world while the majority Hutu ethnic members are discriminated, forced into labor and are supervised by the elite Tutsis. This makes 90% of the country under the poverty line.

U.S.

and European taxes and

U.S.

and European backed loans have made Kagame and RPF leadership billionaires; others are international Congolese mineral resources dealers who also collect CIA paychecks. Up to now they aren't called to account for their crimes.

Turning a blind eye on the most basic morality for the sake of commerce and greed should not be legal either in

, in the case of Kagame, in the

or anywhere else for that matter. We are, as a global community, rewarding RPF criminals and the Rwandan heavyweight criminal and dictator of

Rwanda

, which should be prosecuted instead of living a life of luxury built on the suffering of Rwandans.
Rwanda the largest prison with 26,338 km²
How long have those men and women been in here and over there and not had a chance to plead their innocence?

The easy accused: the Hutu,
the presumably criminal

Rwandan prisoners' eyes are full of expression, and when you look at them you understand their anger mixed to fear and there is no doubt they are exacerbated by the humid climate and overcrowding.

The easy accused: the Hutu,
the presumably criminal

Why? Why? Why Kagame
still remains untouchable?

The easy accused: the Hutu,
the presumably criminal

Overcrowded prison

The easy accused: the Hutu,
the presumably criminal

Frightened, weeping, and alone, every prisoner, man and woman still hopes, prays, and patiently waits for the day when his or her hearing might come.

The prisons are over-full, no facilities there to maintain hygiene, adding that long ex-convicts often carried the disease home to their families, creating the risk of a major epidemic. While they wait for release or inoperative trials, Hutus have to deal with horrendous prison conditions. One of the reasons for the overload is that most of them are accused of participation in the genocide, which claimed more than 500,000 lives. Many have spent more than ten, fifteen years in prison without being tried.

Many prisoners sleep outside, exposed to the sun and the rain. Family visits last just three minutes and in many cases, they have no right at all.

Why? Why? Why Kagame
still remains untouchable?

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Friday, April 29, 2011

The stateless Hutu majority in Rwanda have long been persecuted by the extremist Tutsi Rwandan dictator General Paul Kagame , president of Rwanda and leader of the Rwandan RPF Junta. the Tutsi-led government has banned them from either marrying before 25 years (and now 700,000 are forcibly sterilized) or traveling abroad without permission and from owning property. They are even denied citizenship.

London: MI5 has warned the Rwandan high commissioner to Britain to halt an alleged campaign of harassment against suspected critics of his country's government based in the UK.
Ernest Rwamucyo, who is due to attend today's royal wedding as Rwanda's envoy to London, was told by the Security Service that the UK's Â£83m aid to Rwanda could be cut unless the secret activities against members of the diaspora were halted. Expatriates claim that they have been threatened and intimidated by diplomatic officials.
Rwanda's top envoy is the latest among the 200 diplomatic invitees to this morning's ceremony at Westminster Abbey whose attendance is controversial. Several of them have since been uninvited by the Foreign Office and Clarence House.
Rwandan citizens living in Britain have told The Independent that officials based in the country's high commission, housed in a nondescript building in an unglamorous corner of central London, have been engaged in a campaign to contact members of the diaspora who have been named by informants as opponents of Paul Kagame, the east African state's increasingly autocratic President.

Mr Rwamucyo, a former UN policy adviser, is alleged to have been present at a meeting earlier this year in a branch of Nando's restaurant when a former woman soldier in the army which halted Rwanda's 1994 genocide, who now works as a nurse in London, claims she became concerned about her safety and was warned to halt her efforts to set up a community group for Rwandan war veterans.

Jeanne Umulisa, 46, an officer in the Rwandan Patriot Front (RPF) army who was decorated for her role in stopping the slaughter of minority Tutsis by Hutu extremists, was interviewed by Scotland Yard detectives about the incident after contacting police. She told The Independent: "It was very clear to me that I was being threatened, that the embassy wanted me to stop organising my group and that if I failed to do so things might happen to me. Mr Rwamucyo was present during this conversation."

