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Thursday, July 16, 2009

THE END OF THE GENERAL’S TRIAL: BEGGING OR BUGGERING JUSTICE?

[A Courtroom Drama in Two Acts]
[COMPILED BY CM/P FROM THE ACTUAL TRIAL

TRANSCRIPTS OF 24 & 25 JUNE, 2009]

THE SET: The stage is empty but for a small table with a lectern on it around CS. On the Cyclorama is a large ‘Big Brother ’ screen on which are projected images, still and moving pictures,appropriate to what is being said on stage.

IN BLACK:

FIRST VO [Prosecutor Mr. Van]

Mr. President, if you hate somebody, it's not because you want to live with that person. And we are in a war context. So if you consider that the Tutsi are an enemy, the Hutu, who did not want the Tutsi, and actually hated the Tutsi, logically had to hurriedly exterminate the Tutsi, or else the Tutsi would exterminate them. And that is the situation. When you say that you hate somebody, it is not a joke.
Besides, Mr. President, Your Honors, the results are there; the Tutsis were killed. They were
massacred, they were exterminated, and there was genocide.
SECOND VO [Thespus]
Yet the Tutsis minority wound up seizing state power and taking over Rwanda from the Hutu majority!
FIRST VO
In the Karemera case, the Appeals Chamber took judicial note of that.
SECOND VO
The order to take ‘Judicial Notice’ effectively removed from the Prosecution any burden of having to produce evidence to prove the genocide actually took place.

LIGHTS UP:

Alone on stage is Maitre Christopher Black, Defense attorney to Major General Augustin
Ndindiliyimana, former Chief of Staff of the Rwandan National Gendarmerie during the troubles
of 1993 and 1994, on trial before the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, in Arusha,
Tanzania, on charges of Crimes against Humanity unto Genocide.

Mr. Black is just over 60 and very weary from his long travail.
The Judges sit OS DR, the Prosecution is OS UR, and the Defendants are OS UL. After
SEVERAL BEATS, Maitre Black speaks:

MR. BLACK:

Mr. Sefon, yesterday, referred to two interesting books. And I find the reference he made--and the fact that he made that reference--that the Prosecution made that reference, very interesting. He referred to Niccolò Machiavelli's book, The Prince. Everybody here, I assume, who went to law school has read that at some time. And it's a book written by a man who was forced by a regime, the Medicis at that time, to bow to a dictatorship, and decided to write a book to please his master about how to rule a people who did not want to be ruled by a dictator. And one of Machiavelli's words of wisdom in that book of realpolitik was that deception is one of the ways in which to control a people, deception and fear.
Mr Sefon also made reference to The Art of War, By the Chinese military scholar, Sun Tzu. That is also a very important book, studied in all military colleges and by philosophers, because it sets out how wars are really conducted. And Sun Tzu's first lesson in that book, in the opening pages, is about the art of deception, and how the art of deception is the key to winning any conflict.

And I raise that because it's quite clear that the Prosecution in this Tribunal is part and parcel of the grand deception which is being woven--has been woven by the RPF and its neocolonial masters, the United States and the United Kingdom, for the last 15 years.

Why do I say that? I will go into why it's evident that the--the Prosecution here has manipulated this Court since day-one, and how they have tried to cover up the crimes of the RPF, how they, despite the rank hypocrisy expressed by Mr. [Abubacarr] Tambadou and Mr. [Alphonse] Van, that they wish and desire international justice and the erasing of immunity from prosecution for world leaders, when they, in fact, have done nothing but grant those murderers in the RPF immunity from prosecution from the beginning.
And I'm not alone in saying this. I have here a letter which has been sent by 50 world scholars and
human rights defenders from universities in Canada, the United States, Britain, from Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International. They include professors from Columbia University, Princeton, the University of California, the University of Antwerp, and on and on. Including the husband of the late Dr. Alison Des Forges, Professor Roger Des Forges, and including the former expert for the Prosecution, Filip Reyntjens, who refuses to work for the Prosecution any longer.

This letter is addressed to Ban Ki-Moon, President Barack Obama, Prime Minister Gordon Brown, and copied to Hillary Clinton and various other American and British Foreign Ministry officials, because, obviously, they're the ones who control this Tribunal. It is also copied to Judge Dennis Byron, and to Prosecutor Hassan B. Jallow.

It says that Mr. Jallow--that the RPF has committed crimes, and that Mr. Jallow expresses an evident reluctance to prosecute these RPF crimes. And this is clearly the result of intimidation and
obstructionism by the RPF, which now rules Rwanda. The Prosecutor, Jallow, has severely
compromised his prosecutorial independence and the Tribunal's integrity.

But they conclude with this: "In conclusion, we call on you to ensure that the ICTR prosecutes RPF crimes. This issue should be raised when Prosecutor Jallow addresses the United Nations
Security Council about his completion strategy on June 4th, 2009. Unless the Prosecutor acts swiftly, the ICTR will squander not only its last chance to provide accountability for those serious crimes, but also its legitimacy." It's dated May 31st of this year.

Another professor, Dr. Hans Köchler, at the University of Innsbruck in Austria, and who was selected as the Secretary General's personal representative at the Lockerbie trial and still acts in that capacity, wrote a book called Global Justice and Global Revenge, about these ad hoc tribunals and, with respect to the ICTR, stated that the Prosecution has engaged in selective prosecution on ‘a massive scale,’ quote-unquote, ‘a massive scale.’ Now, why?

I don't think Mr. Jallow is afraid of a little man like Mr. Kagame in in Kigali. No. Mr. Jallow is not afraid of that little man. He is controlled by bigger powers than that. And that's why this letter is addressed to those powers. And if my friends over there [the Prosecution] want to sit in service of neocolonialism, shame on them. But I don't think this Court should acquiesce to the planning out of neocolonialism and imperialism in Africa by listening and accepting the manipulations presented to this Court and the argument they pretend to make as evidence.

Let me get to the argument. When Prosecutor Lloyd Strickland stood up and said, correctly, that he had to deal with the challenges raised by the Defense brief in our case, it's quite true. I submit that the argument we presented has built, brick by brick, a wall of reasonable doubt which they cannot ever penetrate. So what do they do? Instead of trying to refute the argument we made--the written argument we made--they leave it--which I would interpret as their ceding the case to us.
Instead, he gets up and makes a couple of comments about Kansi and Saint André college and then engages in a slanderous attack on General Ndindiliyimana and that he's just a born liar because he's a politician. --I'll refute that later.-- But they make no other argument at all. And I was surprised when the arguments here started. I've never followed the arguments in these cases really.

But I expected, even when I was in law school, that--I was taught that when you make a legal argument, you have to deal with the argument that the other person made.
The Prosecution, in its brief, just puts out nothing but RPF propaganda. It's as if they were never at the trial. They ignore their own evidence. They ignore our evidence. And they just repeat the accusations in the indictment and page after page of pure RPF propaganda. And then, when they come to their oral argument, you would expect that they would have something to say to knock--to try and knock out our argument. But no, they don't, because they can't. So they resort to innuendo and slander.

Now, let's look at how they start off with this RPF propaganda campaign, which they've engaged in since this trial began. I agree with Mr. St Laurent that they mischaracterized the history of Rwanda totally. For instance, at their paragraph 41, they say that since 1959 the country has suffered ethnic unrest following the Hutu social revolution.

Well, whose fault was it that there was social unrest in Rwanda? Because the émigrés, the aristocracy, and the King, the King's clan, when they fled, because they were being hunted by the Belgian police for murdering Hutu bourgmestres who had been elected, attacked the country many times between 1959 and 1973. And you heard evidence from the UN--from UN documents which agreed that there was no reason for those attacks. They were completely gratuitous. Murdered people right, left, and centre, and they were forced out. And there was no unrest after 1973 and until 1990.

The country was, as everybody knows, considered the Switzerland of Africa. Why? Because it did
have social and ethnic cohesion. It was a very poor country--even though it was a poor country, it did have a progressive government, one of the most progressive in Africa. It was a model for African development and third world development.

Then in October 1990 that's all destroyed. And why? For no reason at all except that the Tutsi
aristocracy in the Ugandan Army, and President Yoweri Museveni, and their allies, all wanted to conquer Rwanda in order to invade the Congo. And that's the only reason.

Then they say, in paragraph 42, that since then Rwanda has been a time bomb, which went off
on April 6th. No, it wasn't. Rwanda was not a time bomb until 1990 when the RPF attacked.
I was going to go through their paragraphs seriatim. It's easier for me to do it that way.
The military, ¶43. They say the military involved in the conflict are the Rwandan Armed Forces [FAR] and the RPF. Well, no. That's not true, either. The attack was made by the Ugandan Army, by Mr. Museveni. But they don't charge him.

Every member of the RPF was a Ugandan Army soldier, every one of them. They used Ugandan
military equipment: Trucks, vehicles, weapons, heavy weapons. They all carried their Ugandan NRA identity cards. The RPF is not a rebel movement. It's a ring within the Ugandan army disguised as a rebel movement.

[Tutsi Historian] Antoine Nyetera testified here that many Tutsi businessmen wrote them a letter saying, "We don't want this war. Who are you? You don't represent us. Things are fine here for us. Why are you destroying the country? Destroying everything? For what?"

Paragraph ¶50, they say another false thing: That Augustin Ndindiliyimana was designated as chair of the Crisis Committee. Well, no, he was not. And I--you read in my brief. I'm not going to argue about that too long. But it's quite clear that committee ceased to exist April 8th. It's quite clear that the only reason he took over the meeting on the 7th was that [General Théoneste] Bagosora was trying to take over and that [Leonidas] Rusatira and Ndindiliyimana opposed Bagosora, and, therefore, Ndindiliyimana stepped in to solve the dispute. That's the only reason. General Dallaire confirmed that.

Alison Des Forges confirmed that. They say, at paragraph ¶63, that the Rwandan Patriotic Front is a political and military movement whose adepts were drawn from the Tutsis in the diaspora. As I say, that's not true. They were not drawn from the Tutsis of the diaspora. And, as I said, they were the Ugandan Army.

And Antoine Nyetera said that he was surprised when the RPF columns came down from Mt. Rebero in July, when the FAR had retreated. He was surprised to see that most of them weren't Tutsis at all. They were Eritreans, Ethiopians, Somalis, Tanzanians, and Sudanese. Remember their hair down to their shoulders, dark as pitch, tattoos everywhere: Mercenaries.

This myth that the RPF was some sort of ‘People's Liberation Movement’ was bought hook, line, and sinker, by many people in the West because of propaganda put out by Des Forges and her acolytes. But nobody buys it anymore.

They say that--at paragraph ¶64--that Prime Minister Sylvestre Nsanzimana’s government collapsed. There was no collapse. And then that a Transitional Government was formed on April 16th, 1992. No, it wasn't. A Coalition Government was formed in 1992. Why? Because President Habyarimana had acceded to French and American influence and agreed to a multiparty democracy.

And there were successive governments, all made up of parties which represented the people and with different views. There's the MRND, PSD, PL. And who did they represent, really? The RPF. It was a Coalition Government. It was not ‘Habyarimana's Regime.’ It ceased to be that in 1991. Habyarimana was just a figurehead. Pro-RPF Prime Ministers were in charge of the country. So there was no reason at all for this war. But the RPF persisted.

They say, at paragraph ¶65, that the United Nations and UNAMIR got involved in the conflict with the aim of resolving it. And that's not true, either. UNAMIR--the UN did not try to resolve this situation. They actively acted on the side of the RPF and ensured their victory. Mr. [Defense attorney Ronnie] McDonald put to General Dallaire questions about many situation reports where General Dallaire was receiving information about the build-up for the offensive launched on April 6. He never passed it on to President Habyarimana or to General Ndindiliyimana or to anybody else. He passed it on to New York.

But he kept it secret from the Rwandan government. He said, "Oh, I didn't receive those reports." But it's quite clear he did. They are all addressed to him.
He lied to the French and German ambassadors when they asked him about it. "We hear rumors
they're building for an offensive." "Oh, I don't know anything about that." He lied. And it's quite clear he didn't do it on his own. General Dallaire's a very competent officer. He did exactly what he was told to do.

They say that Prime Minister Dismas Nsengiyaremye was against the handing out of--the distribution of weapons to the population by civilian authorities, implying that the Civil Defense was some sort of evil mechanism to kill Tutsis. Well, we all know the reason why Dismas Nsengiyaremye was against that: because he was an active agent for the RPF and didn't want the population to be armed against their attacks. He broke up the intelligence--the civil intelligence service. We heard evidence on that.

They say at paragraph ¶67, that UNAMIR's mandate ended on March 8th, 1996. That's also a lie.
UNAMIR II ended in 1996, but UNAMIR I ceased to exist, in all practical terms, by April 17th, 1994,when the Belgians pulled out and the Americans in the Sec urity Council refused the
Rwandan government's request for 5,000 more troops be sent in.

The Prosecution wants to bury that. You don't want the people to know that the Rwandan government asked for 5,000 more men to be sent in in April. And you don't want the world to know the Americans refused that request and pulled out the UN forces in order to allow the RPF free access to roam around murdering and massacring everybody.
General Ndindiliyimana testified. You say that the Americans brought US weight to bear on the
Rwandan conflict. Well, they sure did. Paragraph ¶71.

They tried to lure Habyarimana out of the country and keep him in Washington. In October 1990, on the day of the attack, he was with Mr. Museveni. They lured Habyarimana to Washington. Well, Museveni knew his men were going to attack Rwanda. The Americans knew that, and then they offered him sanctuary.

Instead of condemning Museveni, they say, "Well, Mr. Habyarimana, why don't you stay here? It will be fine." And this is the same time when Iraq invaded Kuwait. Iraq invades Kuwait, which they had some claim to, and the Security Council and the United States bring all hell down on Iraq and
Saddam Hussein. At the same time, the Rwandan ambassador in the Security Council asked for the United Nations to condemn the attack by Uganda against Rwanda. It doesn't even get on the agenda.
That's how Big Power politics are played. In one situation the attack has to be--the aggression has to be condemned. In the other, "Let's just hush it up. It's okay." Because that aggression suits our
purposes.

And UNAMIR II only came in--they sent more men in for UNAMIR II after July 1994. Why? It's quite
clear: to consolidate RPF power. And once it was consolidated, they left. Now the Americans have three bases in Rwanda, right in the heart of Africa.

Then in paragraph ¶68, they refer to the resolution adopted by the Security Council to create this
Tribunal. But they forget to tell the Judges--to remind the Judges that--as I read into the record during cross examination of one witness--I think it was maybe Des Forges--that Herman Cohen threatened to kill Habyarimana in October 1993, and said, unless he ceded all power to the RPF--ceded all power, not shared power--ceded all power to the RPF, they were going to kill him. And they were then going to set up an international tribunal to try the rest of his crew. And that's exactly what they've done. They killed him, and now we're all here. It's not magic.

Then, again, they go into this strange attack on France. France was Rwanda's friend. Well, that's true. But so was America and Belgium, at the time. Rwandan army officers were trained in the United States and Belgium and Germany. Rwanda also had friends in the Soviet Union--the former Soviet Union, North Korea, West Germany, Canada, Israel. It wasn't just France who supported Rwanda. And who forced the French out? The RPF did, in 1993. The RPF, "We don't want them here," and the French left.

¶72. They talked about the fact that the Organization of African Unity remained inconspicuous. Well, that's no big secret. And why? Because President Museveni was the president of the African Unity Association--OAU, sorry. And Salim Saleh [Museveni’s half brother and principal advisor] was the secretary. And, here, Mr. Museveni was in favor of the attack on Rwanda, because Tanzania had designs on Rwanda itself. It's no surprise the OAU said not a word about the aggression by Mr. Museveni against Rwanda--not one word!

And they make a surprise admission in paragraph ¶73. It says, "Some Human Rights NGOs, such as Human Rights Watch, were, because of their public and official stance for peace and against human rights violations in Rwanda, assimilated with the international community"--which is just a euphemism for the United States and its puppets. That's right. Human Rights Watch and the rest of those NGOs are part of the United States and British intelligence services. That's quite clear. Everybody knows that, too. It's no secret outside this courtroom. I don't see why it should be a secret inside this courtroom.

