Image for Rwanda's Untold Story

Twenty years on from the Rwandan genocide, This World reveals evidence that challenges the accepted story of one of the most horrifying events of the late 20th century.

The current president of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, has long been portrayed as the man who brought an end to the killing and rescued his country from oblivion. Now there are increasing questions about the role of Kagame's Rwandan Patriotic Front forces in the dark days of 1994 and in the 20 years since. 

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The film investigates evidence of Kagame's role in the shooting down of the presidential plane that sparked the killings in 1994 and questions his claims to have ended the genocide. It also examines claims of war crimes committed by Kagame's forces and their allies in the wars in the Democratic Republic of Congo and allegations of human rights abuses in today's Rwanda.

Rwanda's economic miracle and apparent ethnic harmony has led to the country being one of the biggest recipients of aid from the UK. Former prime minister Tony Blair is an unpaid adviser to Kagame, but some now question the closeness of Mr. Blair and other western leaders to Rwanda's president.

By Producer Director John Conroy

Filming a political dissident who has been the target of four assassination attempts presents some difficulties. Once President Kagame’s right-hand man, General Kayumba Nyamwasa is now seen by many as one of the few people who could present a credible threat to Rwanda’s leader. The Rwandan Government has denied any link to the attempts on Nyamwasa’s life but the General has no doubt as to who is responsible. The Judge sentencing the men accused of the last attempt on his life concluded that the attack was ‘politically motivated’ and emanated 'from a certain group of people from Rwanda'.

Firstly we had to assume that his e-mails and phone calls we being monitored by both the Rwandans and the South African authorities who have given him asylum and were providing him with protection. This meant trying to organise a meeting with a man who cannot tell you directly where or exactly when to meet. Consequently, from the first moment I spoke to Nyamwasa in December 2013 to our meeting in the spring of 2014, communications relied upon a necessarily torturous and opaque loop via a myriad of intermediaries discussing his willingness to be met and talk on camera.

Reporter Jane Corbin and I decided to head downtown to film links for the film, material to cut in and set up the interview. Seven hours passed from our agreed time to call. The evening drew in. Ten messages left and no response. As we finished our last set up, the hesitant voice of one of Nymwasa’s people confirmed the interview could go ahead the next day. Strict security was insisted upon; we had to wait in an anonymous suburban car park, we couldn’t have any security guards, our identities were checked, we then had to follow a car along miles of motorway and city streets to ensure we were not being followed until we arrived at a deserted hotel surrounded by razor wire with armed body guards in every bush and doorway. Curtains were closed and we began our interview. Over the next 12 weeks we crossed three continents to interview 12 people in total.

But it was our last interviewee in that really stuck with me. She had never spoken publicly at length about her experiences. Marie Bamutese was one of hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees brutalized and chased across Rwanda and into the Congo by forces allied to Paul Kagame. I had contacted her husband, Peter Verlinden about access to television archive material. In passing he mentioned that Marie had briefly appeared on Flemish television describing her ordeal, which Peter had described in his book on the war. I asked if she would be prepared to do a full interview about her experiences. Such were the horrors she had experienced that Marie was afraid of recounting them publicly particularly in a foreign third language, English. She was fearful that she would not be able to accurately communicate exactly what happened to her but wanted to go ahead with the interview.

We met at our hotel. Marie sent Peter away; she wanted to tell this story alone. The story was so awful and extreme that she had only recently told Peter the full detail of what she was about to tell us, years after being smuggled out of the Congo. He did not hear it again and she did not need him to witness her telling it. We decided with Marie that she should speak in French; she would be able to more freely express herself and be certain that she said what she meant. The interview was one awful account of death and torture after another. Marie was just a young girl when she witnessed the repeated bombing of Hutu refugee camps by Kagame’s artillery and the remains of Hutu refugees piled upon one another forming a hillside. She saw her own grandmother die of physical and moral exhaustion in front of her and her mother cry inconsolably. Marie could not hold her own tears back when she told us how her own seven year old cousin, Elodie, died on her back as she carried her though the forests to escape the massacres. She described how death had become a friend, the only constant and certain thing around her in the hell of the Congolese forests. She broke down again when she remembered how her own mother was forced to do a deal with a local family; her daughter Marie would be raped in exchange for the family’s safety. By the end of the interview Marie’s tears had been replaced by anger and by what seemed to be cathartic relief. She was anxious to ensure that people knew that massacres were committed by all sides - including Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front, who until today have been viewed largely as the heroes of 1994. The family members Marie lost in the Congo were amongst the estimated 5 million people who died in the African wars which followed the Rwandan genocide of 1994.