The Foreign Office said last night that it was aware of reports of harassment of the Rwandan diaspora. A spokeswoman said: "We take all such credible reports seriously. We do not comment on individual cases."
It is understood that the reports, which name several individuals connected with the Rwandan high commission, were investigated by the Security Service and judged to be sufficiently serious to merit a warning to Mr Rwamucyo that the activity should stop. MI5 officers were authorised to make it clear that the British Government, which has built strong ties with Rwanda and last year welcomed it into the Commonwealth, may revise its development aid to the country.

After more than a decade in which Rwanda's post-genocide government, led by former rebel commander Mr Kagame, was hailed for rebuilding a country shattered by the genocide, the regime is charged with being increasingly authoritarian and intolerant of dissent both at home and abroad. Mr Kagame was re-elected last year with 93 per cent of the vote in an election in which observers said the opposition had been neutered.
Claims that schisms among Mr Kagame's former comrades have boiled over into violence appeared to gain credence last June when a former head of Rwandan intelligence, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who had left the country after suggestions he was building his own power base in the army, was the subject of an failed assassination attempt in South Africa. Several of the gunmen arrested after the shooting were Rwandan but no proof has been produced that it was sanctioned from Kigali, the Rwandan capital.

Supporters of Mr Kagame say Rwanda is a "special case" and Kigali's hard line on dissent is the result of concern that ethnic tensions which ignited the genocide should not be allowed to resurface. Rwandan intelligence has long sought to counter the influence of Hutu extremists based in Europe and the country continues to seek the extradition of suspected genocidaires, including four men living in Britain.
But expatriates say Rwanda's latest activity in Britain represents a departure by targeting individuals with no obvious links to Hutu opposition, or people who were close allies of the RPF. Ms Umulisa, a single mother who came to Britain in 2000 and lives in south London, said she attracted the interest of the high commission after she set up Wariyo Baka, a community group aimed at helping veterans of the 1994 war living in Britain with drug and alcohol problems.

A redoubtable figure who says she has become disillusioned with Mr Kagame's administration but strongly denies being a political opponent, she said: "I was told to come to a meeting at Nando's on Euston Road. A number of embassy people were present and they told me that by setting up [the group] I was acting against the country that I had fought for. They wanted me to close down the group... I told them I would do no such thing and the group has no political dimension â€“ it is about Rwandans helping other Rwandans. I was taken aback by how aggressively they behaved."

Scotland Yard confirmed that it had dealt with a complaint from Ms Umulisa about the incident. A spokesman said: "Police were contacted with certain serious allegations. The complaint was dealt with by providing crime prevention advice."

A second Rwandan, who lives in the Midlands and does not wish to be named, said he was contacted by a friend who told him the high commission was concerned at information it had received that he had joined an opposition group. The man, a former businessman who funded the RPF during the early 1990s, said: "I was told I had to phone the high commission, that they want to talk to me. When I phoned them, they wanted to know 'Which side are you on?' I told them I was on no-one's side and my private thoughts were none of their business. They were acting like a dictatorial regime in Britain."

Mr Rwamucyo and the Rwandan high commission did not respond to requests for a response to the allegations made against him.

Wednesday, April 27, 2011

The Rwandan Genocide - U.N. Security Council resolution 955, 8 November 1994

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality: the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization. So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=> ASI]

Why the evil Rwandan dictator attempts to dismiss the importance of
The U.N. Security Council Resolution 955??

***

General Kagame seeking rehabilitation by all means

***

Introduction

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) is the first international court of law established to prosecute high-ranking individuals for massive human rights violations in Africa. The purpose of this court is to prosecute those allegedly responsible for the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

Background

Following the assassination of Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana on 6 April 1994, the Great Lakes country of Rwanda descended into civil war and genocide. Hutu extremists in the National Republican Movement for Development and Democracy (MRND) and the Rwandan Armed Forces (RAF) launched an extermination campaign against moderate Hutu and the entire Tutsi ethnic minority. By the time the civil war and genocide ended on 19 July 1994, over 800,000 Rwandans had been murdered.

