A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes

Rwanda: cartographie des crimes du livre "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF" de Judi Rever Kagame devra être livré aux Rwandais pour répondre à ses crimes: la meilleure option de réconciliation nationale entre les Hutus et les Tutsis.

Let us remember Our People

Let us remember our people, it is our right

You can't stop thinking

Don't you know Rwandans are talkin' 'bout a revolution It sounds like a whisper The majority Hutus and interior Tutsi are gonna rise up And get their share SurViVors are gonna rise up And take what's theirs. We're the survivors, yes: the Hutu survivors! Yes, we're the survivors, like Daniel out of the lions' den (Hutu survivors) Survivors, survivors! Get up, stand up, stand up for your rights et up, stand up, don't give up the fight “I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom". Malcolm X

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Interior Tutsis, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

Inzira ndende

Search

Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents inside and abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite. What you see is not what you get: A FAÇADE” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
  1. The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Friday, April 29, 2011






The stateless Hutu majority in Rwanda have long been persecuted by the extremist Tutsi Rwandan dictator General Paul Kagame , president of Rwanda and leader of the Rwandan RPF Junta. the Tutsi-led government has banned them from either marrying before 25 years (and now 700,000 are forcibly sterilized) or traveling abroad without permission and from owning property. They are even denied citizenship.
   
 


London: MI5 has warned the Rwandan high commissioner to Britain to halt an alleged campaign of harassment against suspected critics of his country's government based in the UK.
Ernest Rwamucyo, who is due to attend today's royal wedding as Rwanda's envoy to London, was told by the Security Service that the UK's £83m aid to Rwanda could be cut unless the secret activities against members of the diaspora were halted. Expatriates claim that they have been threatened and intimidated by diplomatic officials.
Rwanda's top envoy is the latest among the 200 diplomatic invitees to this morning's ceremony at Westminster Abbey whose attendance is controversial. Several of them have since been uninvited by the Foreign Office and Clarence House.
Rwandan citizens living in Britain have told The Independent that officials based in the country's high commission, housed in a nondescript building in an unglamorous corner of central London, have been engaged in a campaign to contact members of the diaspora who have been named by informants as opponents of Paul Kagame, the east African state's increasingly autocratic President.

Mr Rwamucyo, a former UN policy adviser, is alleged to have been present at a meeting earlier this year in a branch of Nando's restaurant when a former woman soldier in the army which halted Rwanda's 1994 genocide, who now works as a nurse in London, claims she became concerned about her safety and was warned to halt her efforts to set up a community group for Rwandan war veterans.

Jeanne Umulisa, 46, an officer in the Rwandan Patriot Front (RPF) army who was decorated for her role in stopping the slaughter of minority Tutsis by Hutu extremists, was interviewed by Scotland Yard detectives about the incident after contacting police. She told The Independent: "It was very clear to me that I was being threatened, that the embassy wanted me to stop organising my group and that if I failed to do so things might happen to me. Mr Rwamucyo was present during this conversation."

The Foreign Office said last night that it was aware of reports of harassment of the Rwandan diaspora. A spokeswoman said: "We take all such credible reports seriously. We do not comment on individual cases."
It is understood that the reports, which name several individuals connected with the Rwandan high commission, were investigated by the Security Service and judged to be sufficiently serious to merit a warning to Mr Rwamucyo that the activity should stop. MI5 officers were authorised to make it clear that the British Government, which has built strong ties with Rwanda and last year welcomed it into the Commonwealth, may revise its development aid to the country.
After more than a decade in which Rwanda's post-genocide government, led by former rebel commander Mr Kagame, was hailed for rebuilding a country shattered by the genocide, the regime is charged with being increasingly authoritarian and intolerant of dissent both at home and abroad. Mr Kagame was re-elected last year with 93 per cent of the vote in an election in which observers said the opposition had been neutered.
Claims that schisms among Mr Kagame's former comrades have boiled over into violence appeared to gain credence last June when a former head of Rwandan intelligence, Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, who had left the country after suggestions he was building his own power base in the army, was the subject of an failed assassination attempt in South Africa. Several of the gunmen arrested after the shooting were Rwandan but no proof has been produced that it was sanctioned from Kigali, the Rwandan capital.