Rwanda - 17/06/2008 : Torture, kidnappings and disappearances must be taken very seriously. They are a prelude to different RPF murders. it is now widely believed
Reports of disappearances or kidnappings followed by awful torture are
We are therefore losing no time in calling on the Uk Governement, US and Europeans, authorities to do everything possible to stop these RPF crimes and quickly find concerned intellectual Hutus.

a group of survivors and witnesses reveal.

Par Gaspard Musabyimana 03/06/2014

Au Rwanda le journal pro-gouvernemental « igihe.com » dans son édition du 02 juin 2014 rapporte que 16.000 personnes ont disparu de la région de Ngororero (Gisenyi-Nord du pays). Come le apporte le journal, les autorités locales et le ministre de l’Intérieur, James Musoni, minimise la situation, se contentant d’affirmer que ces personnes sont parties dans d’autres régions du pays à la recherche des terres ou qu’elles auraient rejoint les FDRL (Forces de Libérations du Rwanda) en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC). Le nombre de 16.000 personnes est impressionnant. Il est impossible qu’un mouvement aussi massif de populations passe inaperçu dans une région donnée du Rwanda. En effet, le territoire rwandais est quadrillé par des militaires. Ils sont éparpillés par petits groupes sur bon nombre de collines du pays. Ils sont secondés par les membres de la défense locale (LDF: Local Defense Force), une milice chargée d’encadrer la population par tranches de 10 ménages. Il y a également la tentaculaire DMI (renseignements militaires). Ses agents sont infiltrés partout notamment dans le Nord du pays où l’on craint des infiltrations des combattants des FDRL. L’avènement des « Intore » (les élus, les meilleurs) est une autre trouvaille du FPR pour surveiller la population. Il s’agit des personnes choisies et qui passent de maison à maison pour vérifier si leurs occupants sont affiliés au parti FPR, au pouvoir. Au niveau communal, il y a les « abakada » (cadres), et la police communale. Le citoyen est tenu donc quotidiennement à l’œil par ces structures qui ne lui laissent pas la liberté de mouvement. Même une simple visite familiale est assujettie aux formalités administratives: le visiteur doit aller d’abord se faire enregistrer auprès de l’autorité sitôt arrivé dans une localité. Dans ces conditions, il est clair que ces personnes ont été victimes de « disparitions forcées », c’est-à-dire qu’elles ont été arrêtées ou enlevées par ces milices et ces militaires qui sillonnent les collines en repérant leurs cibles. Ces personnes sont détenues dans des endroits secrets de façon que nul sait ce qu’elles sont devenues. Il est évident que cela se fait avec l’acquiescement des hautes autorités du pays car 16000 personnes, c’est toute une région qui a été quasi littéralement vidée de ses habitants. Les disparitions forcées sont monnaie courante ces derniers temps au Nord du pays. Dans son communiqué du 16 mai 2014, Human Right Watch parle d’un nombre croissant de personnes qui ont été victimes de disparitions forcées ou qui ont été officiellement portées disparues au Rwanda depuis mars 2014. Cette organisation précise qu’un grand nombre de cas sont survenus dans le district de Rubavu, dans la province de l'Ouest. HRW a reçu des informations selon lesquelles certaines victimes de disparitions forcées ont été appréhendées par des militaires de l’armée rwandaise et autres milices qui infestent la région. Ces disparitions massives dans la région nord du Rwanda sont juridiquement des disparitions forcées selon la définition de HRW, car ces personnes sont privées de leur « liberté par des agents de l'État ou par des personnes agissant avec son consentement, suivi d'un refus de reconnaître la privation de liberté ou de la dissimulation du sort réservé à la personne disparue ».  Il est à rappeler, à l’attention des autorités rwandaises concernées, qu’une disparition forcée est un crime contre l'humanité selon les lois internationales. De la même série: Rwanda: Police must be held accountable for the soaring disappearance rate Rwanda : Vague de disparitions forcées

In 1990, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), a politico-military organization, launched an offensive against the Rwandan government, then headed by President Habyarimana.

In 1991, a new constitution guaranteeing civil liberties and multiparty, was adopted. Then create opposition parties, three of which start with a success, including the Democratic Republican Movement (MDR), the Liberal Party (PL) and the Social Democratic Party (PSD).