In an effort to punish those responsible for genocide, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. On 8 November 1994, the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 955 (1994), which established “an international tribunal for the sole purpose of prosecuting persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of Rwanda and Rwandan citizens responsible for genocide and other such violations committed in the territory of neighboring States, between 1 January 1994 and 31 December 1994.”

As a Chapter VII Security Council resolution, the ICTR asserts primacy over the domestic laws and national courts of third States, and has the ability to force the surrender of an accused, be they a Rwandan citizen or not, located in Rwanda or any third State. As provided in Security Council resolution 977 (1995) of 22 February 1995, the ICTR is headquartered in Arusha, Tanzania, with additional offices located in Kigali, New York and The Hague.
Composition of the ICTR

The ICTR is governed by its Statute, which is annexed to Security Council resolution 955 (1994). The ICTR consists of three major organs: the Chambers, the Office of the Prosecutor and the Registry.

There are four Chambers in which judges adjudicate trials and motions before the ICTR: three lower Trial Chambers and one Appeals Chamber. Although all three of the lower Trial Chambers are located in Arusha, the ICTR Appeals Chamber also adjudicates for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and is located in The Hague, Netherlands.

In total, the Chambers consist of 16 permanent judges and 9 ad litem judges, all chosen by the United Nations General Assembly. There are three permanent judges for each of the three Trial Chambers, and seven permanent judges for the Appeals Chamber; however, only five of these seven permanent judges sit on the Appeals Chamber at any given time.

Although 9 ad litem judges serve on the ICTR, they are selected from a pool of 18 ad litem judges. The pool of 18 ad litem judges was created to expedite the judicial process on 14 August 2002 through Security Council resolution 1431 (2002). Originally, only four ad litem judges could serve on the ICTR at any given time, but due to the pressures of the judicial calendar and the Security Council’s desire to close down the Tribunal by 2009, the number of serving ad litem judges was increased to nine on 27 October 2003 through resolution 1512 (2003).

The Office of the Prosecutor is responsible for investigating all crimes under which the ICTR has jurisdiction, prepares indictments, and prosecutes defendants. The Registry is responsible for providing all administrative support to the Chambers and the Prosecutor.

Major Cases before the ICTR

On 9 January 1997, the ICTR held its first trial, one of the most momentous cases in international law: The Prosecutor v. Jean‑Paul Akayesu. During the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, Jean-Paul Akayesu served as the mayor of Taba, a city in which thousands of Tutsis were systematically raped, tortured and murdered. At the start of his trial, Akayesu faced 12 charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and violations of common article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions in the form of murder, torture and cruel treatment. In June 1997, the Prosecutor added “three counts of crimes against humanity and violations of common article 3/Additional Protocol II for rape, inhumane acts and indecent assault” (Report of the ICTR (S/1997/868)). These additional counts marked the first time in the history of international law that rape was considered a component of genocide.

On 2 September 1998, the ICTR found Akayesu guilty of nine counts of genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide and crimes against humanity for extermination, murder, torture, rape and other inhumane acts. The conviction of Akayesu marked “the first in which an international tribunal was called upon to interpret the definition of genocide as defined in the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide” (See ICTR Fact Sheet No. 1, The Tribunal at a Glance). According to the Convention, genocide is defined as “the act of committing certain crimes, including the killing of members of the group or causing serious physical or mental harm to members of the group with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, racial or religious group, as such” (Genocide Convention, article 2). As well as interpreting the definition of genocide, the ICTR also indicated that the crime of rape was “a physical invasion of a sexual nature, committed on a person under circumstances which are coercive” (The Prosecutor v. Jean Paul Akayesu, para. 598) and underscored that sexual assault constitutes “genocide in the same way as any other act as long as [it was] committed with the specific intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular group, targeted as such” (ibid., para. 731). Akayesu is currently serving life imprisonment in Mali.
Christian Davenport - Rethinking Rwanda, 1994 from JamboNewsTV on Vimeo.