Supporters of Mr Kagame say Rwanda is a "special case" and Kigali's hard line on dissent is the result of concern that ethnic tensions which ignited the genocide should not be allowed to resurface. Rwandan intelligence has long sought to counter the influence of Hutu extremists based in Europe and the country continues to seek the extradition of suspected genocidaires, including four men living in Britain.
But expatriates say Rwanda's latest activity in Britain represents a departure by targeting individuals with no obvious links to Hutu opposition, or people who were close allies of the RPF. Ms Umulisa, a single mother who came to Britain in 2000 and lives in south London, said she attracted the interest of the high commission after she set up Wariyo Baka, a community group aimed at helping veterans of the 1994 war living in Britain with drug and alcohol problems.

A redoubtable figure who says she has become disillusioned with Mr Kagame's administration but strongly denies being a political opponent, she said: "I was told to come to a meeting at Nando's on Euston Road. A number of embassy people were present and they told me that by setting up [the group] I was acting against the country that I had fought for. They wanted me to close down the group... I told them I would do no such thing and the group has no political dimension – it is about Rwandans helping other Rwandans. I was taken aback by how aggressively they behaved."

Scotland Yard confirmed that it had dealt with a complaint from Ms Umulisa about the incident. A spokesman said: "Police were contacted with certain serious allegations. The complaint was dealt with by providing crime prevention advice."

A second Rwandan, who lives in the Midlands and does not wish to be named, said he was contacted by a friend who told him the high commission was concerned at information it had received that he had joined an opposition group. The man, a former businessman who funded the RPF during the early 1990s, said: "I was told I had to phone the high commission, that they want to talk to me. When I phoned them, they wanted to know 'Which side are you on?' I told them I was on no-one's side and my private thoughts were none of their business. They were acting like a dictatorial regime in Britain."

Mr Rwamucyo and the Rwandan high commission did not respond to requests for a response to the allegations made against him.
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, April 27, 2011






[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality: the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization. So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=> ASI]






Why the evil Rwandan dictator attempts to dismiss the importance of
The U.N. Security Council Resolution 955??
***
General Kagame seeking rehabilitation by all means
***





 
Introduction
The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) is the first international court of law established to prosecute high-ranking individuals for massive human rights violations in Africa. The purpose of this court is to prosecute those allegedly responsible for the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

Background

Following the assassination of Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana on 6 April 1994, the Great Lakes country of Rwanda descended into civil war and genocide. Hutu extremists in the National Republican Movement for Development and Democracy (MRND) and the Rwandan Armed Forces (RAF) launched an extermination campaign against moderate Hutu and the entire Tutsi ethnic minority. By the time the civil war and genocide ended on 19 July 1994, over 800,000 Rwandans had been murdered.

In an effort to punish those responsible for genocide, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. On 8 November 1994, the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 955 (1994), which established “an international tribunal for the sole purpose of prosecuting persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of Rwanda and Rwandan citizens responsible for genocide and other such violations committed in the territory of neighboring States, between 1 January 1994 and 31 December 1994.”

As a Chapter VII Security Council resolution, the ICTR asserts primacy over the domestic laws and national courts of third States, and has the ability to force the surrender of an accused, be they a Rwandan citizen or not, located in Rwanda or any third State. As provided in Security Council resolution 977 (1995) of 22 February 1995, the ICTR is headquartered in Arusha, Tanzania, with additional offices located in Kigali, New York and The Hague.
Composition of the ICTR

The ICTR is governed by its Statute, which is annexed to Security Council resolution 955 (1994). The ICTR consists of three major organs: the Chambers, the Office of the Prosecutor and the Registry.