In 1993, peace agreements are signed between the RPF, the Rwandan government and other opposition parties. The war continues, but tensions between political parties increasingly worse.

On 6 April 1994 President Habyarimana was killed in the attack against his plane and the war resumed. It is more intense in Kigali where agreements have enabled the RPF to formally install a battalion of 600 men.

Mass-slaughters against the Hutu ethnic members

At the same time the extermination massacres perpetrated on nearly all Rwandan territory. The RPF attacked the Hutu while anti-RPF militia are attacking Tutsi and Hutu accused of collaborating with the RPF. This is the Rwandan Genocide, Genocide that later became Tutsi excluding Hutu victims.

Since taking office in July 94, the RPF continues its massacres against Hutus and and that into the neighboring Congo.

But the hunt for Hutus does not begin in 1994. In fact it was just the genocide strengthening of the RPF invasion in late 1990's. On that date, the Hutu under RPF latter areas were subjected to assassinations, torture and slavery. The survivors are crammed into displaced camps where they are often targeted by attacks of the rebellion. In 1993, the number of displaced in an overcrowded camp Nyacyonga in particular in unspeakable conditions of misery is about 1 million, near the capital Kigali.

The most important of these massacres before 1994 are: In Ruhengeri January 1991, where over 500 people were executed, including women and children, the Butaro bloodsheds in May 1992 with 150 victims, and especially that of February 8, 1993 where nearly 40,000 people were massacred by the RPF in Byumba and Ruhengeri (James K. Gasana, Rwanda: From the party-state to the debacle of the State, 2002).

In April 1994, the RPF conquered large areas in record time. All Hutu found there are massacred and their bodies burned, thrown into rivers or in some cases crammed for handling foreign journalists and the international community.The killing Fields - Part1-Best Resolusion by xiao_wuu

After taking power in July 1994, the RPF massacred the Hutu throughout the territory. The best documented case is the massacre of Hutu displaced in Kibeho, in the former Gikongoro prefecture, in April 1995, where the displaced are surrounded and allowed to leave the camp for several days before being killed by gunshots, guns and bayonets. Everything happens at the UN military operation that observe, take pictures but succor person. At the end of the day more than 8,000 people were massacred on 100,000 qu'abritait camp. According to an eyewitness, the bodies were piled into trucks transported in the surrounding forests, where they were burned or buried in mass graves.

The Kibeho Massacre 2 by BICUKI

In other parts of the country, the RPF summoned village meetings on security or distribution of foods. Once enough people had gathered, he was massacred with white or shot guns, grenades depending on the number of targets or even burned alive. According to a UN survey, conducted in 1994, known as the "  Gersony Report  "these killings were systematic, regular, targeted the Hutu population and it indiscriminately, men women, children, the elderly and patients. The report estimated that between 25,000 and 45,000 people were massacred between April and August 1994 alone in the prefectures in which the investigations were conducted.

Areas of the massacres were denied access until the victims are released and burned. This was the case for example for several parts of the former prefecture of Butare, in the south.

In October 1996, the RPF attacked Congo where refugees were more than two million Rwandan Hutus.

From October 1996 to July 1997 these refugees were hunted, tortured, raped, deliberately starved, deprived of any assistance, slaughtered with knives, by bullets, bombs, burned alive or drowning. Between 250,000 (dead identified) and 600000 (missing the call) refugees were massacred.

The UN has conducted a survey and the results, "The Mapping repor t "October 2010 leave no doubt as to the intent to destroy the group. Here are some excerpts: [1]

[Massacred with knives, bombs, graneds, raped before being killed: the case of Walikale]

[Hungry: Along Ubundu-Kisangani]

[Burned alive, massacred up babies: Towards Mbandaka]

UN investigators concluded based on the results of their investigation, the qualification of genocide might be used for the crimes committed against Hutu refugees and Congolese people:

Considering the time of the massacres that even babies were not spared and even the Congolese Hutu were targeted by the killings there is no doubt as to the identity of the victims or the perpetrators of their mobile : The Hutus were targeted and that, because they were born Hutu.

The Congolese episode does not mark the end of their ordeal. The killing continues in Rwanda. P our example, in December 1997, an estimated 8,000 Hutu victims that have been burned alive in the caves in the north of the country .