In addition to the important jurisprudence generated from the Akayesu trial, the ICTR also set two major precedents in the trial against Jean Kambanda (The Prosecutor v. Jean Kambanda). Kambanda served as Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Rwanda throughout the entire 100 days of genocide. Kambanda was brought before the ICTR in October 1997 and pleaded guilty to six counts of genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, complicity in genocide, and crimes against humanity. Kambanda’s guilty plea and subsequent conviction marked not only the first time in international law that a Head of Government was convicted of genocide, but also that an accused person acknowledged his guilt for genocide before an international criminal tribunal. Like Akayesu, Kambanda is currently serving life imprisonment in Mali.

Also noteworthy were the ICTR prosecutions of Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, leaders of Radio Television Libre Milles Collines (RTLM), and of Hassan Ngeze, the founder and director of Kangura newspaper. The ICTR consolidated the indictments of these three men into a single trial, which is more commonly referred to as “The Media Case” (The Prosecutor v. Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze). This trial was the first time since Nuremberg that the role of the media was examined as a component of international criminal law. In 2003, Nahimana, Barayagwiza and Ngeze were convicted on counts of genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, and crimes against humanity. Originally, Nahimana and Ngeze were sentenced to life imprisonment and Barayagwiza was sentenced to 35 years. Upon appeal, Nahimana’s and Ngeze’s sentences were respectively dropped to 30 and 35 years.

According to Prosecutor Hassan B. Jallow, it is expected that between 1997 and the end of 2008, roughly 86 people will have been tried before the ICTR (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the United Nations Security Council, 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904)).

Completion Strategy and Problems

On 28 August 2003, the Security Council adopted resolution 1503 (2003), ordering the ICTR to “take all possible measure to complete investigations by the end of 2004, to complete all trial activities at first instance by the end of 2008, and to complete all work in 2010”. Since the issuance of resolution 1503 (2003), the ICTR has been involved in an active Completion Strategy campaign to comply with this mandate. In 2002 and 2003, the Security Council increased the number of judges serving on the ICTR, via resolutions 1431 (2002) and 1512 (2003), in order to expedite cases before the Tribunal. In addition to speeding up the trials, the Office of the Prosecutor has tried, where possible, to transfer cases to competent national jurisdictions, particularly in Rwanda. Since November 2007, the Office of the Prosecutor has been training the Rwandan judicial sector “in such areas as international criminal law and practice, prosecution strategies, law on indictments, advocacy, court-related information management and online legal research” so that it may be better able to handle any and all transferred cases from the ICTR (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 60). Currently five case referrals to Rwandan national courts, including the case of one fugitive, are awaiting judicial determination (ibid., para. 50).

Despite these efforts, however, the ICTR faces many challenges in executing its Completion Strategy. According to Prosecutor Jallow in a June 2008 statement before the Security Council, “it is now evident that there will still be pending trial activity at the ICTR by the end of 2008… [and] …the need for a proper completion would be best sustained by permitting the ICTR to continue with trial activity beyond the end of 2008 in order to conclude pending cases” (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 9)

In 2008, three high-level fugitives, Callixte Nsabonimana, Dominque Ntawukuriryayo and Augustin Ngirabatware, were arrested. Due to their leadership roles in the Rwandan Genocide, none of these men can be transferred to national jurisdictions. Although the Office of the Prosecutor has been preparing for these trials, it is highly unlikely that all three cases will be adjudicated by the end of 2008.