Everybody knows who funds those groups and who runs them.
And then it says, "Mostly, the International Community”--which is really, again, a euphemism for the United States and its allies”--is made up of all those people worldwide who had seen the atrocities and were deeply appalled." Well, no. That's not true. The whole world was deeply appalled by what
happened in Rwanda, not just the international community, that is, the United States, the UK, and it's allies. The whole world was appalled, because the RPF murdered millions of people and is still doing it in the Congo.

In paragraph ¶75, they mention, in respect to the Interahamwe , that somehow the Akazu [‘Little House’ in Kinyirwandan, a group of ‘Hutu Extremists’ gathered around President Habyarimana and his wife Agathe and supposed by the uninformed to be responsible for planning and instigating the Genocide, even unto assassinating their own leader, the Rwandan President--cm/p] was involved in the creation of that organization. There's no evidence in this trial about the Akazu. I don't know where Mr. Van--who wrote this--but there was no evidence whatsoever about the Akazu in this trial. But that's just, again, to inflame you.

They say in ¶77, quite correctly, that the Interahamwe president was Robert Kajuga, a young Tutsi businessman. That's correct. As was the (Witness’s official position is redacted here), 006, you brought here, being protected by western governments. He's also a Tutsi. It's very strange that an organization controlled by Tutsis is supposed to be accused of killing Tutsis.

And yet, apropos of that, I draw your attention back to that video we showed--that my co-counsel
Mr. Lurquin showed here, a video of Captain Amadou Deme, a UN officer at the time, giving bulletproof vests and weapons to an Interahamwe leader. Now, the ramifications of that are quite extraordinary.
We've alleged for some time, and now, because of the disclosure, they finally gave it to us after
many years, statements of RPF officers confirming that many of--or, at least some of–-or, many of the so-called Interahamwe roadblocks in Kigali were actually manned by RPF, and that the RPF infiltrated the Interahamwe.

Lt. [Abdul] Ruzibiza, since we're bringing things out--from outside the case in your argument--testified in Military I that they did infiltrate the Interahamwe, killed people in order to discredit the government and create chaos behind the government lines. And they were very successful. So that ties in with the video and my submission that the UN forces were involved in helping the RPF. They actively gave Interahamwe leaders bulletproof vests and were joking around with their submachine guns and drinking.

This is in--after the so-called massacres have begun. You don't want the world to know about that either. the UN wasn't just negligent. They were actively involved, because the UN, which was the hope of the world in 1945, 1946 . . . "There will be no more war, no more aggression." And if the General Assembly ran things, there wouldn't be. But the Security Council, run by the United States and the United Kingdom, have twisted it and destroyed it until there's nothing left. And now they attack countries and nothing happens, nothing is said, and we have this game going on in the Tribunal where these eminent Judges and us are just wasting our time.

And they say, again, the Interahamwe is the armed militia of the MRND. Well, there's no evidence of that. They've got no evidence--no credible evidence they were ever an armed militia.
And I draw the Judges' attention to the fact that the law--Rwandan law stipulated that armed militias were banned--under the penal code they were banned. Yet neither Prime Minister Nsengiyaremye nor Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana banned the Interahamwe or any other group under that code. Why? Because they knew they were not an armed militia. They were just an ordinary youth wing in a political party.

But to discredit the MRND, because that was the party of the majority of the Rwandan people and the so-called Hutu party--even though it had many Tutsis in it, the propaganda was the MRND was the bad party, and they try and equate them, somehow, with Nazis in Germany. They try and discredit that party by attaching that party to the interahamwe youth wing and saying they killed people on a mass scale.
So they identify every killer, any bandit, or anybody who killed for any reason whatsoever, and they say that was Interahamwe . Even though their witness, their own witness, 006, AOG, the (Witness’s official position is redacted by the Tribuanal) , said there were only 1500 Interahamwe in the entire country and most of those were in Kigali. You tell me how 1500 people, most of them in Kigali, could do what they say they did. But as Mr. Ciré Aly Bâ said here--and as they say in here--"Everybody who killed was Interahamwe ."

That's their point of view. Every Hutu is Interahamwe; therefore, every Hutu is guilty. It's collective
punishment, collective guilt. And this is supposed to be an advance in International Justice.
They say in paragraph ¶80, “October 1st, 1990, the RPF launched an attack against Rwanda from the Kagitumba border post. A surprise attack was a complete success, and the sole garrison of Mutara was overrun.” Like the Prosecution is proud of the fact the RPF launched a war of aggression!

A surprise attack, a dirty surprise attack, in the midst of negotiations over refugees’ return, murdered everybody at that border post, and started a horrible war. And the Prosecution says it was a success. And yet they don't charge the RPF. They actually admit they committed a war crime. Because at the Nuremberg Tribunal, the supreme war crime is committing aggression, because all other crimes follow from that, and if you don't condemn that, there's no point. But they're proud of that.
And then Belgium and France, Mobutu, they decided to send troops to assist the FAR, which was in disarray. Yes, the Rwandan Army were in disarray, because nobody expected to be attacked like that.

The Rwandan Army, 5,000 men, wasn't expecting a sordid, dirty little attack like that, which killed
thousands of civilians, mainly Hutus.
And Kagame brags about, "Oh, I--I--I was trying to stop the genocide." What was he doing? Hutus
don't count? He kills Hutus, and that's not genocide? Why did he kill those men at that border post? Why? Because he liked them? He obviously hates Hutus, and probably most of the Tutsis inside the country, really, too. But the Prosecutor does nothing. They--they're--they're proud of what their man does.

They say in ¶84 that the peace negotiations culminated in the signing of the Arusha agreements in
1993. Well, that's not true. I mean, it's true that there was--there were the Arusha Accords, but they weren't a peace agreement. They were a ceasefire agreement, while certain things took place politically.

But what the Prosecutor leaves out at paragraph ¶84 is the fact that between October 1990 and the signing of that accord, there are several other ceasefires agreed to by the RPF, and every one of them was broken by the RPF. Every one! Not by the FAR, but by the RPF. And in February 1993, the biggest breach of the ceasefire was when they attacked Ruhengeri and killed, in two weeks, experts say, 40,000 Hutus. Forty thousand! And we had soldiers testify here who saw what they did. They testified how the RPF treated people, cut women open, cut their eyes out, tied their hands behind their backs and hit them with hoes, because that's the iconic symbol of the Hutu peasant. And still the Prosecution is proud of them and does nothing.

Not only did they kill 40,000 people in those 14 days, before they were pushed back by the army, they drove out, because of the fighting, one million, mainly Hutu peasants, driven out of their homes, burned their homes down, drove them down to Kigali to the camp at Nyaconga. So you had around Kigali one million refugees out of population of 8 million. And they took over the breadbasket of Rwanda, which created starvation in the rest of the country.

This is your humanitarian, Kagame. This is your hero. And you blame General Bizimungu. You blame General Ndindiliyimana. Up to this point the FAR has killed no one! The government, which is a coalition government with pro- RPF people included, has killed no one. RPF. RPF. RPF. RPF. Planting mines, blowing up kids with land mines. And they placed anti-tank mines on roads. Can you imagine!? Not just anti-personnel mines. Do you know what an anti-tank mine can do?

[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:

Mr. Black, just give me one minute.

MR. BLACK:

Sorry.

[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:

In reference to a Witness 006, AOG, you referred to his official position. I think we should place that under seal.

MR. BLACK:

Oh, sorry about that. Yes. I'm sorry.

[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:

Yeah.

MR. BLACK:

All right. That's all right. You're right.

Why do you--so why does the Prosecution mislead--try to mislead the Court in this argument? Why?
Because they are protecting the RPF, and if they don't put out this false story, then the context in which they accuse these men here doesn't make any sense. Because if the world knew that there was not just an explosion on April 6th, there was an ongoing war for four years in which the RPF assassinated people, committed acts of terrorism every day, created millions of refugees and murdered tens and tens of thousands of people, all mainly Hutus, but their attitude is that the only good Hutu is a dead Hutu. That's obviously their attitude.

Then they say, in ¶87, the Arusha Peace Agreements ended the war. No, they didn't. That was just a ceasefire, which was again broken by the RPF on April 6th, when they murdered the president. Who started the massacres on April 6th? The RPF. The first massacre was committed by the RPF. They shot down that plane. Twenty people on that plane, two Hutu presidents. And, including the president killed in Burundi, the Hutu president murdered by them, because the RPF is implicated in that killing, too, in Burundi, in October, six months before: that's three Hutu presidents murdered in six months or nine months. Still they do nothing.

Louise Arbour orders an investigation into the Habyarimana murder, and you find out--the Prosecution finds out it was the RPF that murdered those people. Michael Hourigan is called to The Hague to talk to Louise Arbour about it, from his affidavit which is filed here, one of your--the only--one of the few people on the Prosecution that's got any courage and integrity. And he went to Louise Arbour and says, "We know who did it. It wasn't the Habyarimana--or the MRND extremists. It was the RPF." And implicating the CIA.

Louise Arbour tells him to burns his notes, and she takes his disks, his CD with all the information. And she kills that investigation. Yet she's a heroine in Canada. And she covered up and protects and is an accessory after the fact to murder, to mass murder.

[Carla] Del Ponte's continued that policy, and Mr. Jallow continues that policy. And they still pretend, "Oh, maybe Hutu extremists shot down their own president." It's laughable. Now you're making a film about Louise Arbour, looks like Dallaire. The propaganda put out is intense. But it doesn't matter a wit, because history will find out that it's not true. It's all nonsense.

And history will absolve all these officers here eventually. And you will be condemned, because you're acting for the neocolonialists and the imperialists, not these men. These men were fighting for majority rule and democracy in Rwanda. They didn't start the war. Your people did.

They mention, paragraph ¶88, about Operation Clean Corridor, supervised by the MINUAR. Well, yes. Also the Coalition Government and the Gendarmerie. Remember the letter Colonel Marchal sent commending General Ndindiliyimana and the gendarmes for helping bring the RPF into the CND, which got General Ndindiliyimana a lot of flack because many people saw this as a traitorous move, helping the RPF put a battalion of their own men right in the centre of the capital. The critics turned out to be correct. It was a Trojan horse. But his hope at that time was that this was going to lead to peace. Everybody believed that, in the government and the FAR.

Ambassador Swinnen said the Rwandan army supported the Arusha Peace Accords. Colonel Marchal said that, too. Colonel André Vincent, who later became deputy head of Belgian Army Intelligence, said the Rwandan army always supported the peace accords. It was the RPF who opposed them all the time. They put up one obstruction after another--not the government, not the FAR. And why? Because if the accords were fulfilled and the transitional government was actually installed and then elections were held, the RPF knew it was going to lose everything. It would lose all power, because the majority of the people would still vote for the MRND or its allied parties. They would control a minority in the government, and they would have gained nothing after four years of war. That's why they hit the plane on April 6th, because they don't believe in democracy. They believe in minority rule.

And they want to restore exactly that. They laugh at me in here by saying, "Oh, the Hutus say the RPF wanted to restore the oppression of the pre-revolution days." That's true. That's exactly what they've done. There's no Hutu mass party in Rwanda now. Anybody who tries to start one, they're put in jail or killed or disappear. It's like Chile.

Paragraph ¶89. [Heckling] No. That's okay. . . . They say that the president of the republic took the
oath of office on 5th January, but other institutions were never set up, as all attempts to do so remain fruitless. Well, why? Again, the attempts were fruitless because the RPF put up roadblocks at every step.

President Habyarimana was sworn in on January the 5th in the morning, but the swearing-
in ceremonies for the Deputies in the afternoon were cancelled. Not by these men here [ind the
a c c us e d ] . No t b y t h e FA R. N ot b y t h e MR ND. I t w as c a nc e l le d by Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana, whose letter we've filed here, but which the world had never seen. She sent a letter saying, "Afternoon ceremonies cancelled"--with no reason given and no further date given. She cancelled it because the RPF wanted it cancelled. Because you could have had a coalition government, a transitional government on January the 5th. There was no obstruction
whatsoever, except that she cancelled the swearing-in ceremony.

Because soon after that, in March--they called for elections in March. The MRND and its allied parties would have won, and the RPF would have been sitting out there with no excuse for the war anymore. So they cancelled it. Colonel Claeys, of the Belgian army, who was called by the Prosecution--this is their evidence, your evidence--said that on January the 8th, when they tried to swear in some Deputies for the pro-RPF parties, when President Habyarimana was out of the country, in his absence, he said that that could be construed as an attempted coup d'état. Luckily, Roger Booh-Booh wouldn't take part in it, so the ceremony couldn't take place.

So on January the 5th, they cancelled the swearing in ceremonies of all the Deputies. January the 8th, the president's out of the country. They try to swear in their own Deputies to take over the government. But Roger Booh-Booh, the UN representative, said no way. And even your witness said there was an attempted coup d'état. It's not my evidence. It's your evidence.

Then going down to paragraph ¶90. Evening of April 6, President Habyarimana has his plane shot
down. Well, yeah. By whom? The RPF. Do you charge them with murder or a war crime? No. And
you make up some cockamamie story about, "We don't have jurisdiction." But it's quite clear you do.
It's quite clear you found out who did it. You've known since at least 1997 who shot down that plane. And the RPF immediately began hitting everybody else in that city they wanted to eliminate.

The troops left the CND that night. We had a report from a Belgian sergeant, Tabour, I think, an intelligence report in which--from Lieutenant Nees, including a statement from this officer--or this Mr. Tabour--saying, he received instructions from his commanding officers that you can expect an RPF column from the CND to cross your point to attack Camp Kanombe--I mean, to attack, yeah, Camp Kanombe, I think it was.

"Do not resist it. Do not oppose that movement." And he said that they crossed. But they were
stopped. The attack on Camp Kanombe on the night of the 6th was stopped by the FAR.
So this line that Kagame puts out--that, "We only attacked when killings began. We wanted to save the world"--is just nonsense. And even Alison Des Forges stated that the myth put out by Kagame that he started the war, or let his troops loose to stop it--I'll find it later--to stop the killings was false. That's a myth. She said he never cared about people. He only wanted to take power by force of arms. That's in the testimony of Mme. Des Forges. And that's your witness. You're stuck with that evidence. It's not my evidence. It's yours.

Kagame couldn't care less about people's lives. And Ruzibiza, in Military I, testified that he left--and many RPF officers left--because they felt betrayed. They actually believed the RPF was a liberation movement. And they were hoodwinked. And when they asked Kagame’s permission to go on the streets, because they had more men in Kigali than the FAR, and control bandits and ‘Interahamwe,’ if you will, Kagame refused to let them do it, because he wanted people killed, because that gave him support from the International Community, because then they could say it was a genocide. And it created chaos behind the Rwandan lines. Any support this government had in the International Community was totally--it just evaporated with all his propaganda, and that's why many of the RPF officers fled and left, in bitter disillusionment, and came here to testify.
Then they say, in ¶94 again, the Crisis Committee, they, in total disregard of the provisions of the
Arusha Peace Agreements, formed an exclusive Hutu government. Well, I'm not--you can read my brief --I'm not going to repeat all that again. It's quite clear that the Crisis Committee, from your witnesses, Des Forges and Dallaire--not just General Dallaire, but General Ndindiliyimana and the FAR officers who testified here--it's quite clear that that Committee was set up only to ensure security for the continued working of the civilian government, because they'd been--the prime--because the President's been assassinated. The army Chief of Staff is murdered.

There is a security vacuum. So the Army and the Gendarmerie and the UN--because General Dallaire and Colonel Marchal show up at those meetings together--so they try it: "How are we going to control security so the civilians--so we can try and pull back the Arusha Peace Accords somehow." So it was not in total disregard. It was in exact accordance.

Despite the fact that it's clear the RPF broke the Accords, they were a dead letter. They just burned them in the ashes of that plane. Men like General Ndindiliyimana and others--with his help and at his invitation--others like General Dallaire, Marchal, Booh-Booh--all tried to pull the Accords back from the ashes. They asked the RPF, "Stop fighting. Stop your fighting. For with the ceasefire we’ll just keep the--we'll just get new people in the government and keep going."