Yet ethnicity prohibited commemoration ...

As mentioned above, the fact that the RPF regime has reclassified the Rwandan genocide of the Tutsi Genocide in, excluded Hutu victims. The only official commemoration authorized Rwanda Genocide being the Tutsi, Hutu victims without frame commemoration officially admitted.

Beyond the ban in fact, anyone who dares to speak of these Hutu victims is accused jumble of denial, sectarianism, revisionism or minimizing the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda, like Victoire Ingabire, currently imprisoned in Kigali. In Belgium, it is treated in denial, genocide or genocidal member families (the libre.be April 7, 2013) or worse compared to Nazi. Consider the case of MP Alain Destexhe that on his twitter account April 7, 2013, compared to the "Nazi" the commémorants who intended to honor the memory of all the victims of the Rwandan tragedy. The lack of these is to have dared to go remember the Rwandan Genocide Memorial in Brussels on April 6, rather than 7, the date of the commemoration organized by the Embassy and the Rwandan Tutsi victims association, Ibuka and have wanted to commemorate all victims regardless of their ethnicity.

But as an ethnic group, deprived of Justice

Since 1990, more than 22 years now, no court has done justice to the Hutu survivors of these massacres.

Rwanda has forbidden anyone to claim justice for the Hutu and by threats and acts of violence. While the Gacaca courts were established to do justice to all victims, the Hutu have never had a justice for crimes committed to them by General Kagame, RPF and RPF government. Except where the Spanish Justice, enjoying Spanish victims killed by the RPF associations rights have included Hutu victims.

However, these courts have stopped arrest warrants today have gone unheeded.

The most aberrant cases was the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, whose mission was to try crimes committed in Rwanda from January to December 1994. Despite detailed records of some incriminating RPF officers instructions, the court has always turned a blind eye.

Worse, the court has repeatedly obeyed the orders of the RPF regime or, at least, gave in to his threats. One example is that of Mr Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza. In November 1999 the Appeals Chamber found that his defense rights had been violated to the point that neither arrest nor his indictment were not legal. She then ordered his release and the nullity of the indictment. Therefore the Rwandan regime threatened to stop all cooperation with the Tribunal. The Appeals Chamber had to reconsider .. Thereafter, the court sentenced him to 32 years in prison and died there in 2010. Another example is the attempt by the ICTR prosecutor Carla Del Ponte to investigate RPF crimes. After the announcement of this volontée "Rwandan officials prevented witnesses to go to court, resulting in the suspension of several trials for months " . Thereafter, Carla Del Ponte was sacked from his post and replaced by Hasan Jallow and this is the end of hope the ICTR judge members of the RPF.

In other cases, witnesses recanted their accusations and statements that they had been threatened by the intelligence services of the RPF but also were trained to give false testimony. [2] Although this phenomenon appears to be widespread in all jurisdictions, Rwanda, Belgium and the ICTR, it has always ignored. This was the case, for example, in the case of Karemera (Witness BTH nicknamed for his safety), Bicamumpaka (Witness GFA) and Belgium in the process of religious.

In Belgium, only Hutus were considered. Several officials say that the only reason for this discrimination is that there is no complaint against members of the RPF. However, witnesses saw people covered by the terms of Spanish stops in Belgium come and go unmolested. This is the case, among others, General James Kabarebe now Minister of Defence in Rwanda.

A demonized ethnic

Since the 1994 genocide, Hutu were systematically treated collectively and genocide, and with success.

The aim of these maneuvers seems to be, first, to assimilate the Hutu victims to perpetrators of Tutsi and Hutu perpetrators, that is to say the RPF, the Tutsi victims. Thus the RPF found the real victim as Tutsi victims while they are Hutu victims who find themselves regarded as executioners, alongside the Interahamwe militia.

Several factors contributed to this cynical maneuver. Indeed, the organization of justice allowed the RPF to acknowledge that he wants to be genocide, denial or divisive. This is the case of several political prisoners, opponents and aid such as Mr. Paul Rusesabagina, the hero of the film "Hotel Rwanda", known to have saved more than a thousand Tutsis during the genocide.

Seeing judgments, Rwanda and abroad, who do not respect the principle of impartiality made ​​him king constant fear among Hutu. This bias is reflected for example in the Canadian justice sentenced a person because she had not been killed during the genocide . According to the justice moderate Hutus were killed during the genocide. This makes everything a Hutu survivor unmoderated so extremist and alleged genocide.