In addition to the recent increase in workload due to fugitive apprehensions, the ICTR is also threatened with an increased workload due to the inability and unwillingness of national jurisdictions to accept ICTR case referrals. Despite talking to several African countries about the possibility of transferring cases, the Office of the Prosecutor has managed to secure an agreement with only one African State, Rwanda, to accept case referrals (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 48). Furthermore, merely because Rwanda agrees, in theory, to accept ICTR referrals, does not mean that it will try any cases. Recently, the Trial Chambers rejected the Prosecutor’s request to transfer the case of Yusuf Munyakazi to Rwanda, a ruling that the Prosecutor is appealing (The Prosecutor v. Yussuf Munyakazi). In total, five cases can potentially be transferred to Rwanda. However, if none of these five cases are brought under Rwandan jurisdiction, the ICTR would be faced with additional work in 2009, “given that so far no country other than Rwanda has indicated a desire to receive any of these cases” (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 10). Outside of Africa, only three States have agreed to accept ICTR transfers. To date, only two cases have been successfully transferred, and both were sent to France. Recently, the Netherlands revoked its offer to try ICTR defendant Michel Bagaragaza, thus increasing the ICTR’s judicial calendar and further straining its Completion Strategy.

Finally, the ICTR is experiencing difficulty executing its Completion Strategy due to the existence of 13 indicted fugitives and the unwillingness of third party States to help apprehend these men. Since the ICTR can not try any of the 13 fugitives in absentia, it is imperative that they be caught as soon as possible in order for the ICTR to comply with the timeline set forth by the United Nations Security Council. However, several countries, particularly Kenya and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, have, according to Prosecutor Jallow, done little to catch fugitives known to be within their territory and must “intensify cooperation with and render all necessary assistance to the ICTR in connection with efforts to bring” all indictees to the ICTR (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 10). Of the 13 fugitives, 4 are earmarked for trial at the ICTR and 9 face the possibility of a trial under national jurisdictions, should their cases be accepted for referral. Nevertheless, the ICTR is expecting a substantial increase in the number of cases to be adjudicated, well beyond the current timeline, should any of these fugitives be caught.

Génocide rwandais : renversement de perspective
Geüpload door realpolitiktv. - De allerlaatste nieuwscontent.

Although the ICTR has already begun to downsize its activities and staff in compliance with the Completion Strategy, ICTR President Dennis Byron requested in the latest ICTR Completion Strategy report to the Security Council that “in light of the new developments due to exceptional circumstances…the Security Council and Member States…consider an extension of the judges’ mandates [which are due to expire by the end of 2008] so that they may complete the cases at trial… [and] that the Tribunal be provided with adequate resources to respond to the new additional workload [because] the Tribunal’s ability to maintain or improve upon its current level of efficiency is largely dependent on the retention of its highly experienced and qualified judges and staff” (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 68).

__________________________
* The author expresses appreciation to Melissa Yasinow for her research and drafting assistance.

Related Materials

A. Legal Instruments

Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, New York, 9 December 1948, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 78, p. 277.

Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field, Geneva , 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 31.

Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of the Armed Forces at Sea, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 85.

Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 135.

Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 287.

Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the protection of victims of non-international armed conflicts (Protocol II), Geneva, 8 June 1977, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1125, p. 609.

B. Jurisprudence

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Jean-Paul Akayesu (ICTR-96-4-T), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 2 September 1998.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Jean Kambanda (ICTR 97-23-S), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 4 September 1998.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze (ICTR-99-52-T), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 3 December 2003.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze v. The Prosecutor (ICTR-99-52-A), Judgement of the Appeals Chamber of 28 November 2007.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Yussuf Munyakazi (ICTR-97-36-R11bis), Decision of the Trial Chamber of 28 May 2008 on the Prosecutor’s request for referral of case to the Republic of Rwanda.

C. Documents

Report of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Genocide and Other Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of Rwanda and Rwandan Citizens Responsible for Genocide and Other Such Violations Committed in the Territory of Neighbouring States Between 1 January and 31 December 1994, 13 November 1997 (A/52/582-S/1997/868).

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: Fact Sheet No. 1, The Tribunal at a Glance.

Report on the Completion Strategy of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, 13 May 2008 (S/2008/322).

D. Doctrine

V. Morris and M. P. Scharf, The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Irvington-on-Hudson, NY, Transnational Publishers, 1998 (volume one contains analysis, volume two contains documents related to the Tribunal).