They refused because, obviously, they didn't want to. They've attacked. They've got the advantage, a surprise attack--in the sense that they've got 10 to 14,000 men in that city--maybe twice as many as the FAR probably have at that time. And yet the FAR, in my view, were naive enough to still believe that it is possible to talk to these people.

"Ask for a ceasefire." They're pleading with Dallaire, "Ask for a ceasefire. Ask for a ceasefire. Ask for a ceasefire. We can't do anything. We don't want a war."
Dallaire comes up--comes back and replies like the RPF–arrogant, obstinate, "No. No. No." And even on April 12th, when several senior FAR officers actually offer the RPF an unconditional surrender, "We give up. Unconditional surrender. It's over. You won."

What does the RPF do? They refuse that. Why? The killing could have stopped on April 12th. But
they don't want the killing to stop. They don't want the war to stop. Why? Because if they--if they agree to a ceasefire then, they would have to negotiate with the government. They would have to agree to things. They would not get all power. They would have to share power.
And the FAR would still exist. They would still have to integrate their forces with the FAR. And my friends over there [ ind the Prosecution ] talked about, "Oh, the FAR was against the Accords because a lot of men were going to lose their jobs and positions in the Army."

But that was also true of the RPF. Most of the RPF would have to be demobilized, and all the RPF
officers would be out of jobs. Don't they have a motivation to break the Accords? If you can argue that way against the FAR officers, it applies equally to the RPF. What were those men going to do? Roam around the streets in Kigali? Go back to Uganda? What? They're not farmers. They're soldiers. But no. The RPF disappears in the Prosecution’s entire theory. In their argument there's no mention of the RPF.

¶96: They say some--oh, ¶95, an astonishing s tatement--General Ndindiliyimana and Colonel Bagosora's Crisis Committee had just buried the Arusha Peace Agreements. I mean, come on!
You've got to be kidding me. RPF shoot down the plane. They attack. They won't agree to a ceasefire.
But these men want to continue the Accords. And you say they’re the ones buried it when they invite the UN in and say, "How can we keep it going?" And that's your own witnesses talking.

What surprises me and what the public doesn't know--or realize--is that this is their case. This is not my case. General Dallaire said that. Dr. Des Forges, this celebrated expert, said that here. And I'm going to read some excerpts later about how she talked about General Ndindiliyimana doing all he could to keep the peace accords going. Ambassador Swinnen who--you name it. And yet they put this lie in their brief. It's as if they were never at this trial. Or that the purpose of the brief is not to make an argument but, again, to be distributed to the press here, to Hirondelle and their allies everywhere, and just to put out a propaganda tract. That's all it is. It's not an argument about the evidence in the case.

It, in fact, ignores everything that Dallaire and Des Forges say. Nowhere in their argument do they refer to their main witnesses, Des Forges and Dallaire, except in passing. Why do they suppress that? Two of the most important witnesses ever to testify at this Tribunal, and it just disappears from the argument totally, which again supports my opening remarks that they--they're just working for the RPF and those-- the people behind them.

I want to make a gratuitous remark that Mr. Van made also, that from 1973 on, the Rwandan
government was laced with military officers. Well, so what? That's not relevant to anything.
The United States, which controls your office completely, is heavily infiltrated or ‘laced’ with the
American military --ex -military officers, present military officers : General Colin Powell,
General Eisenhower, Alexander Haig, Brent Scowcroft. I can go on and on with a list of American
military officers holding high places in government. It's nothing new in the world. Many other countries have military officers in government positions. So what?

And what was the RPF? It was a--you say it was a political/military organization. Well, if it's okay for the RPF, your heroes, to be a political/military organization, what's your problem with the
Rwandan government? Paragraph ¶100. Talking about the attack of October 1990, they say--they admit that--that Rwanda was attacked from Uganda--which makes it an international war, by the way, not an internal war.

They say the RPF talked mainly of the return of refugees and democratic reform. That's false also, because we heard testimony from many witnesses, experts and UN documents, that in late September there was an agreement between the UNHCR, the OAU, the UN, Uganda, the RPF wing of the Ugandan army, and the government in Rwanda that there would be a mass-. . .--they would allow, finally, a mass return of refugees into Rwanda, which is difficult because it is such a small country.

And the agreement was that the Tutsi refugees who wanted to return would send a delegation to Kigali to discuss the mechanics and logistics. Like where are they going to put these people? What are they going to live on? Who's going to house them? And the government was expecting that delegation to come. Instead, what do they get? Machine gun bullets and murder!

Because once that agreement was signed, the excuse for the existence of the RPF ceased to be. Their excuse was, "Oh, we want to come back to Rwanda." Well--and it's quite clear that individual Tutsis could always go back to Rwanda at any time they chose and many--and we had people testify they came back. There's no prohibition with Tutsis coming back if they wanted to, singly or as families. But it always was a concern for the government that 30, 40, 50,000 people come back, because they had a problem with that before. And no country could absorb that many people without problems.

And talk of a democracy. That also was a figment of their imagination, because what happened in
1991? Aggiornamento. (Not sure I pronounced that right.)

The French president and the Americans put heavy pressure on Habyarimana, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, to allow multiparty democracy. Did he resist? No. He changed the constitution, and Rwanda was changed from a semi-socialist one-party state into a multiparty Western-style democracy. Even during a war--the country is now at war--and he still did it--which is amazing! No other country would have done that in the middle of a war.

Changed their entire constitution and allowed parties to be set up which were obviously fronts for the enemy. But he did, because he's bending over backwards to stop the war and take away every excuse from the RPF to keep conducting that war. But still they press--they press--they press for more--for more--for more. And they never stop, because they were not interested in democracy. They wanted to take all power. And finally, with Herman Cohen's threat and its realization, they took all power, and they have it now.

They say on October 4th, 1990, in paragraph ¶101, the Rwandan Government Army staged a fake
attack on Kigali. That's also a lie. The evidence was that this fake attack was conducted by RPF
agents inside Kigali, as a feint, F-E-I-N-T, a diversion, to draw the Rwandan army away from the
Northern Front, where they were facing the RPF, in order to give the RPF an advantage.

But the FAR did not fall into that trap. They did not withdraw from the front, as they hoped to counter a threat in the capital. And the Americans were implicated in that too, because it was--the information was put out by an official of the American Embassy in Rusatira. It was a deliberate Black Op, Black Operation, to try and allow the RPF to win right there and then. You can read the evidence on that. I won't go into it in detail. And then they complain about 10,000 people being arrested. Yes. Well, the country is at war. There is a feigned attack, machine gun fire all over the capital at night and nobody knows who's firing. And they arrest people.

What do the Americans do after 911? Arrested tens of thousands of people. Some are still being held indefinitely, ten years--nine years later--eight years later. What country wouldn't protect its own security and wouldn't arrest suspects?

What amazes me is that those people were all released in six months. In the middle of a war--and
there's no doubt some of them were involved, and I think there were charges laid that some of them were involved--they released them! The Americans didn't do that.

Look what happened to the Japanese after their surprise attack on Hawaii. Every Japanese citizen in the United States was put in a concentration camp and kept there for the entire length of the war. No proof they were involved in anything whatsoever. Property seized. They never got those properties back. Some compensation came, like, 50 years later.

But you complain that this government under--in the face of an enemy attack, takes reasonable security measures to protect itself. And that's a--that's a sign of an anti-Tutsi bias. I mean, its crazy!
In paragraph ¶105 they say that, while the Rwandan government was talking peace with the RPF on one hand, on the other it was preparing for war and a final solution to the Tutsi problem in Rwanda.
Well, no. It's interesting they incorporate the Nazi German reference to the Jews, "Final Solution". It's all very dramatic, like Mr. Tambadou's fake histrionics yesterday, where he tried to tear at our heart strings because he has no facts to base his argument on.

No. Colonel Vincent and Colonel Marchal went in and testified quite clearly that the fight at the--the
talk-and-fight strategy was the strategy of the RPF. They would talk, get you to agree to a ceasefire, make some concessions, and then after that they would attack again, push you to the wall. Get some more concessions. Another ceasefire, attack again. This is totally false, and it's against the evidence in this trial. And, again, it's as if the people who wrote this--I don't know who wrote this. I suspect some of these lawyers, they didn't write this. Somebody else did. Because nobody in this trial could have--no one who was here could have written that and be honest.

It was the RPF that engaged in the--in the fight-and-talk strategy, and they were the ones preparing for a final solution. I referred in cross-examination to a letter sent to the UN in 1999 by--I think it was a Captain. Not sure if it was a Captain, but . . . Christophe Hakizimana, an ex-RPF officer. He wrote a letter to the UN at the time the UN was doing an internal investigation on what went wrong.

And he said, you--"The UN is investigating the wrong people." He said, "We killed 2 million Hutus in
those 12 weeks." Two million and still continuing. And he gave a very detailed outline of the RPF
strategy and tactics up to that point:

Destabilization; Black Operations; False Flag Operations; sabotage; assassinations, which they blamed on the government; feeding false information to NGOs; planting people inside the government and NGOs; economic destabilization; starting newspapers to create ethnic tension. The RPF were the ones that started that strategy to divide the people, not the government, not the FAR. And yet, despite that letter, which the Prosecution I'm sure has--and they have evidence of this--they claim--they don't mention dead Hutus. Every dead person is a dead Tutsi or a moderate Hutu.

It's like the Americans used to do in Vietnam. Every Vietnamese they killed in their bombings was a dead Vietcong, every one of them, millions. And the Prosecution doesn't prosecute. I remind the Judges that on your Rule 68 decision, when they were forced to give us disclosure, they had found 3,000 more pages. We found in there statements from RPF officers, where they received officers from Kagame personally.

I will give you two examples. “We have thousands of civilians, Hutu civilians, in Byumba stadium. What do we do with them?” Order: "Kill them." “We have thousands of civilians in Gitarama stadium, including former government officials. What do we do with them?” His orders, "Kill them all." This is in May. In June. "Kill them all!"

They've had those statements for over ten years. And that's why they didn't disclose them, because they don't want to charge the RPF, even though they committed massacres on a mass scale. I refer to the Gersony report. They hid that from us. At least we found his preliminary report which was sent to the UNHRC in October 1994 where he said to the UNHCR, "I have done a study and it's my conclusion that the RPF engaged in systematic and planned widespread massacres against the unarmed and defenseless Hutu population." And they were continuing to do so!

Now, after that preliminary report, he made a final report, which the UN is still hiding. But we referred to it in another document. And, I forget the document now, but you may recall it. In a UN report, another situation report, it referred to Gersony's full report. And it referred to a meeting between Robert Gersony, who, we remember, is a USAID man, now working in Baghdad. He was so incensed. He demanded a meeting with Paul Kagame and presented him with the findings of the report, that he found in just three préfectures , in those weeks in '94, the RPF had murdered 300,000 Hutus, and that he assumed--he concluded that they had done the same in the other eight remaining préfectures. And he accused Kagame of committing genocide. Kagame kicked him out of his office, and then the UN buried that report.

Gersony was taken off that file, and the report has been buried ever since. They even denied it existed. So who are the dead in Rwanda? That's what I would like to know. Who are the people at Gisozi?

I will come back to that. Let's take a break.
[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:
Court is adjourned for 15 minutes.
END OF ACT I
**************************************************************

ACT II
IN BLACK:
[VO] PROSECUTOR MR. VAN:

Let me give you a number of examples, Mr. President.
First of all, this is what you said:

"The positions of the Accused, Bizimungu, Ndindiliyimana, and Nzuwonemeye, as Chief of Staff
of the Rwandan Army, Chief of Staff of Gendarmerie Nationale, and the Commander of
Reconnaissance Battalion, respectively, and the fact that the institutions under their command
and control engaged in various activities that facilitated the mass killing of Tutsis on account of
their ethnic identification."

Secondly: "In 1991, following the invasion of Rwanda by rebels of the Rwandan Patriotic Front,
RPF, the previous year, the government of President Habyarimana commissioned a report which
defined the enemy as Tutsi. This definition was widely disseminated among elements of the
Rwandan armed forces, with a view to their indoctrination."

Thirdly, you said, Mr. President: "The Accused Bizimungu participated in various meetings
between 1991 and 1994 to discuss the identity of the enemy and how to combat it. These
meetings identified the Tutsi as the enemy, and acquitted members of that ethnic group to the
Igusura " I-G-U-S-U-R-A "the Igusura plan that needed to be emanated."

Quatrièmement... -- je ne veux pas citer tous les 15 exemples, Monsieur le Président, mais je prends ceux qui me paraissent importants. Quatrièmement -- dis-je : "Bizimungu and Ndindiliyimana made remarks after 6 April, 1994, which arguably could be interpreted as a threat of exhortation to kill Tutsi civilians."

Cinquièmement -- ce sera l'avant-dernier :
"Ndindiliyimana and Nzuwonemeye both attended the meeting held at the army headquarters in Kigali on the night of 6 April 1994, soon after the a plane crash [dir: Warp and echo this president of the country was killed in term].
At another meeting held at the École supérieure militaire , ESM, the following day, they established a Crisis Committee composed of senior military figures under the chairmanship of Ndindiliyimana. The committee was responsible for the formation of a new interim civilian administration dominated by Hutu." And, lastly: "Soon after the president's death in early April 1994, several opposition politicians and moderate Hutus were assassinated by members of the Rwandan army forces, including the Presidential Guard and Recon Battalion."
LIGHTS UP: The stage is as in ACT I.

[VO] MR. PRESIDENT:
Yes, Mr. Black. Court has resumed. You can continue.
MR. BLACK:
Thank you.

They talked in paragraph ¶109--I'm just going to go on my diatribe about the history just a bit more, and then I will go on to the actual argument by Mr. Strickland briefly. They say that in order to defeat the enemy politically, the MRND launched a systematic campaign of violence against moderate opposition politicians resulting in the deaths of some of them, such as Félicien Gatabazi, Emmanuel Gapyisi. Well, I really fail to understand how they could say that when the evidence in this trial clearly was--and in every other--in Military I and other trials--that the RPF murdered Félicien Gatabazi, the RPF murdered Bucyana, the RPF murdered Gapyisi. It's well known now.

Guichaoua wrote about that. I mean, everybody--every expert now recognizes the RPF murdered those people to try and discredit the government by saying they did it, and pass it out to the whole world that the regime is an anti-Tutsi regime, an anti-democratic regime. And when they murdered Gatabazi, by the way, remember, he just came from a meeting with [PM Faustin] Twagiramungu. He had a gendarme escort. And they were all shot, too.

So why is the Prosecution deliberately writing material in their argument which they know to be false? Why? Unless they take us all for fools! I don't know. Or, as I said, this is not meant to be an argument. It is just meant to be a propaganda tract. That's it.

Now, on page--paragraph ¶115, they say, from April 7th, the massacres of Tutsi started in Kigali. That's not true, either. The evidence is, from many witnesses, that Hutus and Tutsis manned the barricades together until about April 13th or so. And on April 13th, most of the Tutsis left the barricades, and then everybody began wondering what's going on. And it's then that some killings took place.

Though I just read in the book last night--this is not evidence, so you don't have to take it. But Alan
Cooperman wrote a study for the Pentagon, analysing a timeline for deaths. And he said, by April 15th--there's no killings between 7th and 6th--6th, 7th, 8th and 9th. They started on the 11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, 15th, and ended by the 15th, 16th. But he is wrong on many things, so don't take that for anything.

And then, finally, ¶116, between April and July, hundreds of thousands of Tutsis were killed. Well, where is the proof of that? Are we going to be content with just this mythology -- this myth? If this Tribunal, which is mandated to investigate and charge people with war crimes in Rwanda in 1994, cannot present to the world one scintilla of evidence about how many Tutsis were killed, then what are we doing here? What are we doing here?

There is no proof whatsoever that hundreds of thousands of Tutsis were killed! It may be so. I don't know. But they've never established how many Tutsis were killed. We filed the census figures from 1991. For Kigali alone--I may be off on the numbers, but I'm approximating, I remember the population of Kigali is around 250 to 300,000 people or so. Maybe a bit more. The number of Tutsis in Kigali is around 40,000 or so. General Dallaire states in his book that 14--he saw a column of 14,000 Tutsis being taken out by the RPF on around April 14th or so.
Bernard Kouchner, in the letter we filed, dated May 20th, on his visit to Kigali, states in this letter to the UN that 20,000 Tutsis were still alive in the city after the killings in Kigali had stopped, except for the fighting between the armies. That leaves you--that's 34,000. We are missing 6,000--and many people fled.

So who are--whose skulls are those at Gisozi? Two hundred and fifty thousand skulls, supposedly killed in Kigali. That would be the ENTIRE population of Kigali. We have an inkling of who they might be, because Antoine Nyetera said that when the RPF took the city, they rounded up all the--the entire population of different districts. In his district, over 100,000 people put in the Nyamirambo stadium. And the RPF--he said he saw thousands of Tutsis in that stadium with him. And Antoine Nyetera, remember, is a Tutsi, a very elegant man, famous artist trained in Paris, famous for designing the national stamps for Rwanda, related to the monarchy, a Prince. And he said he was in Kigali and he never saw what they say happened. He said he never saw the army killing people.

He said that when the RPF took the city, they rounded the people up, put them in the stadium. He saw thousands of people--Tutsis in the stadium with him. And then the RPF began pulling out of line the Hutus and just shooting them. Bang, bang, bang. And I asked him, what would happen if a Tutsi had complained about this. He said, "They'd shoot them, too."

I remember Rose. I won't tell you her last name. This was a person who came here, a journalist,
testified about going--about fleeing on the first few days of the war in April to Amahoro stadium, where General Dallaire's headquarters were based. And the refugees fled there. Mainly Hutus. And that on the stadium grounds--part of the stadium floor was occupied by, I think, Bangladeshi troops. I'm not sure. The UN troops were there. And that Dallaire, from time to time, walked through the stadium. And she testified quite graphically about how the RPF pulled people out of that stadium and shot them. Her husband was shot by the RPF, by a sniper, while he was walking in the stadium. They fired at her and wounded her foot.

She says her two sons--she attributes the suicides of her two sons to that experience. They committed suicide just last year. Twenty years old, hanged themselves because they can't take the injustice of the world.

And she said she approached him--and other refugees approached General Dallaire and said: "When are you going to stop the RPF from murdering Hutus in the stadium--right in front of your eyes?" He just said nothing and walked away.

So who are the dead people? Where are the hundreds of thousands of bodies? Where are the
photographs? Where are the mass graves? Where are the lists of the dead? Why does the RPF
refuse to conduct a census to find out what the true survival rate of the population was and who
survived and who was killed?

Because, if Christophe Hakizimana and Abdul Ruzibiza are correct--and I don't know, but this is what they say--then two million Hutus were killed. Davenport and Stam at the University of Maryland put out a study based on Prosecution figures they took, and RPF figures they were given to do a study for the Prosecution. They came to the conclusion that only 250,000 people were killed. And for every Tutsi, there were two dead Hutus. A two to one ratio. Their contract with the Prosecutor's office was then cancelled. But they say that's what their figures revealed, based on reports they got from each village, each site, from the Prosecution’s office and the RPF government.

So it's in between there and there. Two hundred and fifty thousand and two million. Nobody knows
because nobody wants to find out. Or they do know, but don't want to tell us. And we have Gersony saying 300,000 dead Hutus, in three préfectures alone, in those 12 weeks. But the Prosecution doesn't charge anybody in that government. Not one single person!

And by encouraging Kagame in his impunity from prosecution, this Prosecution service is allowing him, encouraging him, giving him carte blanche to go into Congo and kill 10 million more people. We heard what they did to the Hutu refugees in eastern Congo, forced into the forest. Four thousand kilometers, they're pushed into the forest. Hunted down like animals every day. You heard those stories. It will make you cry.

And we heard Rose ask: “Where is the justice for the Hutus?” Obviously there is none.
All right. I am now going to go to the Definition of the Enemy Document. I think my friends before me addressed that very well, and the brief, I think, just totally refutes their false argument on that. They do mention in their brief, here, that the Belgian War College thesis that General Ndindiliyimana wrote in 1974, when he was a young cadet at the Belgian War School, somehow spawned the Definition of Enemy Document. First of all, Military I said that document is fine. It doesn't say Tutsis were the enemy. It's quite clear. Their actual indictment says it correctly.

Tutsi extremists who want to take power by force of arms were the enemy, and that would be true in any state. But those who want to change the government by democratic means are not the enemy. That's quite clear. But somehow they use a thesis which he wrote and which was approved by the Belgian War School as correct, and then buried in their archives, somehow that influenced the Definition of the Enemy Document, without any proof whatsoever that anybody even knew about that thesis he wrote as a young cadet. It was never produced and circulated among the army. "Oh, that's great. We'll use that as a template for our argument." I mean, it's just absurd what they are trying to argue here. And it doesn't even mention the Tutsis being the enemy in his thesis. But, if he is guilty of that, then the Belgian government is too.

Para ¶525, they state that the Accused were against the Arusha Accords. Well, I'm going to read some excerpts from some testimony which indicates that the FAR--and Ambassador Swinnen struck me very strongly on this, the Belgian ambassador. He said, the FAR were quite clearly in favor of the Accords-- the Rwandan army. And it was the RPF who were the obstructionists.

And in that--in his testimony, we filed the report by the Tanzanian Foreign Minister who was acting as go-between for the negotiations between the RPF and everybody else. The Tanzanian Foreign Minister complained to the UN that it was the RPF who were the obstructionists. And when the issue about the CDR party being involved or not in the transitional government, when finally everybody agreed that they could take part, and the CDR agreed--acceded to the Arusha Accords--he said, it was the RPF who still refused to go ahead with the Arusha Accords. They were the ones opposing everything.

All right. I think I'll--there are a couple of things in this argument which also struck me as odd. This is our legal issue. It's a minor point in a way, but it's important for your considerations because, as I said at the beginning, I think--I submit that we have, brick by brick, built a wall so solid of Reasonable Doubt that they could never penetrate that wall.

There is Reasonable Doubt on every issue. And I think, in fact, we have gone beyond that and proven that General Ndindiliyimana is completely innocent--something we don't need to do!
They say the notion of Reasonable Doubt, at paragraph ¶1344, is related to the credibility of the
evidence adduced. That's false. That's not true in law. Reasonable Doubt is not just based on credibility. It's based on the totality of the evidence. And whether the Prosecution's proven its case on the facts and on the evidence. Credibility is just one issue in assessing that evidence. So they don't even know what the law is on Reasonable Doubt. They misstate it!

And in--the following paragraph reveals their attitude completely in this case--in ¶1345, they say
something astonishing. But, unconsciously or not, they represent their true point of view. They say, “After the presentation by the parties of their evidence, the Prosecution observes that the Defense has not established at any point in time the innocence of the Accused.“ That shows exactly what their mindset is, and why they don't back up any of their charges.

They make charges and bring no evidence. They charge that he should be in control of RTLM, General Ndindiliyimana, but they brought no proof that he had any legal responsibility over RTLM. They brought no expert to say so, no member of RTLM to say so, nobody in the RPF to say so, no expert in law and media to say so. No one. They just say, "He is responsible." And, "You got a response to that, Mr. Black?" That is their attitude.

We demolished that case anyway, because I know the thinking over there. They did it again when they alleged he could have done more to save lives. They didn't bring one military police expert here--which they could easily have done--to say, based on the resources he had at this time, based on what was going on on the ground and the dynamics of the situation, he could have done this, he could have done that, and he could have done the other, or he should have done this, he should have done that. He didn't. And he didn't do it for bad reasons. So negligence is not enough. They've got to prove he didn't do something with intent to assist in the killing.

They just made the accusation: He didn't do enough. And they could have brought an RPF officer
here. "I was in Kigali at that time fighting. I knew what they had. I knew they could have done that and done that." They could have brought General Dallaire to say so. They didn't do it. They could have hired any sort of military expert from all their military colleges in Britain and the United States to come and do a study. They didn't.

Major Nsanzimfura, who is their case manager in this case, because he is a G4, logistics officer. Major Nsanzimfura was aware of all the capabilities of the Gendarmerie: Number of men available, weapons, food supplies. He knew everything that General Ndindiliyimana had at his disposal, and he sits back there--he's not called as a witness to say, "General Ndindiliyimana is wrong. He could have done this and done that. We complained, and he wouldn't do anything." But they don't call Major Nsanzimfura because Major Nsanzimfura would not agree with them.

And I go back just briefly to the charges they raised at the beginning of the case, the horrible charges laid against General Ndindiliyimana and no evidence whatsoever supported those charges. They were just withdrawn, because they laid those charges to manipulate the Judges and to make him look bad. Now, the big attack on General Ndindiliyimana was made by Mr. Strickland, who said that he is a liar. Plain and simple. Without establishing any reason why he should be considered a liar, he just says he is a liar.

So--and why is he a liar? Because--well, he is a General, and he is a politician. He is a Hutu. Their attitude is: All Hutus are liars. So, why have a trial? If no witness can be believed here because he is a Hutu, why have these trials at all? It's a farce.

Since I'm forced into this exercise, let's spend some time establishing that Mr. Strickland's statements were totally groundless and slanderous.
I read from my brief--I wasn't going to do this because I don't think I need to, but I am forced to now.
Paragraph ¶17, page 10. Colonel Vincent says, in support of General Ndindiliyimana's testimony,
quote, "I am persuaded that the General--the General was in favor of implementing the Arusha Accords. And the Gendarmerie cooperated fully with UNAMIR in the implementation of the Accords, fully, indeed."

Further he stated, "At no time did we have any perception of General Ndindiliyimana’s being in any way implicated or involved in any of the massacres."
Page 15. Dr. Des Forges, I asked her--I put this question to her: "Question: In April--" and I'm reading to her from her book. "’In April, General Ndindiliyimana and Colonel Gatsinzi and Rusatira summoned Gahigi of RTLM and Jean François Nsengiyumva of Radio Rwanda to the Military School in Kigali. The officers supposedly told them that the radios must stop calling for violence against Tutsi and discrediting military officers opposed to genocide. Another RTLM announcer incited militia to attack Ndindiliyimana, reporting that he was transporting RPF soldiers in his vehicle, for which the license plate number was given, when he was trying to help Tutsi escape.’ You wrote those word, did you not?" She said, "Yes, I did."

Colonel Vincent, on page 19, in talking about the General’s cooperation with UNAMIR, said, "At the level of the negotiations for the KW--the Weapons Secure Area Agreement, he played a role which I may refer to as an important role." And Colonel Marchal confirmed that.

And Colonel Marchal, to add to my last point, goes on to say that--explaining the negotiations, he said, "I would say the Rwandan government forces"--now, Colonel Marchal is the head of the Belgian UN contingent to Kigali. He said, "I would say that Rwandan Government Forces and the Gendarmerie did not give me major problems. There were problems. but quite understandable, and that can be explained in the context at the time.

"However, on the RPF side, it was a permanent struggle to have them comply with the requirements of the Agreement, the Protocol. And when I say constant struggle, I say it because--with a great deal of conviction, because at the time I kept a private journal and would often send reports on my activities to my general staff in Brussels. And it is true, when I reread through that period, I see that sometimes I had serious problems with the military component of the RPF at the CND."

With respect, specifically to the credibility of, and the sincerity of General Ndindiliyimana at page 20, paragraph ¶36, I asked him--he said this--however, he said this, and I quote him. He said, "In regard to the Gendarmerie, Colonel Marchal testified he did not have problems with them. And he had noted at the time very clear orders from General Ndindiliyimana to all gendarme units to comply with the agreement. Further, Colonel Marchal assigned observers to see if the general had kept his word or was playing a double game." That is, he put he tailed him. He had him followed to see if he was playing straight.

This is what he says: "So I assigned observers, so I can tell you" this is a quote. Quote, "So I can tell you that if there was any need for General Ndindiliyimana to play a double game, so to speak. We would have been able to see through it, given the circumstances, particularly in view of what we experienced. It is through these observations that I became more trusting, and I found the chief of staff of the Gendarmerie to be a credible person."

So where does Mr. Strickland get off to saying he is lying? Where? Based on what?
[FREEZE]
[VO] MR. STRICKLAND:

I'm about to read from Mr. Van's cross-examination of your client in this case where this very
state--this testimony is put to him. June 23rd, 2008. "Question: General, with regard to the
information provided to you by your collaborators -- you made mention of this in the
Bagambiki case. During the hearing of 17th of February 2003, when you were testifying on
behalf of Préfet Bagambiki, This is Mr. Van. "I have before me an excerpt of the transcript of Monday, the 17th of February 2003. And Counsel Lurquin put to you the following question: 'Before the 6th of April 1994, when you were chief of staff of the Gendarmerie, were you regularly informed
of the security situation in the Cyangugu préfecture ?' To which you answered, 'Yes, Counsel.
In my capacity as chief of staff with a full department of employees, we would regularly receive
from all the Gendarmerie units, including Cyangugu, information on the situation that prevailed
in the préfecture where we had our units. Question: After the 6th of April, would you still
receive such reports?

Answer: Yes, Counsel. Question: Witness, were the reports made on a
regular basis? Answer: The reports were indeed made on a regular basis. There is what we call
information reports that are given every day, and we receive them at the general staff. Question:
Who would send reports to you from the Cyangugu préfecture? Answer: From Cyangugu, as
from other préfectures , we had the Gendarmerie. It is the commander of the Gendarmerie unit
that would send the report to us.' End of quote."

Now, I invite the Chambers to read General Ndindiliyimana's response. I don't want to go on
too long. But what's interesting here is that, before that Trial Chamber in the Bagambiki case, Ndindiliyimana wanted to stress the extent of his knowledge of events in Cyangugu and never
did he suggest-–never--I've read the transcript --never did he suggest that his intelligence was
incomplete or ever incorrect. Never.

But, in this case, it is the--almost the first point he brings to the floor, that the information we received is incomplete or sometimes false, because here he wants to make it appear that he was largely in the dark with respect to the killings throughout Rwanda and largely in the dark about the actions of his own officers.

Mr. President, on April 6th and 7th, 1994, the political survival skills, techniques, of General Ndindiliyimana came to the fore.

He occupied a central position in the military-led Crisis Committee, which initially took the reins of power in the aftermath of the president's death. General Dallaire testified that at times he was under the impression that General Ndindiliyimana was acquiescing to General Bagosora's agenda, and, at other times, Ndindiliyimana expressed concern and a desire to stop the massacres and the killings.

Well, Mr. President, after hearing all the evidence, Prosecutor wants to make our position
crystal clear. We are not confused, like Dallaire was. It is our position that Ndindiliyimana was
wholly insincere in his dealings with Dallaire. He simply told General Dallaire whatever he
thought the UN wanted to hear.

[MR. BLACK BACK LIVE]

MR. BLACK

General Dallaire said, "In the case of the Gendarmerie, I have absolutely no reports of any maneuvering outside the KWSA rules. He was cooperative in trying to maintain order within the limited resources he had."
Ambassador Swinnen said, page 25, . . . the Belgium ambassador said, "I knew him when he assumed his responsibilities and when he went to the National Gendarmerie. He showed a determination to work and cooperate with Belgium and with the Belgians. And I had a very favorable view of Ndindiliyimana."
And this despite the fact there was some tension between Belgium and Rwandan at the time. But he was able to transcend this tension. "I saw someone who really wanted to work, who really
demonstrated his will to make process--processes work."

And he remembers that General Ndindiliyimana had a conversation with the Chief of Staff of the Belgian Army, the armed forces, Admiral Ver Hurst. It's V-E-R, H-U-R-S-T. Admiral Ver Hurst, he said--he told Admiral Ver Hurst that he was in favor of a stronger exercise of the mandate of the United Nations. He said that Admiral Ver Hurst. And I was given that as one of the examples of what we believed to be a sincere commitment to peace. And Belgium, in line with the General's wish, thought that that should work.