There are four Chambers in which judges adjudicate trials and motions before the ICTR: three lower Trial Chambers and one Appeals Chamber. Although all three of the lower Trial Chambers are located in Arusha, the ICTR Appeals Chamber also adjudicates for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and is located in The Hague, Netherlands.

In total, the Chambers consist of 16 permanent judges and 9 ad litem judges, all chosen by the United Nations General Assembly. There are three permanent judges for each of the three Trial Chambers, and seven permanent judges for the Appeals Chamber; however, only five of these seven permanent judges sit on the Appeals Chamber at any given time.

Although 9 ad litem judges serve on the ICTR, they are selected from a pool of 18 ad litem judges. The pool of 18 ad litem judges was created to expedite the judicial process on 14 August 2002 through Security Council resolution 1431 (2002). Originally, only four ad litem judges could serve on the ICTR at any given time, but due to the pressures of the judicial calendar and the Security Council’s desire to close down the Tribunal by 2009, the number of serving ad litem judges was increased to nine on 27 October 2003 through resolution 1512 (2003).

The Office of the Prosecutor is responsible for investigating all crimes under which the ICTR has jurisdiction, prepares indictments, and prosecutes defendants. The Registry is responsible for providing all administrative support to the Chambers and the Prosecutor.

Major Cases before the ICTR

On 9 January 1997, the ICTR held its first trial, one of the most momentous cases in international law: The Prosecutor v. Jean‑Paul Akayesu. During the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, Jean-Paul Akayesu served as the mayor of Taba, a city in which thousands of Tutsis were systematically raped, tortured and murdered. At the start of his trial, Akayesu faced 12 charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and violations of common article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions in the form of murder, torture and cruel treatment. In June 1997, the Prosecutor added “three counts of crimes against humanity and violations of common article 3/Additional Protocol II for rape, inhumane acts and indecent assault” (Report of the ICTR (S/1997/868)). These additional counts marked the first time in the history of international law that rape was considered a component of genocide.

On 2 September 1998, the ICTR found Akayesu guilty of nine counts of genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide and crimes against humanity for extermination, murder, torture, rape and other inhumane acts. The conviction of Akayesu marked “the first in which an international tribunal was called upon to interpret the definition of genocide as defined in the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide” (See ICTR Fact Sheet No. 1, The Tribunal at a Glance). According to the Convention, genocide is defined as “the act of committing certain crimes, including the killing of members of the group or causing serious physical or mental harm to members of the group with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, racial or religious group, as such” (Genocide Convention, article 2).  As well as interpreting the definition of genocide, the ICTR also indicated that the crime of rape was “a physical invasion of a sexual nature, committed on a person under circumstances which are coercive” (The Prosecutor v. Jean Paul Akayesu, para. 598) and underscored that sexual assault constitutes “genocide in the same way as any other act as long as [it was] committed with the specific intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular group, targeted as such” (ibid., para. 731). Akayesu is currently serving life imprisonment in Mali.
Christian Davenport - Rethinking Rwanda, 1994 from JamboNewsTV on Vimeo.

In addition to the important jurisprudence generated from the Akayesu trial, the ICTR also set two major precedents in the trial against Jean Kambanda (The Prosecutor v. Jean Kambanda). Kambanda served as Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Rwanda throughout the entire 100 days of genocide. Kambanda was brought before the ICTR in October 1997 and pleaded guilty to six counts of genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, complicity in genocide, and crimes against humanity. Kambanda’s guilty plea and subsequent conviction marked not only the first time in international law that a Head of Government was convicted of genocide, but also that an accused person acknowledged his guilt for genocide before an international criminal tribunal. Like Akayesu, Kambanda is currently serving life imprisonment in Mali.