African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Sunday, April 24, 2011

Rwanda to Sterilize 700,000 Men, PRI Pledges to "Work Tirelessly" Against It

By Colin Mason

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]

Today we recall the ongoing Rwandan Genocide. If there is anyone claiming otherwise, we say to them clearly: Stop Genocide. Thinking that way is evil and racist. Another Failure of Humanity that will have long term consequences. There is no alternative, but staying away from Hutus and making peace with them, which is still possible.

Front Royal, VA, 02/09/11 — Steven W. Mosher, president of the Population Research Institute (PRI), expressed outrage today at a clear instance of U.S. tax dollars being used to aid a coercive campaign to sterilize 700,000 Rwandan men in 3 years. The program is being carried out under the active influence of at least two USAID-funded special interest groups: Intrahealth and Family Health International. Mosher vowed that PRI would “do everything in its power” to expose and halt the use of U.S. taxpayer funds on this campaign against the Rwandan people.
According to the BBC and Rwandan news outlets, the Rwandan government is introducing this campaign on the heels of a large-scale effort to circumcise men (a procedure which allegedly “protects against” HIV/AIDS infection). However, as the New Times reports, the real reason circumcision was included was simply because “it allows us get to the men's reproductive system and in the process we advise them on condom use and vasectomy.”

Not only this, but back in 2008, health officials informed the BBC that these “circumcision campaigns” would be practiced first on “the new born and young men in universities, the army and police.” This is because, while many Rwandans balk at the idea of being sterilized, “correspondents say many in the armed forces will regard it as an order” even though it will be “nominally voluntary.”

“This amounts to coercion,” says Steven Mosher. “First of all, saying that circumcision ‘protects against AIDS’ is an abuse of semantics, as circumcision doesn't provide a barrier against anything. Secondly, if it will be regarded as an order, it doesn't matter if it actually is one or not. The men will be circumcised/sterilized because they feel that they must, or risk punitive measures.”

These programs are not being rolled out by the Rwandan government alone, but represent a concerted push by the U.S. government and international health groups. Intrahealth, for one, proudly advertises that it is conducting surveys of men who have received vasectomies already, and will use “lessons learned to inform recommendations regarding the scale-up of vasectomy services in other districts as requested by the Maternal and Child Health Task Force of the Ministry of Health.”

(http://www.intrahealth.org/page/assessment-of-vasectomy-client-satisfact...)

Family Health International, for its part, is “supporting the Rwandan MOH to increase access to quality vasectomy services in Rwanda by training physicians across the country …”

(http://www.fhi.org/en/Research/Projects/Progress/Countries/Rwanda.htm).

“The Rwandan government claims that it wants men to ‘go willingly’ for sterilization,” says Steven Mosher. “But they also have a hard quota — 700,000 — which they are looking to fill. In our experience on this issue, every single time a sterilization campaign has a hard target and a timetable attached to it, it inevitably involves coercion and abusive expansion, just as night follows day.”

“Not only that,” Mosher continues, “but these groups are funded by USAID, which receives tax dollars from the United States. Our own laws make it illegal for our tax monies to fund forced abortion or sterilization, and campaigns that involve quotas have always been considered coercive.”

“We at PRI urge the Rwandan government to end their involvement with such unethical groups and end this campaign before it begins. The unforseen consequences on the Rwandan family and economy will be far-reaching, and the suffering is too much to ask of an already-traumatized population who deserve every chance to heal,” Mosher concludes. “We will work to expose the coercion and corruption inherent in the U.S. Partner organizations of this campaign, and then we will bring the evidence before officials in Washington DC. We've found that the best way to end campaigns like this is to hit them at the source — by cutting off their funding.”
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
***

Friday, April 22, 2011

Eclectic Rant: Kagame's Rwanda: Myth and Reality

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]

General Kagame, the Rwandan blood drinker

Columns Eclectic Rant: Kagame's Rwanda: Myth and Reality By Ralph E. Stone
Tuesday April 12, 2011