And General Dallaire, paragraph ¶53, I asked him, "Oh"--he's talking here about the cooperation with Ndindiliyimana and UNAMIR. He said--I asked him, "Oh, so you regarded him as the most cooperative officer on either side, RGF or RPF?" His answer was, what? "Absolutely." Absolutely.
They attack him by saying that–Van attacked him by saying that the Crisis Committee was some sort of Machiavellian plot to take over the government.

Des Forges says this about that meeting: “With Gatsinzi at least nominally in command of the armed forces, he, Rusatira, and Ndindiliyimana sought to rest control from Bagosora. And the Crisis Committee met on the evening of April 7th. They refused to allow Bagosora to run the meeting. He insulted others, particularly Rusatira, and boycotted the rest of the meeting. The others made some plans for bringing the Presidential Guard under control and setting up the government based on the Arusha Accords.” You wrote those words? “That sounds familiar.”
That's fine.

This is their witness, not my witness. This is their case, not my case. How can they come here and deny their own case and just put out lies when their witnesses said the crisis committee did not have that purpose and General Ndindiliyimana’s role was not as they say it was? And that's why they suppressed all mention of Des Forges and Dallaire in their argument--because they're dishonest.
A dishonest lawyer would say, "Dallaire and Des Forge said this, but we think . . ." They don't even try to argue their way out of it. Just drop it out of the picture entirely.

And Des Forges goes on: "In the early days of April, it appears that General Ndindiliyimana made efforts to organize some sort of opposition in--meetings with opposition to Bagosora and, in addition, made efforts to save lives”--despite what Mr. Van says. He didn't save anybody?! Mr. Van has the temerity to say he didn't save anybody! And yet he saved 37 Tutsi orphans and two priests at his house in April.

He had his armored car taken away from him because they thought maybe he was working for the RPF. And then she wrote this: "The senior officers opposed to Bagosora" because he--Mr. Van mentioned something about international support for the so-called moderates, which is a false dichotomy, but she said, "The senior officers opposed to Bagosora either could not bring themselves to join forces with the longstanding enemy or do not believe that they could lead a substantial number of soldiers into such an arrangement. They looked instead to the International Community for support.

"Dallaire would have liked what he saw as a new army, but he was blocked by the narrow interpretation of the mandate, . . ." and so on. "Ndindiliyimana explored the possibility of foreign support with the Belgian ambassador, Johan Swinnen, the evening of April 7th. No one had resources to offer dissenters who hoped to oust Bagosora and stop the slaughter of Rwandans.” “You wrote that, did you not?" She says, "Yes, I believe I wrote that."

And Dallaire, who was at the meeting of the Crisis Committee, says--I say to him: "Question: I believe you classified someone like Ndindiliyimana and somebody like Rusatira as so-called moderates." He said, "Yes." Now, I don't like that false dichotomy, and other officers here don't like that dichotomy. It's a false dichotomy. But those are the terms they used.

And Colonel Marchal, who was at the meeting of the military officers on April 6th, 7th, at the ESM,
invited by General Ndindiliyimana, and General Dallaire was present, invited by General Ndindiliyimana. Colonel Marchal says this: "Another aspect of this part of the meeting which seems essential to me, is that everyone, everyone in the FAR was of the decision to put in place, as soon as possible, the transitional institutions and help manage the crisis and to hand over authority as rapidly as possible to the politicians. And the soldiers present did not raise any objection to this. The soldiers said, 'It's not our role to manage. We help. It's the politicians who need to manager the crisis.'"
This was a great concern. And he confirms that General Ndindiliyimana supported that initiative. In
fact, he was the one that broached it first. Then we have--to support his credibility--the telephone call of Johan Swinnen, the night of the 7th and 8th. I won't read the entire transcript here, but the second paragraph on page 44 is important. The general phones Ambassador Swinnen and says, "Don't leave us. Belgians will be killed. Soldiers will be killed. Don't leave Rwanda. We need you here or else it's just going to deteriorate and get worse.

Please stay." It's a long conversation, 3 o'clock in the morning. Mr. Strickland says he is a liar. Well, Ambassador Swinnen said, "That was a very emotional conversation. And I think that at that time I could not have thought that he was just pretending or acting. I think that he was acting lucidly and seriously. Unfortunately, I had to tell him, 'We have not yet taken a decision.' And I had the feeling that I was talking to someone who was very disappointed and still wanted to make an effort to see to it that the Belgians do not--are not compelled to take a decision to leave."

And Dr. Des Forges, their witness, confirmed in her remarks on this conversation. She said, "So I think it does reveal, probably--no, I think it does reveal, certainly--on the part of Ndindiliyimana--a sincere desire for the international forces to remain there." This is their witness.

I can go on. Colonel Marchal confirms that the gendarmes could do no more than the blue berets, that the blue berets who were guarding the so-called moderate politicians were overwhelmed by the Presidential Guard attacking their unit. Four or five men were attacked by twenty. He said, "Our men couldn't resist the Presidential Guard and the Gendarmerie couldn't do anything better." So that also corroborates the General's testimony.

They laughed at the fact that he says, "Oh, I didn't have resources and I couldn't control the events." “You could have done SOMETHING!” They forget the argument in my brief about the consequences of the RPF attack on the refugee camp at Nyacyonga. Remember there is, north of the city, one million people, one million living in tents, forced there by the RPF.

April 10th and 11th, they begin bombarding that camp with heavy, heavy--high explosive shells. How many thousands of people were killed in Nyacyonga? How many? That's a war crime, to attack a refugee camp with heavy artillery, hour upon hour, over two days. Why did they do that? Because they wanted to force that mass of people into the city to create chaos. They just flooded the city. The army couldn't even function. You got a million people blocking roads, swarming everywhere, running away from that shelling. And many of them were killed by civilians in Kigali who thought they might be RPF infiltrators. Many innocent people died because of that. And whose fault is that? Not General Bizimungu’s, General Ndindiliyimana’s.

It's General Kagame’s fault! He shelled that camp. And you people don't even charge him. And you know he did that. I mean, can you imagine attacking one million people--living in tents--with heavy artillery. And not a word is said about it. Again, on page 72, Colonel Marchal repeats, "I would say that what was true as far as the UNAMIR was concerned was true as far as the Gendarmerie was concerned. The gendarmerie was not numerous enough to face a normal situation. You must realize that after the crash, the plane, very quickly, the gendarmes' means were frozen--well, frozen. I say they were nailed to their camps because of the RPF action." Because all the camps were attacked. All the gendarme camps were attacked. Remera camp was overrun and eliminated. Attacked his headquarters. Just bombed it. What was he supposed to do? Run a police operation? And police stations are being bombed and overrun.

And they, even in their brief, question the validity or the veracity of his statement that he lost most of his command. Colonel Vincent stated, page 72, "So any Gendarmerie unit within that sector, operational sector, falls under the operational command of the commander of that sector." And General Dallaire said, when I asked him did General Ndindiliyimana have a command left, he said, "Well, I recall him explaining it to me, and we had a couple of meetings during that time. And he explained that the Gendarmerie was reverting to the command of the Army. And so, essentially, he didn't have a command left." That's their evidence.

"He didn't have a command left. And the way I saw it at the time, and certainly the Minister of Defense never negated that." So, in fact, he was sort of like a floater. He had no job. And, witnesses said, in the entire country, 200 men were left to his command: 100 in Kigali, which he placed to try and protect Tutsis as best he could with that small amount of men. And they confuse, misconstrue our argument.
Our argument is not that gendarmes specifically--where he gave orders to gendarmes to do certain things, he didn't have command over them. Of course he did--that's obvious.
Our argument about command responsibility is about capacity. He lost most of his command.
Therefore, he could not do more than he did.

Now, they say he did not support the communiqué of April 12th to the RPF offering a surrender. Well, General Dallaire confirms that Ndindiliyimana supported the communiqué. And Dr. Des Forges also confirmed that he was part of that group of officers.

[FREEZE]
[VO] Mr Strickland:

In this context we see the best example of Ndindiliyimana's talent for duplicity and self-serving
overtures. Chambers will recall that there was discussion of a surrender communiqué that was
released by several high-ranking Rwandan officers on April 12th, 1994. General Dallaire heard
of this surrender communiqué, this overture of peace, and he wondered why Ndindiliyimana--
whom he considered a moderate Hutu--why he had failed to sign that document.

He asked the General for an explanation. In response Ndindiliyimana told General Dallaire that he had failed to sign a surrender communiqué of April 12th, 1994, because he was busy saving Tutsis in Butare. That--that was an utter lie! It was an utter lie!

Because, as General Ndindiliyimana made clear, himself, when he testified, himself, he told us
this: He didn't visit Butare until April 15th. So here it is. Here we see the real
General Ndindiliyimana. This is a concise example of the tenor and tone of his testimony before
this Tribunal. It was disingenuous, dishonest, self-serving, insincere. He claims to have
supported a surrender communiqué. For some reason he didn't sign it. He held himself up as a
saviour of Tutsi refugees. He wasn't even in Butare before the 15th. How could he be busy there
saving refugees?

[MR. BLACK BACK LIVE]
MR. BLACK:
And Dr. Des Forges says that Gatsinzi--I asked her in cross-examination about Gatsinzi. Mr. Strickland said that he never--he told General Dallaire--General Ndindiliyimana told General Dallaire he was off in Butare saving Tutsis. Well, he was down south saving Tutsis. Because Antoine, the hotelier--remember him?--he was a very interesting character, the Tutsi hotel owner. He came here to testify for us. A very interesting character. You can't forget him.

And he testified that General Ndindiliyimana, with his gendarmes, the few he had left, on a mission down there, went to the hotel, found out they were being threatened by so-called Interahamwe and left his unit--his close-protection unit--some of it, right there to protect the Tutsis in that hotel--who included several Tutsi businessmen and their families. And they survived the war. And those gendarmes stayed with those Tutsi families throughout the war until they left in late or early June.

And Dr. Des Forges confirmed, when I put to her General Gatsinzi's letter--we referred to a letter by General Gatsinzi in which he confirms that General Ndindiliyimana supported the April 12th communiqué, but he couldn't sign it because he said he was in the south saving Tutsis. And she said, "That's correct." That's their witness, not mine. That's the Minister of Defence from Rwanda.

I don't know why they charged General Ndindiliyimana, and I would really like to know why. Maybe in their rebuttal they can tell me why he has spent the last nine years in prison for no reason.
I put several questions to Dr. Des Forges about Gatsinzi, Rusatira, Ndindiliyimana, trying rest control from Bagosora, trying to stop the killings, trying to keep the Peace Accords going. There are many references to that. And in each one of them, I put to her this question--at page 75: "Well, I'm going to press. Aren't those actions consistent with someone who opposes any killing of Tutsi civilians and any plan to do so? Aren't they consistent with a man who opposed that, those actions in themselves?" And she replied, "Those actions in and of themselves do appear to be consistent with that, yes."

That's their case. He is not guilty. They raise reasonable doubt--and more of it in their own case! And they did that with their very first indictment. My Honourable Judges, here, were not here at that time.
But when the first indictment came down against him, in the indictment itself, in the sections they wrote, they actually put in evidence which clears him of the very charges they charged him with in the preceding paragraph. It was bizarre. It was quite clear they just concocted--rapidly--an indictment in order to keep him in prison for some reason. To testify against Bagosora, that was their main objective, I think.

And at page 76, regarding, again, Gatsinzi's letter stating that Ndindiliyimana was in favor of the
April 12th telegram, Des Forges says, "If you recall yesterday I said that the actions which I knew about concerning Ndindiliyimana seem to me a period when he was not in favor of genocide." She never negates the contents of the letter.

And we have General Mahundi, the Tanzanian Inspector General of police who testified for
General Ndindiliyimana. And General Mahundi was not only the Inspector General of police at the time, in 1993, he was also the vice president of Interpol. And he states that General Ndindiliyimana spoke to him and talked about the fact that the political leaders in Rwanda are likely to come to an agreement, and they would like to integrate our forces. So we would like to get training in your country so we can more easily integrate the forces together. And he was more concerned with the crime and tranquility, generally.

And, page 78, his point of view was, he was expecting the two sides politically, the two sides to--
[
VO] THE ENGLISH INTERPRETER:

Mr. President, could counsel give the interpreters time to find the reference that he has given.
MR. BLACK:
It's page 78 in our brief. I'm sorry.
So he was expecting the two sides to negotiate their conflict and find a solution to their conflict. He was very much hopeful that that negotiation there would be likely to end up successfully.
I think that puts ‘paid’ to Mr. Strickland's arguments that--I can make some other references here. I
haven't got much time left.

Mr. Strickland attacked me about his witness, GCB, about the so-called massacre at Saint André. We state, based on the evidence, there was nobody killed there at all. Period. And he mocks my argument by saying, "Mr. Black, this man said he was wounded in the hand, shot in hand, and Mr. Black mocked him because he had no wounds--no bullet wounds."

Well, it's true. Read the transcripts. That witness, remember, came and said he was forced on the ground and laid down, his hands covering his head like that, and a gendarme, he said--he alleged, fired a high-powered automatic rifle five times at his head, and not only did his head not explode from the first round or second, third, fourth or fifth, but he only lost one finger. And I put it to him that that finger was probably lost some other way.

There was no bullet wound from a high-powered automatic--high-velocity round. That would have
blown his head apart the first time. And with respect to "you can't use DH91 and DH90," well, I used it in cross-examination. That's the evidence. Read the brief. There was no killing at Saint André College.

They go on and say, this is not an international armed conflict. Well, I said that the Ugandan Army was heavily involved, as was Museveni. There is some evidence that Burundi also invaded from the South.
And it's quite clear, General Ndindiliyimana testified that he received intelligence reports from the field, Kibungo especially, that an American C130 Hercules was seen dropping men by parachute behind RPF lines. That's an act of war by the United States. So--and everything confirms that--because now, Rwanda is nothing but an American military base.

Now, I just want to end with--I haven't much time left, so a few minor things--like communications.
General Ndindiliyimana’s ability to know and react. I think our chronology is very well done. And I thank Ms. Tipton for doing a large part of it. And that quite clearly shows what he knew when and what he did in reaction to that.

And he testified that the Alcatel system was bombarded, was destroyed. His jeep, which had
communication equipment in it, was destroyed by a bomb. He did have information coming in. He
explained quite clearly, and in a detailed manner, what type of information and how he reacted to it. And he went further than that. He said that he sent teams out into the field to try to find out what was going on.

So it's not--we are not saying we didn't have information. He searched for information. But he never received any information that the gendarmes were hurting anybody. Only that they were trying to protect people. And this ridiculous remark that they made about--oh, I can't find it. But, anyway, Mr. Strickland said something about the gendarmes in his house, the General said, walked 12 miles and made a report from Butare.

That's not what he said. He said, in a general answer about the context of his communications--he gave an example. He said, "It was so bad. For instance, the men guarding my
house, if they had wanted to make a report to me, had to walk 12 kilometres to make such a report." He didn't say they made a report.

So--yeah, I've got the quote here. It's page--June 18th, 2008, page 49. So, he said, "So we had these small operational detachments. That's how the gendarmes worked. We send out small teams. For instance, the team that was in my place in Nyaruhengeri, if I had a minor problem, the gentlemen would need to walk or trek some 12 kilometres to Butare to report. So there weren't really any means of communication between those small units operating on the ground and the command post."

It's the opposite of what Mr. Strickland said. And Mr. Strickland knew that when he said it. And I found the quotes--just very quick--where--this is Des Forges, said that she--the claim by Kagame that he started--he loosed "the dogs of war" on the 7th or 8th--his claim to save Tutsis is wrong. She said this, page 18, October 11th, 2006, she says, "I had concluded previously, and I believe the evidence is solid, that the RPF gave priority to winning a military victory and not to saving the lives of civilians, including, particularly, Tutsi civilians in the country. I have said that on a number of occasions, and I believe that the evidence supports that conclusion."

Give me five more minutes. I'm going to close with-- I refer you to--because I have only got three or four minutes on this. But I want to refer you to the assessment of--remarks by Colonel Marchal at the end of my brief, remarks by Ambassador Swinnen about the character of General Ndindiliyimana and how they saw him, and that he was viewed in a very positive way, and then I will sit down.