In addition to this bias, as mentioned above, the RPF used on a widespread false witnesses he trained to lie before sending them to testify. We find some of the confessions false witnesses who testified at the ICTR, Rwanda and Belgium .

To this must be added the role of media and communication agencies paid to achieve this dual mission of demonizing the Hutu population and bleaching RPF .

All these injustices that many Hutu hide, conceal their horrifying ordeal. As victims of the courts are supposed to protect them, they do not dare to use it anyway and they do not have the means. At least not at the height of their tormentor, the RPF at the head of the Rwandan government, which watches and monitor their actions.

The main and primary concern Hutus still is to survive this killing machine and demonizing.

It is clear that as long as the dual mission will continue, tensions between the Hutu and the Tutsi continue to intensify and it wrongly, because they are all victims of criminal organizations. Strengthen their opposition criminals will only oppress and exploit them more.

The question is, Are there any hope of solution?

Recognition of the plight of Hutu and qualification seem to be a necessary step, without which it is their demonization orchestrated by their executioner who continue to authorize, condone, encourage and cover their extermination continues . including Congo The other condition it is necessary to have leaders committed to building a common future for the entire Rwandan population is majority survivor.

Jean François Singiza 
Jambonews.net

[1] The term APR means Rwandan Patriotic Army, the armed wing of the RPF and Rwandan army became in 1994 with its military victory. The AFDL cigle means meanwhile the Aliance of Democratic Forces of Liberation, a Congolese rebel group formed by the RPF to cover his attack and led Laurent Kabila to power after the fall of Mobutu.

[2] http://www.canvas.be/programmas/terzake/server1-4fb24d04:13d7c2bafba:-79f9  (32 min: 50)

Le 06 avril 1994, ce fut le jour …

Le 06 avril 2014, Ce fut le jour …

Le 06 avril 1994, Ce fut l’heure …

Il était temps de conjuguer tous les verbes ;

Il était temps d’invoquer tous les Saints et les anges ;

Il était temps de conjuguer le présent et le passé ;

De les conjuguer dans tous les temps ;

Il était temps de pleurer dans tous les camps ;

Le 06 avril 2013, Ce fut le jour …

Le 06 avril 1993, Ce fut l’heure …

Il était l’heure de perdre tout ;

Il était l’heure d’arrêter tout ;

Il était l’heure d’oublier tout ;

Il était l’heure de tous les coups ;

Il était l’heure de rendre les âmes !

Le 06 avril 2012, Ce fut le jour …

Le 06 avril 1992, Ce fut l’heure …

Il était l’heure de perdre nos dirigeants ;

Il était l’heure de perdre le Président ;

Il était l’heure de perdre nos ministres ;

Il était l’heure de perdre la loi et les hommes de la loi ;

Il était l’heure de perdre la raison, l’heure de l’anarchie !

Le 06 avril 2011, Ce fut le jour …

Le 06 avril 1991, Ce fut l’heure …

Ce fut le temps de perdre les enfants, les miens et les tiens ;

Ce fut le temps de perdre la femme ou le mari, j’en ai souffert aussi ;

Ce fut le temps de perdre les parents et les grands-parents, les miens et les tiens ;

Ce fut le temps de perdre les amis intimes, les miens et les tiens ;

Ce fut le temps de pleurer les tantes et les oncles, les miens et les tiens ;

Le temps de crier devant l’agonie des neveux et nièces, les miens et les tiens ;

Le temps de perdre les amants et les amis fidèles, les miens et les tiens ;

Le temps de perdre ta compagne et ta compagnie, les miennes aussi :

Le temps de perdre les marraines et les parrains, les miens et les tiens ;

Le temps de perdre les voisins, les collègues, malgré l’amitié et la complicité ;

Le temps de perdre, …

Le 06 avril 2010, Ce fut le jour …

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Le temps était arrivé de perdre les efforts fournis pour le pays ;

Le temps était arrivé de perdre l’espoir et d’espérer contre toute espérance ;

Le temps était arrivé de pleurer sans être consolé, tes larmes et les miennes ;

Le temps était arrivé, de mourir sans dignité, sans honneur dans l’horreur ;

Le temps était arrivé d’entendre les cris de douleur et de peur ;

Le 06 avril 2014, Ce fut le jour …

Le 06 avril 1994, Ce fut l’heure …

Il était temps de courir sans savoir où aller ;