On April 7, 2011, President Barack Obama marked the 17th anniversary of the "unimaginable slaughter" of Rwanda's 1994 genocide, saying it reminded the world of its duties to civilians in places like Libya. President Obama made no effort to dispel the myth used by Rwanda President Paul Kagame about the 1994 Rwanda genocide and the role played by the U.S. leading up to the genocide.
I used the word "myth" to describe the 1994 genocide. Yes, the 1994 Genocide was horrible, but it was just one episode in a long history of violence in that part of the world. The U.S. and Kagame keep focusing on the 1994 Genocide, but neglect to put it in context. If they did, their complicity in the genocide would be revealed. For a version of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide closer to the truth, I recommend the Report of the Independent Inquiry into the United Nations during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, dated December 15, 1999.
What actually happened in Rwanda? Kagame was trained at the U.S. Army Command and Staff College in Leavenworth, Kansas. Major-General Kagame returned from Leavenworth to lead the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) shortly after the October 1990 invasion of Rwanda by Ugandan forces. This has been misrepresented as a "civil war" or "war of liberation" by a Tutsi-led guerilla army.

The so-called civil war was in reality a brutal struggle for political power between the Hutu-led coalition government of Juvénal Habyarimana supported by France and the RPF-backed Tutsi forces backed financially and militarily by the United States. The Hutu-Tutsi rivalry was used deliberately in the pursuit of U.S. strategic and geopolitical objectives by establishing a U.S. sphere of influence in Central Africa, a region historically dominated by France and Belgium. What was at stake? The region's vast geostrategic mineral wealth, i.e., cobalt, oil, natural gas, copper, uranium, tin, coltan, cassiterite, gold, and diamonds,

In April 1994, according to French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguière and many others, the RPF shot down the plane carrying Rwandan President Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira, which was the catalyst for the Genocide.

By July 1994, the RPF completed its coup d’etat and consolidated its power in Rwanda.

Kagame's government has maintained political power and manipulated public sympathy by promoting a highly politicized ideology of the 1994 genocide. Anyone who challenges the official story is branded a "genocide negationist," a "genocide revisionist," or "killers of remembrance" by the Kagame regime. Even the Genocide Memorial Centre, which my wife and I visited in 2004, promotes his version of the genocide. As I remember, there was a banner or sign with Rwanda's motto: "never again."

At the end of August 2010, a draft report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) was leaked and the complete was released at the beginning of October 2010. The leaked OHCHR Report caused outrage in Rwanda after it was revealed that the UN intended to accuse Rwandan troops of having killed and raped Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), then known as Zaire, between 1993 and 2003. According to the draft leaked Report, the Hutu militia along with Hutu civilians fled across the border into the DRC. Rwanda, aided by Congolese rebel forces, pursued them. These combined forces systematically massacred hundreds of thousands of Rwandan and Congolese Hutus, the majority of which were children, women, and the elderly. According to the leaked OHCHR report, it could be said that a second genocide occurred.

This makes a mockery of Rwanda's "never again" motto.

Rwanda threatened to pull its 3,000 plus UN peacekeeping troops out of the Sudanese region of Darfur if the draft report were endorsed for publication. Uganda made a similar threat.

In October 2010, the official report entitled Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1993-2003: Report of the Mapping Exercise documenting the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003, dated August 2010 (www.ohchr.org countriesdrc_mapping_report_final_en.pdf) was released. But rather than categorically state that genocide had been carried out by those armies, groups and governments, including Rwanda, the official OHCHR Report inserts the words "allegedly," "possibly" or "apparently" into the final version of descriptions of violations. These amendments could be linked to claims by Rwanda and others mentioned in the Report that the OHCHR Report was based on unsubstantiated documentation and testimony. Did the UN caved in to pressure from Rwanda and other countries named in the OHCHR Report?(/www.ohchr.org)

The U.S. should endorse Amnesty International's request that the UN create a structure in which the cases can be heard and trials conducted. In addition, the U.S. should reexamine its relationship with the Kagame, well on his way to becoming another president-for- life

African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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