So I think--I don't like to hit them over the head with these things, but it's true. If I can find it--excuse me. Oh, here we go.

First of all, at page 243, Alain De Brouwer said, "I briefly remind you of the very well-known role
occupied by General Ndindiliyimana in Kinihira in 1993, where he saved the Arusha Accords by giving a solution to the military aspect." And talking about the telex sent by Willy Claes, the Belgian Foreign Minister, in regard--with respect to General Ndindiliyimana, he says, "We knew that the person of General Ndindiliyimana, we had somebody who would bring a great deal of collaboration in the search for the truth as to the events which occurred in Rwanda." The truth. And he praises him.

The Belgian ambassador, Mr. Swinnen, read the telex sent by Willy Claes, and Willy Claes was then the Belgian Foreign Minister, and became later the Secretary General of NATO. And his telex says, in instructing the Belgian ambassador to Kinshasa to give him a visa, "The person concerned has always proven to be of service to proper conduct towards Belgium. Similarly, during a recent period of violence in Rwanda, the person concerned showed that he was a friend of Belgium. Furthermore, he helped many Rwandans. He helped many Rwandans to find a safe shelter or to find safety, and helped many Rwandans to escape a certain death and obvious death."

Then the ambassador continued: "I want to say a lot of things because we are dealing with a case
which, to my book, deserves very special attention. I consider General Ndindiliyimana as a positive person. I do not have all the details about his movement during the genocide, not even about the period preceding the genocide, but I have given you the basis upon which I have always and I still take General Ndindiliyimana seriously. I have not had any signals or got any statements from him which make it possible for me to create any doubt about his commitment to reconciliation." And he goes on.

One minor thing--and I am going to conclude--about Nyaruhengeri and Kansi. I think our brief is very complete on that. There is one thing you should also consider. They say, "Well, the gendarmes could have heard shots," and then, "You should have gone and helped people." Well, no test was done to see if shots could have been heard several kilometers away.

That's just speculation. And sometimes a shot could be heard that far. It depends on atmospherics, wind direction, all sorts of things. It's equally possible he didn't hear a damn thing. Excuse my language. I retract that. He didn't hear a thing. But, in any case, on the 21st of April, you remember, the same day Radio Muhabura--I believe it was Muhabura, RPF propaganda hate radio--put out a message that General Ndindiliyimana had been killed by northern officers trying to create chaos in the ranks, I suppose.

Why would the gendarmes--Marie, his wife, allow gendarmes--there are several gendarmes there, three or four gendarmes there--to leave her when she heard on the radio that her husband had been assassinated? Do you think those gendarmes assigned to protect her by Charles Kabeza, the burgomaster, would have left the family they were loyal to to run down the road, some possible shots being fired 3 kilometers away, knowing their chief had been murdered?

It doesn't fly. I'm going to conclude with--I think of my friend and comrade Maître Lurquin, who can't be with us today because he has been elected, happily, to the European Parliament. And I would like to read those remarks, because Maître Lurquin wrote the last two pages of this brief. I translated from French into English. He approved of my translation, so I think it's ok.

At page 247, paragraph ¶615--and I read this because I submit that it's true based on the evidence. “General Ndindiliyimana is a man who is more than just his function. The Prosecutor's strategy appears to be to charge those who occupied the highest functions of the state in Rwanda, Ministers, préfets, Chiefs of Staff and intellectuals, who appear to have been arrested, not because of what they did but because of their position.

“The trial is a nightmare for the Prosecutor because behind the veil of his function was the reality of the man, with his weaknesses, perhaps, but also a man with strengths and commitment, a man that no witness, either for the Defense or the Prosecution, ever accused of being an extremist in his politics or with respect to ethnicity.

“On the contrary, he was portrayed as a man who is tolerant, good, respectful of and respected by all, no matter what their social rank, a man who could have remained”--like Nsanzuwera, who works for you--”who could have remained, like so many others, a spectator fleeing the violence, rather than a man who tried to fulfill his responsibilities, a man who could have been among those who pretend to judge instead of a man being judged.

But to have been among those who fled their responsibilities, he would have had to surrender his humanity and the lives of all those he saved, a man whose heart made him steadfast in his commitment to the people of Rwanda. And perhaps that's why he is really accused, because he did not abandon the people he is proud to be proud of. And that is not a crime.”

Now, I have been on this case for ten almost ten years. When I came here, I believed everything I read in the press about the so-called genocide. And the entire case to me has been frustrating, depressing, distressing and shocking. I once believed in International Justice. I no longer do. I believe in you Judges, and I am sure you believe in International Justice. I would like to.

But the maneuvers of the Prosecution in imprisoning this man without an indictment for four years, and then, one month before the trial starts, handing down a totally different indictment with a totally different theory of what the facts said, and forcing us on to trial, and then not backing up most of their charges at all, making accusations, hiding disclosures, manipulating the Judges, lying, cheating, I've never seen anything like it in my life. I've never even heard of anything like this in history.

And many other people are distressed by what they see going on here. I am lucky, I think, because, Mr. President, we had some struggles early on in the case, and that may be a reflection of what you and I both read when we first came here. But I am confident now that after you've heard the evidence and you've had all the hot debates about procedure and evidence that you have, I believe, sincerely you have been listening. And, therefore, I really hope and urge you, on the evidence, to acquit General Ndindiliyimana of all the charges.

Because the Prosecution has not proven its case beyond a reasonable doubt--on any charge whatsoever! And if this man is convicted--if General Ndindiliyimana is convicted, there is no hope for national reconciliation in Rwanda--ever. Ever. The Hutus are going to feel condemned and hated just because of the fact they are Hutus--forever. And it is going to create more ethnic tension in Rwanda and lead to more violence in the future. And we don't want that. But I want this man to go home to see his wife and children.

Thank you. Unless you have any questions for me, those are my submissions.

END OF PLAY

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Le rapport de l’ICG « Congo : une stratégie globale pour désarmer les FDLR »: Une parfaite mascarade

Lecture critique du Rapport de l’International Crisis Group (Newsletter n°9)

Les auteurs du rapport C’est en me soumettant aux habitudes de la recherche en matière d’analyse de documents que j’ai été conduit à identifier les auteurs du rapport. En lisant le rapport l’on aurait pensé à de gentils chercheurs babas cool perdus dans la savane africaine en train d’analyser un conflit entre peuples sauvages de l’Afrique centrale, ce n’est pas le cas. Il s'agit d'une machine de propagande bien huilée. Les auteurs du rapport ne sont pas indiqués, mais par contre j’ai trouvé un panel de personnalités qui pilotent l’ICG.

Ayant suivi au jour le jour le développement de la crise rwandaise depuis 1990 et connaissant les acteurs principaux ainsi que les décideurs internationaux qui ont trempé de près ou de loin dans la crise rwandaise, j’ai tout simplement été surpris par l’ampleur de la manipulation. Le panel de personnalités comprend entre autres :

1- Koffi Annan, membre de Comité de Direction de l’ICG, ex Secrétaire général de l’ONU et ancien Responsable des Opérations de maintien de la Paix de l’ONU pendant le génocide rwandais : c’est lui qui a mis sur pied la MINUAR, c’est lui qui a géré de bout en bout les opérations de l’

ONU au Rwan

da, le dossier de l’attentat contre le Président Habyarimana et son homologue burundais Cyprien Ntaryamira pour lequel on attend toujours une enquête internationale neutre ;

2- Louise Arbour, Présidente de l’ICG, ex Procureur du TPI (à l’époque le TPIY et le TPIR étaitent regroupés sous une même juridiction) : c’est elle qui a mis sous séquestre les poursuites contre les membres du Front Patriotique rwandais pour crimes de guerre, et surtout les auteurs de l'attentat contre l'avion du Président Habyarimana ;

3- Michel Rocard, Conseiller de l’ICG, dont on connaît les accointances avec le pouvoir de Kigali par le biais de l’association « Survie « et depuis qu’il a produit en 1997 un rapport favorable au pouvoir de Kigali pour l’Union Européenne.

4- Christine Ockrent, Membre du Comité de Direction de l’ICG, Directrice générale de l’Audiovisuel Extérieur de la France, épouse de l’inénarrable Bernard Kouchner, l’avocat impénitent du régime de Kigali ;

La présence de ces quelques personnalités averties de la question rwandaise, sans oublier les Britanniques et les Américains dans le Conseil d’Administration de l’ICG, suffit pour invalider le rapport, à mes yeux. Il s’agit-là de décideurs qui ont conduit à la déflagration de l’Afrique centrale en faisant délibérémment les mauvais choix contre les peuples de la région.

Ces personnalités ne remettent nullement en question leurs actions posées qui ont conduit au désastre humanitaire qui jusqu’à présent n’a pas été résorbé. Ils ne remettent pas en cause le pouvoir sanguinaire et dictatorial qu’ils ont participé à mettre en place à Kigali contre la volonté du peuple rwandais.

Or c’est ce pouvoir dirigé par Paul Kagame, qui a mis le feu aux poudres depuis 1990, en prenant la tête de l’invasion du Rwanda à partir de l’Ouganda voisin, contre toutes les règles du droit international, alors que le problème des réfugiés rwandais qui a servi comme prétexte était en voie de solution par la voie des négociations. Ce sont ces mêmes personnalités qui refusent la poursuite des criminels du Front Patriotique Rwandais. Or ceux-ci, non contents d’avoir mis à feu et à sang le Rwanda, ils ont étendu le conflit en dehors de ses frontières dans leurs velléités de conquête de l’Est Congolais, dont le sous-sol est riche en matières premières. Ce sont eux que pointe le discours du Président Obama à Accra :

Soyons bien clairs : l'Afrique ne correspond pas à la caricature grossière d'un continent perpétuellement en guerre. Mais si l'on est honnête, pour beaucoup trop d'Africains, le conflit fait partie de la vie ; il est aussi constant que le soleil. On se bat pour des territoires et on se bat pour des ressources. Et il est toujours trop facile à des individus sans conscience d'entraîner des communautés entières dans des guerres entre religions et entre tribus.

Le conflit a produit jusqu’à présent plus de 5 millions de morts et n’est pas prêt de s’éteindre. Bref il y a des intérêts à défendre derrière le rapport de l’International Crisis Group. Car ce sont ces mêmes personnalités, qui font partie de son Conseil d’Administration, qui ont servi à manipuler l’opinion internationale, par la diffusion de fausses informations, par l’obstruction à la vérité. On ne peut donc pas s’étonner qu’au lieu de trouver les bonnes solutions pour résoudre le conflit en Afrique Centrale, l’ICG défend les intérêts de ces personnalités, en ciblant les FDLR comme le seul et unique obstacle à la paix en Afrique Centrale.

Consolider la paix ? Quelle paix ?

Dès le premier paragraphe le rapport parle de « consolidation de la paix dans la région des Grands Lacs » ! C’est vrai que l’arrivée au pouvoir de Paul Kagame a soulagé certains décideurs internationaux qui profitent de l’exploitation minière illégale du Congo, quel qu’en soit le prix humain. Ils ont donc ainsi intérêt à le maintenir au pouvoir, et le discours actuel est celui de « consolider la paix », c’est-à-dire « consolider son pouvoir », en éliminant toute menace militaire, toute velléité de l’opposition démocratique de le renverser même par les urnes.

Avec l’avènement au pouvoir de Paul Kagame, l’obnubilation des chercheurs de l’ICG est telle qu’ils parlent de « consolider la paix » comme si la paix était déjà là ! Cette région n’a jamais connue de paix depuis que les éléments de l’armée nationale ougandaise (National Resistence Army -NRA) dont Paul Kagame faisait partie, ont envahi le Rwanda, le 1er octobre 1990. Depuis que Kagame est arrivé au pouvoir à Kigali, il y a eu une sorte de métastase du conflit qui a été exporté au Congo en vue d’accomplir les desseins les plus néfastes de conquête du Kivu et d’exploitation des richesses minières du Congo.

Cette occupation a été justifiée devant l’opinion internationale comme une recherche d’espace vital pour le peuple rwandais vers des régions considérées comme appartenant jadis au Rwanda avant le découpage des frontières à la conférence de Berlin en 1896. Que nenni ! Le peuple rwandais n’a pas besoin d’espace vital, en tous cas pas par les armes.

De plus les régions rwandophones de l’Est Congolais n’appartenaient pas au Rwanda avant l’arrivée de la colonisation. Tout expansionnisme par les armes prive le peuple rwandais de la bienveillance des peuples voisins quant à la coopération régionale en vue de la formation d’un espace économique large en Afrique centrale. Le peuple rwandais perd à la fois leur amitié et leur coopération future grâce à la folie meurtrière et l’avidité d’un individu, Paul Kagame, pour l’exploitation illégale du sous-sol congolais.

Il n’y aura jamais de paix, tant que Kagame n’aura pas quitté le Congo. Il n’y aura jamais de paix tant qu’il sera au pouvoir à Kigali contre la volonté du peuple rwandais. On ne peut pas « consolider la paix » avec un dictateur de cet acabit qui a du sang sur les mains. Sa place devrait être devant les Tribunaux. Le devoir du citoyen rwandais est de le combattre par tous les moyens, démocratiques et militaires.

Neutraliser les FDLR n’est pas la solution : simplement démocratiser le Rwanda
En ciblant les FDLR comme le seul et unique obstacle à la paix, le rapport oublie les raisons d’existence des FDLR comme ceux des mouvements d’opposition politique armés et non armés à l’extérieur du Rwanda. Le problème essentiel est en effet le déficit démocratique du régime de Kigali. S’il y avait la démocratie au Rwanda, il n’y aurait pas de FDLR, ni d’opposition armée ou non armée en exil.

Neutraliser les FDLR c’est comme couper uniquement les feuilles d’un arbre en voulant le faire disparaître. Les feuilles repoussent aussitôt, beaucoup plus nombreuses, et l’arbre reste en place. Si les FDLR sont neutralisées aujourd’hui, il en naîtra un ou plusieurs autres mouvements armés beaucoup plus incontrôlables, demain ou après demain, car la question politique du Rwanda n’est pas réglée. Faire l’impasse sur la nature dictatoriale et sanguinaire du régime de Kigali, accule les mouvements d’opposition armée et non armée à trouver d’autres solutions extrêmes, radicales et peut-être désespérées, qui ne peuvent conduire qu’à un nouveau bain de sang.

Comment l’ICG a-t-il pu oublier que la première revendication des FDLR est la démocratisation du Rwanda ? Comment le rapport de l’ICG n’a-t-il pas évoqué la prochaine élection présidentielle comme une possibilité de résolution du conflit rwandais, et partant du problème des FDLR, si Paul Kagame admet la participation d’autres candidats libres à cette élection ainsi que le devoir pour lui de respecter le verdict des urnes ?

Le RUD-Urunana qui est également mis en cause dans le rapport participe à une coalition ODR-Dufatanye qui a annoncé qu’elle ne participerait pas à l’élection présidentielle parce que « les droits et libertés d’opinion et d’expression nécessaires pour mener la campagne pour les élections présidentielles au Rwanda sont totalement bafoués par la dictature militaire absolue instaurée par le régime FPR depuis 1994 à nos jours » et que « Mr Paul Kagame en personne, est à la tête d’une liste des criminels identifiés et recherchés par la justice internationale. (…) il tente par tous les moyens illégaux et illégitimes de se maintenir durablement au pouvoir sans partage pour ensuite pouvoir contourner les mandats internationaux, éviter de répondre de ses crimes contre l’humanité qui lui sont reprochés et livrer à la justice internationale d’autres criminels qui ne sont pas protégés par l’immunité présidentielle ».

Aujourd’hui, une seule candidate à la candidature est en lice, Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, et elle n’est même pas assurée d’obtenir son passeport pour participer à l’élection présidentielle. C’est-à-dire qu’il y a encore beaucoup à faire pour démocratiser le régime de Kigali. Or le rapport de l’ICG ne dit rien de tout cela de tout cela. En démocratisant le pouvoir rwandais, on crée les conditions de paix et de réconciliation entre les Rwandais, on crée en même temps la paix en Afrique centrale dont le Rwanda et l’Ouganda sont les déstabilisateurs.

Alors que le désarmement et le retour des combattants des FDLR est conditionné à la démocratisation du pays, le Rwanda a multiplié les signaux négatifs dans ces derniers temps : en supprimant la peine de mort, le sénat rwandais l’a remplacé par la « réclusion criminelle à perpétuité en isolement », c’est-à-dire que le condamné n’a pas droit aux visites même s’il meurt personne son corps ne sera pas rendu à la famille (ce qui équivaut à une peine de mort déguisée) ; la comparution des chefs des FDLR, qui se sont rendus devant les tribunaux Gacaca, notamment le Général Rarakabije, et Séraphin Bizimungu, ce dernier ayant écopé de la peine la plus lourde (réclusion criminelle à perpétuité en isolement= peine de mort) ; la pressé est muselée, les journalistes sont régulièrement harcelés et emprisonnés, même les médias étrangers ne sont pas en reste : BBC a été momentanément interdite au courant de cette année, RFI l’a été définitivement et n’émet plus depuis 2006 ; une délégation du RUD-Urunana qui s’est rendue au Rwanda en fin d’année 2008 a rendu un rapport négatif sur les conditions de viabilité d’un retour éventuel des combattants dans leur pays. Tout ceci a fini de décourager les candidats à la démobilisation et au retour parce que ce sont des indicateurs de la nature dictatoriale du régime de Kigali.

La sempiternelle question des « présumés génocidaires » des FDLR: ce n’est pas à Kigali de fournir la liste c'est le TPIR.

Cette question est du ressort du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda. Le régime de Kigali ou n’importe quelle organisation humanitaire n’ont pas le droit de l’évoquer pour refuser aux FDLR les négociations pour le partage du pouvoir. Tous ceux qui sont suspectés d’avoir participé au génocide ont été arrêtés ou sont sous le coup de mandats d’arrêts internationaux. Le pouvoir de Kigali n’a donc pas le droit de choisir qui il veut pour participer aux négociations.

C’est pourquoi le gouvernement congolais, les organismes humanitaires ne doivent pas demander au gouvernement de Kigali de fournir une liste de présumés génocidaires. Cette liste doit être fournie par le TPIR, car c’est lui qui doit poursuivre les prévenus qui se trouvent à l’étranger. Dans ce petit jeu là il ne faut pas oublier que le régime de Kigali est juge et partie, car ses propres membres sont suspectés d’avoir commis au moins des crimes de guerre.

Ce n’est donc pas à lui de traquer les génocidaires qui ne sont pas sur son territoire, c’est le TPIR. Le comble c’est que le pouvoir de Kigali s’attaque aux personnes dont la responsabilité dans le génocide n’a pas été reconnue par le TPIR. C’est le cas de Callixte Mbarushimana. Le TPIR ayant refusé de le poursuivre, le pouvoir de Kigali et l’ICG n’ont aucun argument pour dire qu’il est suspecté d’avoir participé au génocide. Sinon pourquoi le TPIR l’aurait-il relaxé ? Par cet anathème de « présumé génocidaire » ou de « génocidaire » tout court, l’ICG participe à la campagne de diabolisation de l’opposition politique, distillée par le pouvoir rwandais pour empêcher quiconque de rivaliser avec lui dans la course au pouvoir si jamais il était acculé à des élections libres et transparentes.

Ce n’est pas à Kigali, ni à l’ICG, de désigner ceux qui doivent ou ne doivent pas participer à des négociations éventuelles. Ce qui doit être fait, c’est de lui imposer ces négociations en vue de mettre en place un pouvoir de transition comme l’a suggéré un communiqué du parti « Banyarwanda » de Boniface Rutayisire en vue de préparer les élections où toutes les candidatures puissent être présentées et où le peuple rwandais aurait le dernier mot. Ce n’est pas à l’ICG, ni au pouvoir actuel de Kigali, ni la communauté internationale d’imposer aux Rwandais une version du génocide qu’ils ont subi de plein fouet. Chacun des Rwandais l’a ressenti dans sa chair, car actuellement il n’existe aucune famille hutu, tutsi ou twa, qui n’a pas eu ses victimes.

Chaque Rwandais sait qui a tué les membres de sa famille. Je sais qui a tué les 26 membres de ma famille. Aucun Rwandais n’a besoin d’une interprétation, telle ou telle autre, selon les intérêts de tel ou tel régime, tel ou tel lobby étranger. Aucune victime n’est plus importante que l’autre. Chaque Rwandais connaît son tueur, il faut simplement mettre en place les possibilités d’une justice équitable, panser nos plaies, pour ensuite nous réconcilier.

Conclusion

Toutes les opérations de désarmement ou de retour forcé seront vouées à l’échec, tant que les revendications fondamentales des FDLR et du peuple rwandais ne seront pas satisfaites. La communauté internationale pourrait y mettre tous les moyens matériels et détruire tout l’équipement des FDLR. Mais les revendications seront toujours là. Pourtant la solution est simple et pas chère du tout à financer : exiger dès la prochaine élection présidentielle en 2010 que Paul Kagame démocratise le pays. Qu’il mette en place les institutions capables d’assurer les élections libres et transparentes. Ainsi pourra être mis fin à la guerre au Congo, et le peuple rwandais sera libéré du joug d’une dictature militariste sanguinaire.

© Dr. Eugène Shimamungu

http://editions-sources-du-nil.over-blog.com/article-33881115.html

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DECLARATION ASFCO: Kimya II et situation humainitaire trés dégradée

15 juillet 2009

Depuis les opérations militaires conjointes de traque contre les FDLR organisées par les armées ruandaises et congolaises au nord Kivu, connues sous le nom d'UMOJA WETU et qui se sont soldées par un échec lamentable, les violences ont redoublées d'intensité dans les provinces du nord et sud – Kivu. Et voilà qu'après UMOJA WETU, le tour est revenu à la province du sud Kivu où les opérations contre ces mêmes fdlr viennent d'être officiellement lancées depuis ce dimanche 13 juillet 2009.

Dès l'annonce de cette opération et en prélude à celle-ci, la situation humanitaire et sécuritaire s'est considérablement dégradée dans la province du sud Kivu en général et dans les territoires de Mwenga, Shabunda, Kalehe, kabare et Walungu en particulier. De centaines de milliers des civils sont obligés de quitter leur milieux abandonnant derrière eux champs, bétails, maisons et autres biens pour fuir la mort et la violence. Malheureusement, ces paisibles populations sont abandonnées à leur triste sort à la merci de toute sorte d'intempérie ; les femmes, les enfants et les vieillards sont le plus victimes de cette situation.

Les organisations humanitaires ont du mal à atteindre ces déplacés non seulement à la suite de l'impraticabilité des routes, mais aussi à la suite de l'insécurité causée par les forces démocratique pour la libération du Ruanda, fdlr, et les forces armées de la RDC qui toutes se rendent coupables des actes de violence contre des civils, dont des meurtres, des viols, des pillages et des destructions méchantes.

Dans toutes ces opérations, les civils subissent la vengeance des FDLR pourchassés par les fardc sans pouvoir compter sur la protection de leurs propres forces armées qui les maltraitent aussi quelques fois.

Nous saluons la détermination de la haute hiérarchie militaire dans la répression des cas de violations des droits de l'homme que commettraient les militaires fardc engagés au front. Toutefois, l'on ne doit pas se limiter à des simples et bonnes intentions, celles-ci devraient se matérialiser en acte en sanctionnant exemplairement les éléments qui tomberait dans des tels cas et les officiers qui se rendent maitre en détournement des fonds et autres rations alimentaires destinés à leurs hommes.

Sur le terrain, le commandement de l'opération kimya 2 annonce du jour au lendemain des nouvelles conquêtes des positions tenues jadis par les fdlr. Ce qui est une très bonne chose nous semble-t-il.

Ces annonces victorieuses ne devraient pas, à notre avis, être considérées comme des réelles victoires quand on sait très bien que la stratégie prise par les rebelles de fdlr est celle de se replier et de laisser les fardc occuper toutes les petites localités qu'ils détenaient souvent sans des graves affrontements pour rebondir quelques temps après et se rendre célèbres par des exactions de vengeance principalement sur les civils et en tendant des embuscades aux fardc. Cette stratégie démontre en suffisance la détermination de ces rebelles ruandais à poursuivre avec leur besogne.

Même les plus hauts dirigeants de la MONUC sont conscients des difficultés de neutraliser par la force les fdlr, elle-même, la Monuc, avait tenté à plusieurs reprises, mais sans succès, c'est notamment l'opération plongeons le faucon qui a donné les résultats dont on connait.

Monsieur Patrick Garba, responsable par intérim de la section désarmement, démobilisation, rapatriement, réintégration et réinsertion de la MONUC a lui-même reconnu l'impossibilité de neutraliser les fdlr en déclarant « Nous ne pouvons pas atteindre les combattants des FDLR, car ils se sont réfugiés dans les profondeurs de la jungle(…) »cette affirmation vient confirmer notre crainte de voir le Kivu être transformé en un Afghanistan africain. Malgré cette certitude, le gouvernement congolais s'en tète dans des opérations dont lui-même est conscient de leur échec ; pour quelle fin ? C'est la question que l'on se pose.

Au regard de tout ce qui précède, l'Antenne Libre ASFCO, tout en saluant les démarches du gouvernement congolais visant à rétablir la paix dans les régions de l'Est, reste inquiet et sceptique sur les chances de réussite de ces opérations et pense qu'il faudrait plutôt saisir tous les contours de la problématique fdlr et cela à tous les niveaux pour une solution durable allant dans le bien de la population congolaise longtemps meurtrie et appuvrie :

Au niveau national :

le gouvernement congolais devrait beaucoup privilégier une solution pacifique, c'est-à-dire un retour volontaire des fdlr. L'hypothèse d'un retour volontaire des fdlr n'est pas à exclure, il suffit seulement que le gouvernement congolais, comme Etat souverain, puisse se saisir de la problématique fdlr en concertation avec toutes les grandes puissances qui de loin ou de près jouent un rôle dans cette épineuse problématique. N'oublions pas que ce sont ces puissances internationales qui avaient organisées et facilitées l'entrés de ces refugiés ruandais avec leurs armes sur le sol congolais ; ces mêmes nations ont une influence non négligeable à sur le gouvernement ruandais.

Des fortes pressions diplomatiques politiques et économiques devraient être exercées sur le Ruanda afin que celui-ci crée les conditions favorables au retour de leurs compatriotes qui, ne sont pas d'ailleurs tous génocidaires. C'est seulement à ce prix, au prix d'une diplomatie agissante et non avec des conventions et autres accords obscurs sous pression de telle ou telle puissance, que le gouvernement congolais pourrait espérer régler définitivement ces épineuses questions de fdlr tout comme celle de la lra. Plus de cinq millions de morts s'en est trop, nous semble-t-il. La carotte sans le bâton ne conduirait pas à la paix.

Quant à la population de la RDC en général et celle du Kivu en particulier, l'Antenne Libre ASFCO, l'invite à rester très vigilante, à rejeter tout ce qui la divise et à considérer tout ce qui contribue à son unité, car le péril est encore et toujours en la demeure.

C'est enfin le temps de penser au delà des frontières clanistes, tribales, et religieuses. C'est seulement à ce prix que nous montrerons à la face du monde qu'un peuple uni et déterminé est capable de venir à bout de n'importe quel complot contre lui et que le Congo est une grande Nation et qu'il restera un et indivisible, c'est à ce prix que nous bannirons toute idée de balkanisation de notre cher pays.

Au niveau international :

En plus de l'action que devrait mener le gouvernement congolais envers la communauté internationale, l'Antenne Libre ASFCO lance un appel solennel et pathétique à toute la diaspora congolaise partout où elle se trouve en général et en particulier celle se trouvant dans des pays considérés comme ayant une main mise sur la politique africaine des grands lacs ainsi qu'à tous les amis du Congo de se saisir de la problématique des fdlr et par des actions concrètes pacifiques comme des marches, sit-in et autres cadres de réflexion, de mener des véritables lobbies auprès de la communauté internationale et faire entendre tout haut les voix de vos compatriotes avec lesquels vous êtes unis par le sort, avec lesquels vous partagez les mêmes richesses culturelles et patrimoines dont le plus important est la Nation congolaise que nous ont légué nos pères et grands pères au plus fort sacrifice d'eux-mêmes.

Nous avons tous l'obligation civique et historique de défendre notre Nation et de prouver la solidarité qui est l'une de grandes valeurs morales qu'on retrouve dans toutes nos communautés, tribus et ethnies ; de nous sentir tous comme un seul homme interpellé par les souffrances de nos compatriotes.

Par nos actions, nous voudrions encore une fois faire comprendre davantage à la communauté internationale qu'elle a l'obligation de mettre fin à cette problématique FDLR, car elle en a tous les moyens, il lui suffit seulement d'une dose de bonne volonté politique pour que cela prenne fin. Par cette mobilisation unanime tant au niveau national qu'international, le Congo resterait un et indivisible et son développement socio-économique pourrait s'en suivre.

Ainsi fait à Bukavu, ce 15 juillet 2009

Pour l'Antenne Libre ASFCO

Me Jean – Chrysostome KIJANA

Président

Wednesday, July 15, 2009

VIDEO OF TOP TEN SIGNS YOUR COUNTRY MAY BE GOING FACIST - OH MY GOD!!!

Is Rwanda moving towards fascism?
Dear Reader: Please watch the video on the link here below and make your comment or conclusion.
It's not about America and G.W.Bush. He's already gone! the savor President Obama has entered the White House. God Bless America.

On the contrary, watch and read between lines. Use your brain to see what we mean here.

It's ALL about your country, Rwanda where Rwandans are under criminals rule!

Just count and know which are the then Top Ten signs. Is that correct?

ENJOY!

© SurViVors Editions

Les rebelles nient avoir attaqué des troupes onusiennes

By Reuters
Tuesday, 14 July 2009
By AFP
Wednesday, 15 July 2009

Kigali: Les rebelles hutu rwandais des Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR) basés dans l’est de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC) ont nié mercredi avoir attaqué lundi une base de la force de l?ONU en RDC (Monuc), dans un communiqué.

Dans ce texte en français daté de Paris, l’organisation politico-militaire rwandaise "rejette catégoriquement les déclarations mensongères faites par le porte-parole de la Monuc, le lieutenant-colonel Jean-Paul Dietrich, selon lesquelles les FDLR auraient attaqué lundi à l'arme légère et à la roquette une base de la Monuc, blessant par balle un Casque bleu".

Selon le colonel Dietrich, des Casques bleus pakistanais basés à Mwenga, à 90 km au sud-est de Bukavu dans le Sud-Kivu (est), ont été attaqués lundi à la mi-journée par des combattants des FDLR.

"La vérité est que les éléments de la coalition" des armées rwandaise et congolaise "ont attaqué les FDLR dans les localités de Ngando, Iganda, Mwenga et Kasika, que les FDLR se sont défendues et que la coalition a subi d?énormes pertes (...) malgré l?appui substantiel de la Monuc", affirme la rébellion dans le communuiqué signé de son secrétaire exécutif, Callixte Mbarushimana.

Certains des rebelles hutu rwandais, dont le nombre est estimé entre 5.000 et 6.000 combattants, ont participé au génocide de 1994 au Rwanda contre les Tutsi, selon une liste donné par le régime autocratique de Kigali. Ils se sont ensuite installés dans l'est de la RDC, une des régions les plus instables du pays.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Congo civilians disapprove of military ops - OXFAM

By Reuters
Tuesday, 14 July 2009

Kinshasa: Most civilians in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo disapprove of the current military strategy being used to try and pacify their region, according to a survey by aid group Oxfam.

Some 85 percent of those interviewed said security conditions had got worse, not better, during United Nations-backed military operations launched this year to defeat Rwandan, Ugandan and local gunmen in Congo's east.

As in Congo's previous conflicts, civilians rather than soldiers are bearing the brunt of the killings, rapes and abuses, which analysts and aid groups say are committed by government soldiers as well as those they are attacking.

Oxfam undertook the survey in May and canvassed 764 people in 27 communities across Congo's eastern provinces, where 1 million people have fled their homes this year.

"My conclusion is that nobody asked the opinion of the people most concerned, which are eastern Congo's civilians, before launching military operations that have had catastrophic humanitarian consequences so far," Marcel Stoessel, head of Oxfam's Congo office, told Reuters.

According to Oxfam's survey, just two of the 14 communities which are affected by Rwandan Hutu rebels supported the attacks, which began in January when Rwanda sent its army across the border but have continued with U.N. support.

Ten of these communities preferred a policy of voluntary disarmament while nine of them also suggested Rwanda should open talks with rebels based in the Kivu provinces.

Some of the Rwandan rebels, now known as the FDLR, were part of the extremist Hutu militias that took part in Rwanda's 1994 genocide. Many others were not, but voluntary disarmament has stalled and Kigali refuses to negotiate with the FDLR.

The Hutu rebels have been central to Congo's wars since 1994, when they crossed into the country from Rwanda. Aid workers say some 5.4 million Congolese have died, mostly from hunger and disease, since the last war began in 1998.

Oxfam added to the criticism of the U.N. for supporting army operations which are being led by rights abusers, and Congo's government for failing to arrest officers responsible for them.

"Army support must be conditioned to the withdrawal of known authors of human rights abuse and the release of child soldiers," Stoessel said.

General Bosco Ntaganda, one of the Congolese commanders directing operations in the Kivus, is wanted by the International Criminal Court on war crimes charges.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Pressure for FDLR-government talks mounting (16.07.09)

Washington: The International Crisis Group threw in the proposal last week, now a senior United States Senator has written to the Obama administration demanding that it encourages government in Kigali to have “”direct” talks with some FDLR rebels.

“The international community should urge Kigali to open direct negotiations with non-genocidaire combatants of the FDLR to encourage their repatriation”, said to Senator Russ Feingold, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs.

In a letter to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, he also backs calls for an end to ongoing military operations to forcefully disarm the rebels – some of who are accused of taking part in the Tutsis massacres in Rwanda.

“It is critical to augment non-military initiatives to induce defections and open channels of dialogue between the warring parties”, says the Senator, a major voice in American foreign policy on Africa.

On March 31, 2005, the FDLR exiled political hierarchy met in Italy and released a declaration condemning the 1994 Genocide and agreeing to voluntary disarmament. In return, they demanded for talks with government. However, even just the mere mention of it in Kigali rouses bitter rebuttals.

Rwanda refuses political talks with the rebel group as a whole, but it is willing to welcome combatants on an individual basis. The initiative has seen up to 8000 combatants surrendering, according to the UN mission in Congo. Government maintains it has no business talking to criminals.

In a five-point proposal, Senator Feingold wants the Obama administration to develop a long-term policy to address the conflict in the troubled eastern region of the DRC which has left thousands of civilians at the mercy of rampaging militias - often as government and the UN look on helplessly.

The lucrative, but largely underground trade in minerals that the FDLR have depended on must be closed. The Senator says the U.S should work with governments in the region as well as end-user companies under their jurisdiction to establish a framework to bring greater transparency and regulation to the industry.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Tuesday, July 14, 2009

From shock to hatred, BBC Kinyarwanda est une radio raciste, anti-Hutu. Voilà le vrai visage de BBC.

More virulent hate-speech on BBC -Kinyarwanda against Hutus
BBC, une creation du FPR. Ni plus, Ni moins.

***
Ce n'est pas par hasard que nous revenons sur BBC-Kinyarwanda. La colère des Rwandais surtout de cette majorité de la population rwandaise, se fait sentir et augmente au fur et à mesure que cette radio ne fait que dénigrer les Hutus, les présenter comme des criminels-nés , dont ce qui est bon ne peut être vu ou reconnu chez eux. BBC veut montrer ce qu' elle veut montrer : les stéréotypes racistes contre les Hutus, l'information manipulée destinée à salir leur image.

Le discours de la haine se multiplie sur BBC-Kinyarwanda pour dire qu'ils n' ont pas à réclamer quoi que ce soir. Avoir une interview du régime raciste et ethniste du FPR suffit à BBC Kinyarwanda pour conclure à la satisfaction ou au mécontentement des Rw

andais.

Et pourtant, le régime de Kigali est reconnu pour être un régime ayant marginalisé les Hutus, un régime ayant transformé les Hutus en vrais esclaves.

LA SEULE PERSONNE QUI PARLE ET PEUT ETRE ENTENDU AU RWANDA DOIT NECESSAIREMET ETRE TUTSIE. ET SI UN HUTU PARLE, IL DOIT ETRE ENTOURE DES AGENTS DE RENSEIGNEMENTS OU TOUT AU MOINS LES LOCAL DIFFENCE FORCES. LES ETRANGERS NE POURRONT RIEN REMARQUER. Les Hutus sont catégorisés sur BBC. Il suffit d'appartenir à tel ou tel autre groupe que vous pouvez parler ou pas sur BBC.

Vous vous souvenez du discours de BBC Kinyarwanda qui a précédé les massacres des réfugiés au Congo. Un discours qui a alimenté ce désir d'en finir avec ales Hutus. Le résultat : Des massacres ou assassinats des Hutus se font tous les jours sans que BBC en parle ou dénonce cette réalité. C'est la raison pour laquelle vous entendrez BBC dire que 85% de la population est Hutu et que celle-ci est assujetti au joug du FPR.

Vous entendrez seulement BBC parler des Hutus quant il s'agit des FDLR, l'ennemi no 1 du régime de Kigali et donc l'ennemi de BBC Kinyarwanda. BBC est une pure création du régime de Kigali. Tous les conflits auxquels vous assistez entre Kigali et Londres ne sont que manipulations. Ni plus ni moins. Est-ce possible qu’une population de 85% de la population soit muselée à telle point que BBC sans fin parle des exactions des FDLR alors que la population congolaise parle de militaires rwandais au sein des FARDC qui brûlent et violent?

Est-ce une information ou une incitation à la haine comme le veut l’ICG ? Les Rwandais ont vu pire. Ils assisté aux massacres des leurs pendant que BBC Kinyarwanda criait que le FPR sera à Kigali dans 3 heures, je veux dire au mois d'octobre 1990 !

En 1994, tout le monde sait ce que représentait BBC dans les camps des réfugiés. Ceci a aidé les massacres des enfants, des femmes, puisque BBC les traitait de génocidaires parmi les innocents. Et finalement, les innocents n'existaient pas. Dès notre retour au Rwanda, BBC Kinyarwanda na cessé de présenter les refugiés au retour au Rwanda comme des génocidaires retournés au Rwanda. Des massacres, des assassinats, des disparitions, des emprisonnements se multipliaient avec les explications des journalistes de la BBC -Kinyarwanda.

© SurViVors Editions

Monday, July 13, 2009

Le village de Miriki mis en feu par l'Ex-CNDP

13.07.09 LO.
Il est des zones dans le monde où se jouent des drames, loin des caméras et des consciences occidentales. Des régions mises à feu et à sang en toute impunité par les FARDC/CNDP/RDF.

La population est formelle: "Les Fardc parlant Kinyarwanda ont incendié notre village encore une fois. Le Gouvernement congolais nous a abandonné. La Monuc assiste et ne veut pas intervenir." C'est le génocide congolais qui est en marche depuis septembre 2008!

L'armée congolaise est responsable d'exactions répandues et cruelles contre ses

propres concitoyens qui équivalent à des crimes de guerre », a indiqué Anneke Van Woudenberg, chercheuse senior pour la division Afrique à Human Rights Watch. « Le gouvernement devrait entreprendre une action urgente pour mettre fin à ces exactions. Une opération militaire qui prend pour cible les personnes que le gouvernement prétend justement protéger ne peut que conduire au désastre. »

Depuis fin janvier 2009, des soldats des forces armées congolaises, les FARDC, menant des opérations militaires dans l'est du Congo, ont attaqué des villages et tué au moins 19 civils dans la province du Nord Kivu, dont deux femmes et deux hommes âgés. Des soldats de l'armée ont aussi violé plus de 143 femmes et filles durant la même période, soit plus de la moitié des 250 cas de viols documentés par Human Rights Watch. Certaines femmes on

t été emmenées comme esclaves sexuelles par des soldats et sont détenues dans des positions militaires.

Que des prisonniers s’évadent d’une prison, il ne s’agit nullement d’un fait extraordinaire. Que les mêmes évadés aient tout le temps de violer toutes les femmes emprisonnées avant de disparaître dans la nature, il est question d’un acte prémédité.

Voilà l’une des preuves manifestes que la situation au Kivu des plus inquiétantes et qui relèvent d’un plan machiavélique pour exterminer les populations congolaises. Une situation qui se dégrade au jour le jour avec les mêmes scènes de violence dans les localités du Kivu. Viols, exactions, maisons brûlées, tueries sans discriminations de sexes et d’âge au quotidien avec comme corollaires, des milliers de déplacés cherchant même un abri d fortune.

They say that we massacre Hutu tribes. The executive secretary of CNDP is a Hutu.
. Kiwanja was liberated by the CNDP on the 28th of October, [2008]. We were in Kiwanja for one week without any killing, any rape, any looting. One week later the government [FARDC], along with Mai Mai, attacked Kiwanja and they occupied Kiwanja for 24 hours. My forces went back [withdrew] from Kiwanja. And in 24 hours, 74 people were killed.

And before we came back to Kiwanja the governor of Goma, in the morning, announced that in Kiwanja there were massacres. When I heard on the radio that there were massacres in Kiwanja, I called my guys [soldiers] on the ground and said, "Where are you?" They said, "We are in Rutshuru." I said, "Who is doing this?" They said they did not know, that they were in Rutshuru.

Le 07 Juillet 2009. Des combats sont signalés à nouveau la nuit de lundi à mardi dans la province du Nord-Kivu. Ils ont opposé les FARDC aux combattants du Pareco, dans le village de Kamandi-lac, à plus de 100 kilomètres au sud du chef-lieu du territoire de Lubero. Le bilan fait état de 6 combattants Pareco tués, deux armes récupérées et un militaire FARDC blessé, indique radiookapi.net

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Sunday, July 12, 2009

Text of President Barack Obama's speech Saturday in Accra, Ghana, as prepared for delivery and provided by the White House

President Obama, in Accra, Ghana delivered a speech Saturday intended for many nations in Africa with a pointed message not to blame colonialism of the past for the problems of the present.

Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. The best message to Kagame and his likes.

"He threw the ball into our own court and said if you want to play ball on the international level you have to play by the international rules," said Kwesi Aning of the Kofi Annan Peacekeeping Institute.

It will not be easy to change some old, corrupt habits but if Africa plays its part Barack Obama is promising a great deal in return including assistance to boost agriculture, trade and healthcare.

http://cosmos.bcst.yahoo.com/up/player/popup/?rn=3906861&cl=14461069&ch=4226716&src=news

***
THE PRESIDENT: (Trumpet plays.) I like this. Thank you. Thank you. I think Congress needs one of those horns. (Laughter.) That sounds pretty good. Sounds like Louis Armstrong back there. (Laughter.)

Good afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. (Applause.) I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I've received, as are Michelle and Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana's history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as President of the United States of America. (Applause.)

I want to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills for his outstanding leadership. To the former Presidents -- Jerry Rawlings, former President Kufuor -- Vice President, Chief Justice -- thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the wonderful institutions that you've built here in Ghana.

I'm speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of the world's leading economies. And I've come here to Ghana for a simple reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well. (Applause.)

This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America's prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world's health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.

So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world -- (applause) -- as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about today.

We must start from the simple premise that Africa's future is up to Africans.

I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family's -- (applause) -- my family's own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.

Some you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him "boy" for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya's liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn't simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade -- it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.

My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father's generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. (Applause.) Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the move.

But despite the progress that has been made -- and there has been considerable progress in many parts of Africa -- we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per capita economy larger than South Korea's when I was born. They have badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent.

In many places, the hope of my father's generation gave way to cynicism, even despair. Now, it's easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father's life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far too many.

Now, we know that's also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. (Applause.) And by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit as the majority. (Applause.) And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana's economy has shown impressive rates of growth. (Applause.)

This progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even more important to build one's own nation.

So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we've learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa's future. Instead, it will be you -- the men and women in Ghana's parliament -- (applause) -- the people you represent. It will be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized.

Now, to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good governance. (Applause.) That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That's the change that can unlock Africa's potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.

As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I've pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa's interests and America's interests. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid that helps people scrape by -- it's whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change. (Applause.)

This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I'll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.

First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments. (Applause.)

As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: Governments that respect the will of their own people, that govern by consent and not coercion, are more prosperous, they are more stable, and more successful than governments that do not.

This is about more than just holding elections. It's also about what happens between elections. (Applause.) Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves -- (applause) -- or if police -- if police can be bought off by drug traffickers. (Applause.) No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top -- (applause) -- or the head of the Port Authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. (Applause.) That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end. (Applause.)

In the 21st century, capable, reliable, and transparent institutions are the key to success -- strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges -- (applause); an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. (Applause.) Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people's everyday lives.

Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy, and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. (Applause.) We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously -- the fact that President Mills' opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana -- (applause); victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. (Applause.) We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage, and participating in the political process.

Across Africa, we've seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny, and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop post-election violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election -- the fourth since the end of Apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person's vote is their sacred right.

Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. (Applause.) Africa doesn't need strongmen, it needs strong institutions. (Applause.)

Now, America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation. The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance -- on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard -- (applause); on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services -- (applause) -- strengthening hotlines, protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.

And we provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. (Applause.) We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don't, and that is exactly what America will do.

Now, this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.

With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of Africans in my country, America. They're doing very well. So they've got the talent, they've got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how do we make sure that they're succeeding here in their home countries? The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities -- or a single export -- has a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few, and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.

So in Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and in their infrastructure -- (applause); when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled workforce, and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.

As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. (Applause.) That's why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers -- not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it's no longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. You can do that. (Applause.)

Now, America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interests -- for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will open up for our own goods. So it's good for both.

One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources, and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us -- particularly the developed world -- have a responsibility to slow these trends -- through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.

Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity, and help countries increase access to power while skipping -- leapfrogging the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to South Africa's crops -- Africa's boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.

These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They're about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It's about the dignity of work; it's about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.

Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it's also critical to the third area I want to talk about: strengthening public health.

In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn't kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.

Yet because of incentives -- often provided by donor nations -- many African doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.

So across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an Interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care -- for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.

America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child dies of a preventable disease in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.

And that's why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges -- $63 billion. (Applause.) Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and we will work to eradicate polio. (Applause.) We will fight -- we will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won't confront illnesses in isolation -- we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children. (Applause.)

Now, as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings -- and so the final area that I will address is conflict.

Let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.

These conflicts are a millstone around Africa's neck. Now, we all have many identities -- of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe, or who worships a different prophet, has no place in the 21st century. (Applause.) Africa's diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God's children. We all share common aspirations -- to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith. That is our common humanity.

That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justified -- never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. (Applause.) It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.

Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon -- (applause) -- and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. (Applause.) We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep the peace, and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational forces to bear when needed.

America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there's a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems -- they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.

And that's why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa, and the world. (Applause.)

In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don't, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.

As I said earlier, Africa's future is up to Africans.
The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country, African Americans -- including so many recent immigrants -- have thrived in every sector of society. We've done so despite a difficult past, and we've drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra. (Applause.)

You know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: "It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice."

Now that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. (Applause.) And I am particularly speaking to the young people all across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young people make up over half of the population.

And here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities, and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease, and end conflicts, and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can -- (applause) -- because in this moment, history is on the move.

But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future. And it won't be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you every step of the way -- as a partner, as a friend. (Applause.) Opportunity won't come from any other place, though. It must come from the decisions that all of you make, the things that you do, the hope that you hold in your heart.

Ghana, freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom's foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was overcome, and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you,Thank you.. (Applause.)

END 1:10 P.M. GMT

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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