Il était temps de se cacher sans être sûr du refuge ;

Il était temps de se séparer sans espoir de se retrouver ;

Il était temps d’être abandonné sans savoir pourquoi ;

Il était temps de dormir le ventre creux malgré l’abondance ;

Le 06 avril 2014, Ce fut le jour …

Le 06 avril 1994, Ce fut l’heure …

Il était temps d’abandonner les biens, l’argent et le demeure :

Il était temps d’abandonner les troupeaux ; moutons, vaches et chèvres ;

Il était temps d’abandonner les volailles, lapins et poussins ;

Il était temps de brader tout, avec ou sans espoir de survivre le lendemain ;

Il était temps d’arrêter les études et les chantiers ;

Il était temps de t’ignorer et m’oublier, aujourd’hui ça me fait encore mal.

Oui ça me fait mal, je n’ai pas pu enterrer ni honorer les miens ;

Oui, ça me fait mal de porter autant de blessures tant d’années ;

Oui, ça me fait mal de camoufler mes angoisses, mes larmes ;

Oui, ça me fait mal de dissimuler ma tristesse, ma peur et ma colère ;

Ta jouissance face à mes peines me chagrine, me désole et m’énerve ;

Tes mensonges gratuits, ta délation, ton arrogance, ça fait aussi mal.

Maintenant, il est temps …

Et maintenant, voilà 19 ans après,

Que désespoir, au seuil des 20 ans !

Quelle honneur vantée, après toutes ces angoisses ?

Quelle fierté, après autant d’années de bassesses ?

Sommes-nous prêts après tant de grande tristesse ?

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant le jour …

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant l’heure …

Il est temps de tendre la main à l’orphelin et la veuve ;

Il est temps de tendre la main à l’opprimé et au prisonnier ;

Il est temps de tendre la main au rwandais de la veille de l’inoubliable ;

Il est temps de tendre la main au rwandais venu de plusieurs horizons ;

Il est temps de tendre la main au rwandais qui se prénomme : Twa, Hutu et Tutsi :

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant le jour …

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant l’heure …

Il est temps d’analyser, de vouloir et de comprendre ;

Il est temps d’évoluer, personne n’est gagnant ;

Le jour de se repentir, faisant du mal à ton semblable, tu n’as rien gagné ;

Le jour de se rendre compte que ton voisin est aussi humain et a aussi de l’âme ;

Le jour de remémorer que la fin de l’homme n’est guère différente ;

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant le jour …

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant l’heure …

Il est temps de dire non, à l’oppresser  et à son rouleau compresseur ;

Il est temps de dire non, à l’injustice et la haine raciale ;

Il est temps de dire non, à l’exploitation des mineurs ;

Il est temps de dire non, à la maltraitance des femmes ;

Il est temps de dire non, à l’exploitation des vulnérables ;

Il est temps de manifester son refus contre tout abus ;

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant le jour …

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant l’heure …

Il est temps de dire non, à ceux qui exploitent les autres pour s’enrichir ;

Il est temps de dire non, aux corrompus qui ne regardent que leurs intérêts ;

Il est temps de dire non, à ceux qui écrasent les uns pour favoriser les autres ;

Il est temps de dire non, à ceux qui se croient assez forts pour terroriser tout le monde ;

Il est temps de dire non, à ceux qui, par leurs gueules, font tout pour faire taire les autres ;

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant le jour …

Le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant l’heure …

Il suffit de gueuler, pour dire non à la guerre et oui à la paix.

Créer un climat de paix ne nécessite plus de compter sur les armes ;

Il suffit de s’inspirer de tous les apôtres de la non violence ;

Sans missile ni machette, sans Kalachnikov ni grenade, un simple coup de gueule ;

N’ayez pas peur de la petite houe ou la corde immorale de « akandoyi »

Que la loi fasse les hommes et pas les hommes qui font la loi ;

Il est temps de briser le silence.

Oui, le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant le jour …

Oui, le 06 avril 2013, il est maintenant l’heure …

Il est temps de laisser la démocratie s’exprimer ;

Il est temps de libérer les prisonniers politiques ;

Il est temps de libérer le peuple rwandais tant opprimé ;

Il est temps de laisser mon peuple vaquer à ses occupations librement ;

Ta paix sera ma Paix, ton pays sera mon Pays.

UWEMERA Nelly

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine