A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Friday, August 15, 2014
Bill Clinton behind the pre-conceived plot in the Rwanda genocide
Rwanda and Western
media brainwashing.rtf
April 15, 2014
Every year in the first week of April Western media channels are flooded with statements about the anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, “where at least 800,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus died at the hands of Hutu extremists.”
These statements recount the official narrative about the genocide in Rwanda, a narrative that has seven key elements which have been almost canonized and are repeated mechanically by Western news consumers from all walks of life, economic classes, and political leanings.
1. At least 800,000 people were killed.
2. They were mostly ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
3. They were slaughtered with machetes or other crude tools.
4. It was meaningless tribal savagery.
5. It was committed by Hutu extremists.
6. The genocide lasted for 100 days.
7. The Western powers were helpless bystanders.
2. They were mostly ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
3. They were slaughtered with machetes or other crude tools.
4. It was meaningless tribal savagery.
5. It was committed by Hutu extremists.
6. The genocide lasted for 100 days.
7. The Western powers were helpless bystanders.
These jingoistic phrases have been systematically cemented into the minds of the public through more than 20 years of insidious media propaganda, including the press, radio, photographs, videos, and films, recently also reproduced ad nauseam by new social media platforms.
But there is little truth to the official narrative and to get an idea, what really happened it is necessary to recapitulate the background of the so-called “100 days of genocide” (from April 6, 1994 till July 15, 1994). The following paragraphs present crucial facts that anyone who mourns the genocide victims in Rwanda and who wants to help prevent a reoccurrence of such an event ought to understand.
To begin with, Hutu and Tutsi are socio-economic or socio-political categories, and not African tribes, a very important distinction because most of the Rwanda Genocide narrative is mythology relying on simplifications, stereotypes, and misrepresentation about Hutus and Tutsis as tribal savages. This is not the reality, it is stuff right out of Hollywood Tarzan movies.
Prior to the colonial occupation that began after 1890, Tutsi kings ruled Ruanda-Urundi. Tutsi cattle herders comprised some 20 percent of the population, ruling over the 80 percent Hutu majority with egregious violence. First the Germans (till 1916) and then the Belgians (till 1960) managed their colony by nurturing a Tutsi power structure to exploit the Hutu masses. The Tutsi comprador class served the colonial occupation, where brutal suppression, slavery, and terrorism were used to keep the Hutu masses in the fields. A Tutsi could lose all his cattle and descend into the ranks of the peasant Hutu agriculturalists and, though far less likely, a Hutu could gain cattle and join the Tutsi elites. The colonial fathers issued ID cards, measured noses and cranial dimensions, and duly clarified who be Hutu and who be Tutsi.
Witnessing the global Third World independence movements of the 1950s, and supported by Belgian Catholic priests, the Hutus in Rwanda overthrew the Tutsi aristocracy in the revolution of 1959-1960. Many Tutsis fled to Uganda, Tanzania, Europe, and the USA, while others stayed, and the next 30 years saw majority Hutu rule, with Rwanda under constant attack by Tutsi guerrillas.
Noting the winds of change, Belgium quickly swapped their support to the Hutu majority and established a comprador class of Hutu elites to protect the colonial interests. There was, of course, much money to be made.
At the height of the Cold War, the Tutsi refugees influenced the Non-Aligned Movement (comprised of newly-independent states like Brazil, India, and Malaysia), claiming to be “victims of imperial aggression” and agitating for reestablishing their rule. They laid the groundwork for the falsified history of Tutsis as victims and Hutus as oppressors.
Like any aristocratic class, the Tutsi elites believed (and still believe) that they are “god’s chosen people” and the natural-born rulers over millions of Hutu (and lower class Tutsi) peasants.
Adopted by the Non-Aligned Movement, the Tutsi guerrillas — funded, armed by the West, and trained in neighboring countries — attacked Rwanda throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, committing the most egregious terrorism, usually under cover of night. Every time the Tutsi guerrillas attacked Rwanda — whether from outside during the 1960s or from inside during the 1990s — the local French-speaking Tutsis suffered reprisals. The “Tutsis as victims”-narrative continued to expand, and while the Hutus were blamed for occasional retaliatory atrocities, the Tutsis were supported and protected.
Guerrilla incursions involved bombings of cafes, bars, restaurants, and buses. The very real suffering of the French-speaking Tutsi people inside Rwanda was accepted by the RPF (Rwandan Patriotic Front, a political party created in 1987 by the Tutsi refugee diaspora in Uganda) as collateral damage. The English-speaking Tutsi refugees, who had Ugandan citizenship and high posts in the Ugandan military, defined them as Hutu collaborators and didn’t care, if they died.
Enter, by coup d’etat, the Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana, who ruled Rwanda from 1973 to April 6, 1994, backed by France. Historically, France was to Africa what the USA was to Latin America. Britain and Portugal controlled a few protectorates, Belgium plundered the Congo and Ruanda-Urundi, but Francophone influence in Africa was supreme, all-encompassing, and deeply entrenched.
Habyarimana ran a one-party dictatorship, but French-speaking Tutsis who had stayed in Rwanda were able to achieve economic improvement, though this was overall not significant, given their small numbers.
It was not significant and it was not good enough for the Tutsi elite outside Rwanda. So the Tutsi compatriots under Paul Kagame looked for help and found it easily, because the USA, Canada, and Britain wanted more of the African pie, and Kagame was the man to get it for them.
English-speaking Tutsis who grew up in Uganda, like Paul Kagame, James Kabarebe, Fred Rwigyema, Patrick Karegeya, and Laurent Nkundabatware, were officers in Yoweri Museveni’s guerrilla army. They committed massive atrocities in Uganda through 1980-1985, when absolute terrorism was used to remove the socialist government run by Milton Obote. The victims in Uganda were also blamed for genocide, though crimes against humanity clearly were committed by both sides.
This is how Museveni and Kagame (his director of military intelligence) brought Uganda back into the fold of the West: They burned entire villages. The RPF deceived peasants into coming to meetings only to obliterate them coldly. The RPF even created crematoriums to disappear the dead bodies, using the model of the Holocaust death camps in World War II.
The Nazis, Pol Pot (Killing Fields) in Cambodia, and the Museveni terror apparatus in the Lowero Triangle of Uganda all used the same techniques, yet as only the designated demons of the day are allowed to be accused of genocide, Museveni was never mentioned.
The NY Times led the charge into Rwanda, and Western media started to beat the “Tutsis are victims’” drum roll. Wall Street vultures began drooling and military and intelligence operatives like David Kimche (Israel) and Roger Winter (USA) jockeyed for positions — organizing logistics, maintaining supply chains, arranging weapons shipments — to support Kagame and his guerrilla army RPF. The Washington Post, Boston Globe, CNN, the Guardian, all described the RPF guerrillas as a highly disciplined army. If any women were raped or civilians massacred, it was an accident, a rogue soldier, and said soldier would be duly punished (when they of course never were).
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Paul Kagame put into practice what his teachers, the military strategists at the US Army Command and Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, taught him: Use psychological operations, relentless propaganda, and terror to overthrow the government.
As the English-speaking Tutsis marched into Rwanda they conscripted and lured Tutsi youth to their “freedom cause”. These were young French-speaking Tutsis who were despite bearing the right label subjected to Kagame’s ruthless modus operandi: Many of them were tortured, killed, disappeared, the chosen ones survived the initiation into the RPF. Kagame and his elite Ugandan comrades didn’t trust Tutsis who had stayed in the country, and they nonchalantly sacrificed the French-speaking Tutsis of Rwanda for the cause of assuming power.
While the military strengths of the RPA grew day by day, supplied from Uganda and funded by World Bank loans to Museveni, the Habyarimana government was attacked by the international community, shackled with debt, subjected to weapons blockades, and demonized by the international press.
Meanwhile, next door in Burundi, the Tutsi-dominated regime committed a genocide in 1972 when some 200,000 to 300,000 mostly Hutu people were tortured, raped, and massacred, while hundreds of thousands others fled to neighboring countries, including Rwanda. The preeminent Africa scholar Rene Lemarchand describes this as a genocide “denied and forgotten”.
Instead of punishing the invading Tutsi Ugandan forces, led by Kagame, the world punished the Habyarimana regime: Political pluralism, multiparty elections, peace accords assuring power-sharing for the RPF: No diplomatic or political sacrifice was good enough to sway world opinion. Meanwhile, Kagames RPF increased its military efficiency and its numbers, it was better equipped, better trained, striking under cover of night like cockroaches (Inyenzi) — the term that Tutsi guerrillas of the 1960s proudly self-identified with.
Just as Museveni had infiltrated, massacred and terrorized Uganda in the 1980s, RPF soldiers disguised as civilians infiltrated Hutu villages, Hutu political parties, even Hutu youth groups, organized to defend Rwanda from the invading terrorist guerrillas. While the RPF used the airwaves to terrify the people, scapegoating and stereotyping enemies real or perceived, and whipping up fear of “Hutu power,” the Western audience only heard about “Hutu hate radio.”
In April 6, 1994, President Habyarimana, his chief of staff, the president of Burundi, and the French pilots died near Kigali in a surface-to-air missile attack on the presidential jet. This is another pivotal world event that has to be commemorated and remembered in connection with the Rwandan genocide: The RPF assassination of two presidents.
The Western media soon began describing this terrorist action as a mysterious plane crash and, using the now-entrenched upside-down narrative that defined Tutsis as the victims and Hutus as killers, the double-presidential assassinations were blamed on Hutu extremists.
The USA blocked every attempt to investigate the plane crash and the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR) suppressed any evidence which emerged, even removing officials who touched the truth too closely. UN investigator Michael Hourigan charged Kagame for this crime but his report was suppressed. FBI agent James Lyons and Col. Luc Marchal, the second-in-command of the UN Assistance Mission for Rwanda, who came to similar conclusions, were similarly ignored.
UN investigator Robert Gersony confirmed in his report, that RPF cells hat infiltrated Rwanda and at least shared the responsibility for the genocide, yet no Western journalist ever mentioned this. UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros- Ghali’s repeatedly said: “…The genocide in Rwanda was one hundred percent the responsibility of the Americans.” The only reaction was his replacement.
What was a Hutu extremist? According to the official mythology, it was a Hutu who ruthlessly and coldly set out to wipe every Tutsi off the face of the earth. In reality, a Hutu extremist was any Hutu who saw total war coming at the hands of their erstwhile elite Tutsi oppressors. A Hutu extremist was someone who understood only too well that the elite Tutsis, after infiltrating social, economic, military, and political institutions, were invading from Uganda and massacring thousands of people, wiping entire Hutu villages off the map, bombing public places, and assassinating politicians and journalists.
A Hutu extremist was someone who believed that Hutu’s had a right to defend themselves against the aggressors.
What was a Hutu moderate? Any Hutu who believed that the RPF offered a democratic alternative to a one-party dictatorship and that Paul Kagame was sincere in his proclamations of political pluralism, freedom and brotherhood. They found out too late that these were empty promises.
The genocide of the majority Hutu people proceeded unabated during the RPF march to power in Rwanda, and it was even more clearly executed during the RPF hunting and slaughtering of hundreds of thousands of innocent men, women and children in the DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo).
The Tutsi incursions into Congo were organized campaigns of genocide, with intent to rape, murder and disappear Hutu people because they were Hutu people, and the perpetrators were Kagame’s Tutsi troops. The genocide of Hutu refugees and Congolese alike, committed by Rwandan troops from 1996 until recently, more than equals the Rwanda genocide, but it was a “friendly” genocide, done by an US ally, so there was no need to write anything about it.
No such planning or organization of genocidal intent has been proven against the Hutu government of Juvenal Habyarimana (which, in any case, was decapitated with the plane crash in 1994) or against the interim Hutu government that briefly was in office after April 6, 1994, and the judges at the ICTR have found no evidence of a conspiracy. There were indeed hundreds of thousands of French-speaking Tutsis raped, brutalized and massacred, but there were also hundreds of thousands of Hutus killed, and far more Hutus than Tutsis.
Hutu lands were cleared of their owners and taken by foreign Tutsis who flooded in on the heels of the RPF.
About the myth of the machete swinging Hutu murderers: practically everyone in Rwanda owns a machete. There were massive imports in January of 1994 by a British company and purchases of machetes were facilitated by World Bank funds for agricultural use, not for an evil genocide conspiracy. Anyway, the RPF routinely killed people with machetes, to save bullets and to disguise the perpetrators.
Today, the Tutsi aristocracy reigns unchallenged in Rwanda. Paul Kagame’s government asserted its power in the run-up to the 2010 presidential elections, when authorities barred most opposition political parties from registering for elections, closed down many independent newspapers, and witnessed the flight into exile of several prominent government officials who said they “feared for their lives.”
One of the exiled officials, Kagame’s former chief of staff, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, was shot in the stomach in South Africa after openly criticizing the Rwandan government. A Rwandan journalist, Jean Léonard Rugambage, was killed shortly after his article, which pointed to government complicity, was published. The deputy leader of the Green Party, which was among those unable to register, was found dead with his head partly severed. A UN report led by veteran Rwanda expert Filip Reyntjens stated that “there is overwhelming evidence of responsibility for war crimes and crimes against humanity” against Kagame.
Rwanda’s Supreme Court recently sentenced opposition leader Victoire Ingabire to 15 years in jail. Ingabire is a Hutu and a leading critic of President Paul Kagame, she joins the likes of Deo Mushayidi, Bernard Ntaganda, and Dr. Theoneste Niyitegeka, who are also languishing in prison for political reasons.
As the most important mining areas of the DRC have been conquered and made ready for the exploration by Western companies, Kagame’s troops are on the move again to the next venues, which are the CAR (Central African Republic) and South Sudan. The USA just airlifted a Rwandan mechanized battalion with giant C-17 Globemaster III planes to the CAR.
History is written by the victors and it always reflects the view of the victors. Winston Churchill once said: “History will be kind to me for I intend to write it” (which he in fact he did in no less than 1031 pages). Kagame doesn’t need to write a history book by himself, the Western journalists and pundits do that for him and take care that the readers and viewer believe exactly what Kagame and his backers want them to believe. “We stood by, we did nothing, we should have stopped the genocide.”
The alternative narrative about the RPF incursion and Kagame’s crimes against humanity is hidden from the eyes of the world. Nobody dares to tell, that a proxy army of elite Tutsis murdered undisturbed and unrestrained in Burundi, Uganda, Rwanda, and Congo, and that this proxy army still continues to murder largely undisturbed and unrestrained.
Further reading: http://www.rwandahope.com/RwandaMythandreality.pdf
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
THE TRUTH WINS OUT
Rwanda
: Français, on vous ment!
Vingt ans après le génocide qui a coûté la vie à des centaines de milliers de Tutsi et de Hutu modérés au Rwanda, l’histoire réécrite par Paul Kagamé est en passe de devenir une vérité officielle pour nombre de commentateurs français. Selon le régime rwandais et ses thuriféraires français, l’attentat du 6 avril 1994, au cours duquel l’avion qui ramenait à Kigali le président rwandais Juvénal Habyarimana et son homologue burundais Cyprien Ntaryamira a été abattu, aurait été perpétré par des extrémistes hutu qui cherchaient à empêcher l’application des accords de réconciliation d’Arusha. Ce qui permet de désigner la France, allié du gouvernement de l’époque, comme complice, voire comme responsable du génocide. |
| Dr Rudasingwa Théogène |
Je tiens tout d’abord à vous dire combien j’ai été touché par la ferveur avec laquelle vous avez commémoré le vingtième anniversaire du génocide et des massacres de 1994, ces temps d’horreur pendant lesquels des Rwandais tuaient des Rwandais…
Mais je tiens aussi à vous dire que je ne comprends pas pourquoi vous n’entendez pas ce que mes amis et moi disons sur l’attentat contre le président Habyarimana, sur l’histoire du Rwanda et sur la nature du régime de Paul Kagamé. Je ne comprends pas davantage vos silences sur le meurtre par strangulation, le 31 décembre 2013, de Patrick Karegeya, et sur la troisième tentative d’assassinat, à Johannesburg, du général Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa. Même les amis américains de Paul Kagamé ont manifesté leur réprobation…
D’abord l’attentat. « Je m’en fous éperdument », a répondu un jour Kagamé à un journaliste qui l’interrogeait sur le facteur déclenchant du génocide. En ce qui me concerne, je peux témoigner que Paul Kagamé m’a confié être le responsable des ordres donnés, de la mise en place du plan et de son exécution. Quel était son but ? Cet attentat lui a permis d’accéder au pouvoir, en remportant la guerre civile et en rendant inapplicable l’accord de paix et de partage du pouvoir décidé à Arusha. Au final, ayant conquis le pouvoir par la violence, exercée par et pour une minorité, Kagamé a dû baser sa légitimité sur la construction d’un récit imaginaire. Dans ce récit, ce sont des extrémistes hutu qui ont abattu l’avion du président Habyarimana afin d’avoir un prétexte pour commencer le génocide. Dans ce récit, la colonisation belge est le parent idéologique des divisions ethniques et de l’idéologie génocidaire. Dans ce récit, les Français ont aidé les Hutu à commettre le génocide, et la communauté internationale a abandonné le Rwanda.
Selon cette histoire pieuse, les Rwandais ne doivent le phénoménal redressement du Rwanda qu’au FPR et à son héroïque président. Pour faire triompher cette thèse, Paul Kagamé culpabilise et intimide les étrangers, en particulier en France. Un réseau complexe constitué de propagandistes locaux et de quelques Rwandais vend l’image et le récit d’un Kagamé seul héros et sauveur du Rwanda… Et le disculpe de toute responsabilité pour les crimes qu’il a commis et commet au Rwanda, en RDC et ailleurs…Consciemment ou non, vous, journalistes et intellectuels français, vous risquez d’être instrumentalisés.
Pourquoi vous acharnez-vous contre les politiques et les militaires de votre pays, qui est le seul au monde à avoir tenté d’arrêter l’enchaînement abominable du génocide et des massacres ? Accuser la France de « complicité de génocide » est tout simplement aberrant et contraire et à la vérité.
Pourquoi vous acharnez-vous contre les politiques et les militaires de votre pays, qui est le seul au monde à avoir tenté d’arrêter l’enchaînement abominable du génocide et des massacres ? Accuser la France de « complicité de génocide » est tout simplement aberrant et contraire et à la vérité.
Il n’est pourtant pas compliqué d’avoir accès aux sources qui vous permettraient d’analyser lucidement la vraie nature du régime du FPR et de comprendre que Kagamé utilise la violence et la guerre comme instruments de politique intérieure et étrangère. À titre d’exemples : l’attentat contre l’avion du président Habyarimana ; l’assassinat des évêques rwandais et des prêtres en juin 1994 ; les massacres généralisés exécutés par le FPR en 1994,comme l’a décrit le Rapport Robert Gersony (UNHCR); les massacres de Kibeho (1995) ; les crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et même de possibles actes de génocide contre les Hutu décrits dans le Rapport Mapping de l’ONU en 2010 ; les assassinats d’opposants politiques au Rwanda et à l’étranger, notamment de ceux qui disent la vérité sur l’attentat…
Les militaires constituent l’épine dorsale du gouvernement rwandais, les civils en son sein n’étant que des serviteurs technocratiques de l’armée. Et, à l’intérieur des institutions, Kagamé a créé une armée dans l’armée (Garde républicaine et Forces spéciales). Les militaires sont déployés à travers le monde, dans les ambassades. Ils exercent de nombreuses fonctions politiques au nom du FPR ; chargés de la mobilisation, ils doivent convaincre ou contraindre les leaders d’opinion à rejoindre et servir le FPR. Les officiers supérieurs contrôlent les fonctionnaires de l’administration locale, eux-mêmes nommés par le FPR. Les militaires organisent la fraude des élections au profit du FPR. Des officiers sont chargés d’assurer que les opposants au régime, où qu’ils soient, soient identifiés et supprimés. Faut-il le préciser, presque tous les officiers sont tutsi !
Les institutions officielles du gouvernement (Parlement, pouvoir judiciaire et exécutif) sont situées tout en bas de la structure de pouvoir au Rwanda. Les Hutu qui ont les faveurs du système sont surtout installés au sein du gouvernement formel.C’est-à-dire qu’ils ne sont que des technocrates mettant en œuvre les politiques des autres et dépourvus d’influence réelle. Le FPR s’assure que les principaux services gouvernementaux sont confiés à des Tutsi de toute confiance.
Ayant lu vos papiers, vos interventions, ayant connaissance de vos prises de parole, je sais que certains d’entre vous seront choqués par le portrait que je brosse aujourd’hui d’un homme que j’ai bien connu. Et pourtant, Kagamé s’est avéré être un tueur en série, un tueur de masse, n’éprouvant ni regrets ni remords pour les actes de violence commis directement par lui ou par d’autres agissant sur ses instructions. Il le dit publiquement : pour lui, ses adversaires doivent mourir.
 |
| General Kagame, le planificateur du genocide rwandais et assassin de son prédécesseur le président Juvénal Habyarimana |
Comment expliquer une telle dérive ? Kagamé est condamné à fuir son passé. Il s’est construit de toutes pièces une image d’homme frugal, incorruptible ; il est le héros militaire qui a arrêté le génocide. La préservation de cette fausse image est essentielle pour assurer la pérennité de son pouvoir. Aussi traque-t-il tous ceux qui détiennent des informations précises sur les assassinats, crimes de guerre et crimes contre l’humanité commis en Ouganda, au Rwanda et en RDC. Kagamé redoute plus que tout d’avoir à répondre de son passé criminel. Voilà pourquoi il est déterminé à se maintenir au pouvoir à tout prix, y compris en assassinant les opposants politiques, surtout ceux qui le connaissent bien.
J’ai trop de respect pour la liberté de la presse et trop d’admiration pour la patrie de la Déclaration des droits de l’homme pour penser que vos positions actuelles sur le Rwanda sont irréversibles. Je sais qu’elles s’expliquent par votre compassion à l’égard des martyrs rwandais. Cela vous honore. C’est une émotion louable et respectable, qui vous inspire une attitude militante au nom du « Plus jamais ça ! ». Après ce que mon pays a enduré, je partage ce vœu. Mais je suis convaincu que la seule façon de le réaliser est d’établir la vérité. Même si elle gêne.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, August 14, 2014
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
FDLR WRITE TO RUSS FEINGOLD ABOUT THE INTENDED MILITARY ATTACKS AGAINST THEM.
Concern: INTENDED
MILITARY ATTACKS AGAINST FDLR
Dear Mr. Russel D. FEINGOLD,
The Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) have been
following with great interest all your “peace and stability” endeavors within
the African Great Lakes Region since your appointment (18/07/2013) up to date.
FDLR humbly salutes both your determination and good faith invested in this
complex, challenging but noble humanitarian cause.
Dear Mr. Feingold It was in this regard that FDLR has learned about your
recent statement during the “2014 US-Africa Summit” in Washington DC: you
stated that: “We have to get rid of the FDLR, not so much because of their
military capacity, but because of what they represent and the destabilizing
effect that they have with regard to relations with Rwanda. That is our top priority,
I’ve been involved with efforts to communicate to them that it’s time for them
to surrender. That they will be attacked militarily if they don’t. That there
will be no political dialogue.”
Dear Feingold, We feel compelled to explicitly assert FDLR’s determination
of pursuing the restoration of long-lasting peace and stability within the
African Great Lakes Region without any further shading of more innocent human
blood. The FDLRs are more than convinced that the unilateral initiative of
laying their weapons down and focusing on non-armed political struggle, an
inter-Rwandan political dialogue, highly inclusive, between the RPF/ KAGAME
Government and FDLR/Rwandan opposition is a noble cause, which deserves the
support of all peoples, institutions and governments, that claim to be both proponents
of democratic values and defendants of fundamental human right.
Dear Feingold, It was with dismay that FDLR received the words from your
statement as quoted herein above. Dear Feingold, We feel compelled to recall
how zealous, concerned and committed were the U.S Special Representatives in “legally
representing” the Rwandese Patriotic Front during the “1992-1993
Rwandan Arusha negotiations” (RPF- which then was an “illegitimate
rebel/armed group” in the eyes of the then Rwandan Government) , and
the U.S Special Representatives would not spare any effort as to not only
impose economic sanctions and military embargo on the Rwandan government (in
order to constrain it to negotiating with RPF);
but also to advocating both the urgency, the need and necessity of the
Arusha Peace Agreement, and its relevant implications, such as the signing of a
power sharing between RPF and the Rwandan government (which had become the
heart of both Arusha negotiations and subsequent reached peace agreement); the
peaceful, and voluntary repatriation of the then Rwandan refugees within humane
conditions; the implementation of democracy (basically the establishment of
genuine democratic State of Law) , etc.
Additionally, Dear Feingold, it’s worth it highlighting that the United
States, whose Special Envoy you currently are, were among the spearheading
governments besides France, Belgium, Tanzania and the African Union
(then the Organization for African Unity) to feel concerned about the
plight of Rwandan refugees of that time and imposed unconditional political
dialogue between the Rwandan government and RPF, a rebel armed group, which
represented the interests of those Rwandan refugees.
Dear Feingold, you are quite aware that unconditional political
negotiations, between the Rwandan government and RPF, as they were mediated by
the Tanzanian government, the African Union, France, Belgium and the U.S
governments started in June 1992 and were signed August 4, 1993 by the then
conflicting parties.
Dear Feingold, it is actually a heart- breaking experience and
unprecedented dejection to realize how thousands of Rwandan refugees, who have
been unanimously abandoned by the international community (the United Nations,
UN institutions, Governments -the U.S included-) at their own fate, for almost
20 years, since 1995 up to date, have been not only the prey of various and
persistent armed attacks and injustices from RPF /KAGAME government and
proxies, for almost two decades, but also when we, who are among those who
happened to be the fittest and survived all those adversities, do manifest our
will to voluntary repatriate back to our mother land and enjoy our citizenry,
we are being rather threatened of decimation by means of bombs & bullets,
as advocated by Governments that claim to be proponent of democracy and
defendant of fundamental human rights.
Dear Feingold, drawing on your own discourses, you have already
sentenced to death for the second time thousands of children, women and men of
innocent civilian Rwandan refugees, currently in DRC, who had already
been sentenced to death by RPF/KAGAME repetitive and persistent armed attacks,
but have survived the test of time by the grace of God. Therefore, while we are
still breathing let us bring the following points unto your special attention:
·
By means of advocating
military attacks against us, instead of exercising pressure on RPF/KAGAME
government for needed and necessary inter- Rwandan political talks, which would
enable current Rwandan refugees to voluntarily repatriate back to our
motherland, you are actually indicating that Rwandan refugees (generation of
1959-1990), whose advocate the U.S Government was during 1990-1994 were “angels” whose
concerns and needs were to be unconditionally addressed, while we, current
Rwandan refugees (generation of 1994-2014) are “demons” to get
rid of, and whose concerns and plight are to be definitely ignored;
·
While FDLR is doing its best
to have the Rwandan crisis resolved through political dialogue, and have the
Rwandan refugees issue solved once for all through pacific means, you have
already devised a plan of shading more innocent Rwandan-refugee blood; Instead
of exercising diplomatic pressure of RPF/KAGAME government as you did during
the 1990-1994 Rwandan war (which was imposed on Rwanda, by RPF armed rebel and
was launched from Uganda) when the U.S imposed sanctions and compelled the then
Rwandan government to negotiate with RPF, now in 2014,
·
you have already decreed, on
behalf of the current RPF/KAGAME government that there will be no negotiations
with FDLR; Instead of promoting and encouraging democratic processes in Rwanda
by suggesting the opening of wider political freedom and space, you are
upholding RPF/KAGAME dictatorship and would make sure no Rwandan refugee goes
back home free and alive from the DRC through your intended military attacks on
FDLR scheduled sometime end of 2014;
·
FDLR believes that the Rwandan
problem is a political problem and therefore its solutions are political and
not military; FDLR as politico-military organization believes the RPF/UN
advocated Disarmament, Demobilization, Repatriation, Reinsertion and
Reintegration, (DDRRR) process, can only be applicable as an outcome
of political dialogue between RPF/KAGAME government and FDLR/Rwandan opposition
and never as a pre-condition to the negotiations in question;
·
FDLR strongly believes an
inter–Rwandan political dialogue, highly inclusive, between RPF/KAGAME
government and FDLR with all other political opposition parties is a required
pre-condition for any voluntary repatriation of Rwandan refugees, and it is
equally a pre-requisite for democratic transition in Rwanda, as well as for
restoration of peace and stability in the African Great Lakes Region.
FDLR would humbly suggest that the U.S, through its Special Envoy in the
Great Lakes and DRC, stop its biased and unfair mindset and attitudes towards
Rwandan refugees in the eastern – DRC, and rather support the efforts of FDLR
of seeking and achieving pacific political solutions to the complex and
problematic Rwandan political problems, without any further shading of innocent
human blood and unnecessary sufferings.
Dear Feingold, please find attached herewith FDLR’s overview and pathway to
the New Rwanda & Democratic State of Law.
Yours in Rwandan peaceful & democratic process.
Done in Walikale, August 08, 2014
For FDLR, Victor BYIRINGIRO Major General,
President ad interim
CC:
·
His Excellency Mr. Ban
KI-MOON, Secretary General of the United Nations;
·
Her Excellency Madam Angela
MERKEL, The Chancellor of GERMANY
·
His Excellency Mr. Herman Van
RUMPUY, Chairperson of the European Union Council;
·
His Excellency Mr. Emmanuel
BAROSSO, Chairperson of the European Union Commission
·
His Excellency Mr. Xi JINPING,
President of the People’s Republic of China
·
His Excellency Mr. François
HOLLANDE, Président de la République Française
·
His Excellency Mr. Vladimir
PUTIN, President of the Russian Federation Президент Российской Федерации,
·
His Excellency Mr. David
CAMERON, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
·
His Excellency Mr. Barack
OBAMA, President of the United States of America
·
His Excellency
General-President Paul KAGAME, President of the Republic of Rwanda;
·
His Excellency Mr. Joseph KABILA
KABANGE, President of the Democratic Republic of Cong (DRC)
·
His Excellency Mr. Martin
KOBLER, the Head of MONUSCO
·
Her Excellency Madame Doctor
Nkosazana Dlamini ZUMA, Chairperson of the African Union Commission;
·
Her Excellency Madame Joyce
BANDA, Former President of the Republic of MALAWI and Chairperson of SADC
·
His Excellency Mr. José
Eduardo DOS SANTOS, President of the republic of ANGOLA and Chairperson of
International Conference for the African Great Lakes Region;
·
His Excellency Mr. Robert
MUGABE, President of the republic of ZIMBABWE; Deputy–Chairperson of the
African Union Commission and Deputy–Chairperson of SADC
·
His Excellency Mr. Jakaya M.
KIKWETE, President of TANZANIA
·
His Excellency Mr. Jacob ZUMA,
President of the republic of South Africa;
·
His Excellency Mr. Michael
Sata President of the Republic of Zambia
·
His Excellency Mr. Armando
Guebuza , President of republic of Mozambique
·
His Excellency Mr. Hifikepunye
Pohamba, President of republic of Namibia
·
His Excellency King Mswati III
King of Swaziland
·
His excellency Mr. Seretse
Khama Ian Khama President of republic of Botswana
·
His Excellency Mr. Uhuru
KENYATTA, President of the republic of KENYA and Chairperson of the East
African Community
·
Director of institute of Peace
and Conflict Studies (IPCS)
·
His Excellency Mr. Faustin Twagiramungu Président de
la CPC
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