Also noteworthy were the ICTR prosecutions of Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, leaders of Radio Television Libre Milles Collines (RTLM), and of Hassan Ngeze, the founder and director of Kangura newspaper. The ICTR consolidated the indictments of these three men into a single trial, which is more commonly referred to as “The Media Case” (The Prosecutor v. Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze). This trial was the first time since Nuremberg that the role of the media was examined as a component of international criminal law. In 2003, Nahimana, Barayagwiza and Ngeze were convicted on counts of genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, and crimes against humanity. Originally, Nahimana and Ngeze were sentenced to life imprisonment and Barayagwiza was sentenced to 35 years. Upon appeal, Nahimana’s and Ngeze’s sentences were respectively dropped to 30 and 35 years.

According to Prosecutor Hassan B. Jallow, it is expected that between 1997 and the end of 2008, roughly 86 people will have been tried before the ICTR (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the United Nations Security Council, 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904)).

Completion Strategy and Problems

On 28 August 2003, the Security Council adopted resolution 1503 (2003), ordering the ICTR to “take all possible measure to complete investigations by the end of 2004, to complete all trial activities at first instance by the end of 2008, and to complete all work in 2010”. Since the issuance of resolution 1503 (2003), the ICTR has been involved in an active Completion Strategy campaign to comply with this mandate. In 2002 and 2003, the Security Council increased the number of judges serving on the ICTR, via resolutions 1431 (2002) and 1512 (2003), in order to expedite cases before the Tribunal. In addition to speeding up the trials, the Office of the Prosecutor has tried, where possible, to transfer cases to competent national jurisdictions, particularly in Rwanda. Since November 2007, the Office of the Prosecutor has been training the Rwandan judicial sector “in such areas as international criminal law and practice, prosecution strategies, law on indictments, advocacy, court-related information management and online legal research” so that it may be better able to handle any and all transferred cases from the ICTR (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 60). Currently five case referrals to Rwandan national courts, including the case of one fugitive, are awaiting judicial determination (ibid., para. 50).

Despite these efforts, however, the ICTR faces many challenges in executing its Completion Strategy. According to Prosecutor Jallow in a June 2008 statement before the Security Council, “it is now evident that there will still be pending trial activity at the ICTR by the end of 2008… [and] …the need for a proper completion would be best sustained by permitting the ICTR to continue with trial activity beyond the end of 2008 in order to conclude pending cases” (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 9)

In 2008, three high-level fugitives, Callixte Nsabonimana, Dominque Ntawukuriryayo and Augustin Ngirabatware, were arrested. Due to their leadership roles in the Rwandan Genocide, none of these men can be transferred to national jurisdictions. Although the Office of the Prosecutor has been preparing for these trials, it is highly unlikely that all three cases will be adjudicated by the end of 2008.

In addition to the recent increase in workload due to fugitive apprehensions, the ICTR is also threatened with an increased workload due to the inability and unwillingness of national jurisdictions to accept ICTR case referrals. Despite talking to several African countries about the possibility of transferring cases, the Office of the Prosecutor has managed to secure an agreement with only one African State, Rwanda, to accept case referrals (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 48). Furthermore, merely because Rwanda agrees, in theory, to accept ICTR referrals, does not mean that it will try any cases. Recently, the Trial Chambers rejected the Prosecutor’s request to transfer the case of Yusuf Munyakazi to Rwanda, a ruling that the Prosecutor is appealing (The Prosecutor v. Yussuf Munyakazi). In total, five cases can potentially be transferred to Rwanda. However, if none of these five cases are brought under Rwandan jurisdiction, the ICTR would be faced with additional work in 2009, “given that so far no country other than Rwanda has indicated a desire to receive any of these cases” (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 10). Outside of Africa, only three States have agreed to accept ICTR transfers. To date, only two cases have been successfully transferred, and both were sent to France. Recently, the Netherlands revoked its offer to try ICTR defendant Michel Bagaragaza, thus increasing the ICTR’s judicial calendar and further straining its Completion Strategy.

Finally, the ICTR is experiencing difficulty executing its Completion Strategy due to the existence of 13 indicted fugitives and the unwillingness of third party States to help apprehend these men. Since the ICTR can not try any of the 13 fugitives in absentia, it is imperative that they be caught as soon as possible in order for the ICTR to comply with the timeline set forth by the United Nations Security Council. However, several countries, particularly Kenya and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, have, according to Prosecutor Jallow, done little to catch fugitives known to be within their territory and must “intensify cooperation with and render all necessary assistance to the ICTR in connection with efforts to bring” all indictees to the ICTR (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 10). Of the 13 fugitives, 4 are earmarked for trial at the ICTR and 9 face the possibility of a trial under national jurisdictions, should their cases be accepted for referral. Nevertheless, the ICTR is expecting a substantial increase in the number of cases to be adjudicated, well beyond the current timeline, should any of these fugitives be caught.

Génocide rwandais : renversement de perspective
Geüpload door realpolitiktv. - De allerlaatste nieuwscontent.


 
Although the ICTR has already begun to downsize its activities and staff in compliance with the Completion Strategy, ICTR President Dennis Byron requested in the latest ICTR Completion Strategy report to the Security Council that “in light of the new developments due to exceptional circumstances…the Security Council and Member States…consider an extension of the judges’ mandates [which are due to expire by the end of 2008] so that they may complete the cases at trial… [and] that the Tribunal be provided with adequate resources to respond to the new additional workload [because] the Tribunal’s ability to maintain or improve upon its current level of efficiency is largely dependent on the retention of its highly experienced and qualified judges and staff” (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 68).

__________________________
* The author expresses appreciation to Melissa Yasinow for her research and drafting assistance.


Related Materials

A. Legal Instruments

Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, New York, 9 December 1948, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 78, p. 277.

Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field, Geneva , 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 31.

Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of the Armed Forces at Sea, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 85.

Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 135.

Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 287.

Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the protection of victims of non-international armed conflicts (Protocol II), Geneva, 8 June 1977, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1125, p. 609.

B. Jurisprudence

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Jean-Paul Akayesu (ICTR-96-4-T), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 2 September 1998.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Jean Kambanda (ICTR 97-23-S), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 4 September 1998.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze (ICTR-99-52-T), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 3 December 2003.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze v. The Prosecutor (ICTR-99-52-A), Judgement of the Appeals Chamber of 28 November 2007.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Yussuf Munyakazi (ICTR-97-36-R11bis), Decision of the Trial Chamber of 28 May 2008 on the Prosecutor’s request for referral of case to the Republic of Rwanda.

C. Documents

Report of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Genocide and Other Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of Rwanda and Rwandan Citizens Responsible for Genocide and Other Such Violations Committed in the Territory of Neighbouring States Between 1 January and 31 December 1994, 13 November 1997 (A/52/582-S/1997/868).

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: Fact Sheet No. 1, The Tribunal at a Glance.

Report on the Completion Strategy of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, 13 May 2008 (S/2008/322).

D. Doctrine

V. Morris and M. P. Scharf, The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Irvington-on-Hudson, NY, Transnational Publishers, 1998 (volume one contains analysis, volume two contains documents related to the Tribunal).

African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, April 24, 2011

By Colin Mason


 [Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]



Today we recall the ongoing Rwandan Genocide. If there is anyone claiming otherwise, we say to them clearly: Stop Genocide. Thinking that way is evil and racist. Another Failure of Humanity that will have long term consequences. There is no alternative, but staying away from Hutus and making peace with them, which is still possible.


  

Front Royal, VA, 02/09/11 — Steven W. Mosher, president of the Population Research Institute (PRI), expressed outrage today at a clear instance of U.S. tax dollars being used to aid a coercive campaign to sterilize 700,000 Rwandan men in 3 years. The program is being carried out under the active influence of at least two USAID-funded special interest groups: Intrahealth and Family Health International. Mosher vowed that PRI would “do everything in its power” to expose and halt the use of U.S. taxpayer funds on this campaign against the Rwandan people.
According to the BBC and Rwandan news outlets, the Rwandan government is introducing this campaign on the heels of a large-scale effort to circumcise men (a procedure which allegedly “protects against” HIV/AIDS infection). However, as the New Times reports, the real reason circumcision was included was simply because “it allows us get to the men's reproductive system and in the process we advise them on condom use and vasectomy.”

Not only this, but back in 2008, health officials informed the BBC that these “circumcision campaigns” would be practiced first on “the new born and young men in universities, the army and police.” This is because, while many Rwandans balk at the idea of being sterilized, “correspondents say many in the armed forces will regard it as an order” even though it will be “nominally voluntary.”

“This amounts to coercion,” says Steven Mosher. “First of all, saying that circumcision ‘protects against AIDS’ is an abuse of semantics, as circumcision doesn't provide a barrier against anything. Secondly, if it will be regarded as an order, it doesn't matter if it actually is one or not. The men will be circumcised/sterilized because they feel that they must, or risk punitive measures.”

These programs are not being rolled out by the Rwandan government alone, but represent a concerted push by the U.S. government and international health groups. Intrahealth, for one, proudly advertises that it is conducting surveys of men who have received vasectomies already, and will use “lessons learned to inform recommendations regarding the scale-up of vasectomy services in other districts as requested by the Maternal and Child Health Task Force of the Ministry of Health.”

(http://www.intrahealth.org/page/assessment-of-vasectomy-client-satisfact...)

Family Health International, for its part, is “supporting the Rwandan MOH to increase access to quality vasectomy services in Rwanda by training physicians across the country …”

(http://www.fhi.org/en/Research/Projects/Progress/Countries/Rwanda.htm).

“The Rwandan government claims that it wants men to ‘go willingly’ for sterilization,” says Steven Mosher. “But they also have a hard quota — 700,000 — which they are looking to fill. In our experience on this issue, every single time a sterilization campaign has a hard target and a timetable attached to it, it inevitably involves coercion and abusive expansion, just as night follows day.”

“Not only that,” Mosher continues, “but these groups are funded by USAID, which receives tax dollars from the United States. Our own laws make it illegal for our tax monies to fund forced abortion or sterilization, and campaigns that involve quotas have always been considered coercive.”

“We at PRI urge the Rwandan government to end their involvement with such unethical groups and end this campaign before it begins. The unforseen consequences on the Rwandan family and economy will be far-reaching, and the suffering is too much to ask of an already-traumatized population who deserve every chance to heal,” Mosher concludes. “We will work to expose the coercion and corruption inherent in the U.S. Partner organizations of this campaign, and then we will bring the evidence before officials in Washington DC. We've found that the best way to end campaigns like this is to hit them at the source — by cutting off their funding.”

African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.
***





The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, April 22, 2011




[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]





General Kagame, the Rwandan  blood drinker
Columns Eclectic Rant: Kagame's Rwanda: Myth and Reality By Ralph E. Stone
Tuesday April 12, 2011


On April 7, 2011, President Barack Obama marked the 17th anniversary of the "unimaginable slaughter" of Rwanda's 1994 genocide, saying it reminded the world of its duties to civilians in places like Libya. President Obama made no effort to dispel the myth used by Rwanda President Paul Kagame about the 1994 Rwanda genocide and the role played by the U.S.
leading up to the genocide.
I used the word "myth" to describe the 1994 genocide. Yes, the 1994 Genocide was horrible, but it was just one episode in a long history of violence in that part of the world. The U.S. and Kagame keep focusing on the 1994 Genocide, but neglect to put it in context. If they did, their complicity in the genocide would be revealed. For a version of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide closer to the truth, I recommend the Report of the Independent Inquiry into the United Nations during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, dated December 15, 1999.
What actually happened in Rwanda? Kagame was trained at the U.S. Army Command and Staff College in Leavenworth, Kansas. Major-General Kagame returned from Leavenworth to lead the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) shortly after the October 1990 invasion of Rwanda by Ugandan forces. This has been misrepresented as a "civil war" or "war of liberation" by a Tutsi-led guerilla army.

The so-called civil war was in reality a brutal struggle for political power between the Hutu-led coalition government of Juvénal Habyarimana supported by France and the RPF-backed Tutsi forces backed financially and militarily by the United States. The Hutu-Tutsi rivalry was used deliberately in the pursuit of U.S. strategic and geopolitical objectives by establishing a U.S. sphere of influence in Central Africa, a region historically dominated by France and Belgium. What was at stake? The region's vast geostrategic mineral wealth, i.e., cobalt, oil, natural gas, copper, uranium, tin, coltan, cassiterite, gold, and diamonds,

In April 1994, according to French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguière and many others, the RPF shot down the plane carrying Rwandan President Habyarimana and Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira, which was the catalyst for the Genocide.

By July 1994, the RPF completed its coup d’etat and consolidated its power in Rwanda.

Kagame's government has maintained political power and manipulated public sympathy by promoting a highly politicized ideology of the 1994 genocide. Anyone who challenges the official story is branded a "genocide negationist," a "genocide revisionist," or "killers of remembrance" by the Kagame regime. Even the Genocide Memorial Centre, which my wife and I visited in 2004, promotes his version of the genocide. As I remember, there was a banner or sign with Rwanda's motto: "never again."

At the end of August 2010, a draft report of the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) was leaked  and the complete was released at the beginning of October 2010. The leaked OHCHR Report caused outrage in Rwanda after it was revealed that the UN intended to accuse Rwandan troops of having killed and raped Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), then known as Zaire, between 1993 and 2003. According to the draft leaked Report, the Hutu militia along with Hutu civilians fled across the border into the DRC. Rwanda, aided by Congolese rebel forces, pursued them. These combined forces systematically massacred hundreds of thousands of Rwandan and Congolese Hutus, the majority of which were children, women, and the elderly. According to the leaked OHCHR report, it could be said that a second genocide occurred.

This makes a mockery of Rwanda's "never again" motto.

Rwanda threatened to pull its 3,000 plus UN peacekeeping troops out of the Sudanese region of Darfur if the draft report were endorsed for publication. Uganda made a similar threat.

In October 2010, the official report entitled Democratic Republic of the Congo, 1993-2003: Report of the Mapping Exercise documenting the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003, dated August 2010 (www.ohchr.org countriesdrc_mapping_report_final_en.pdf) was released. But rather than categorically state that genocide had been carried out by those armies, groups and governments, including Rwanda, the official OHCHR Report inserts the words "allegedly," "possibly" or "apparently" into the final version of descriptions of violations. These amendments could be linked to claims by Rwanda and others mentioned in the Report that the OHCHR Report was based on unsubstantiated documentation and testimony. Did the UN caved in to pressure from Rwanda and other countries named in the OHCHR Report?(/www.ohchr.org)

The U.S. should endorse Amnesty International's request that the UN create a structure in which the cases can be heard and trials conducted. In addition, the U.S. should reexamine its relationship with the Kagame, well on his way to becoming another president-for- life


African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.


 
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine


by Paul Jordan


Wikipedia : The Kibeho Massacre occurred in a camp for internally displaced persons near Kibeho, in south-west Rwanda on April 22, 1995. Australian soldiers serving as part of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda consistently estimated at least 4,000 people in the camp were killed by soldiers of the military wing of the Rwandan Patriotic Front, known as the Rwandan Patriotic Army. The Rwandan Government's estimate of the number killed was about 330.
According to reliable information, 21,000 Hutus were cowardly mass-murdered by Kagame and his RPF.


On April 7, 2010, President Barack Obama marked the 17th anniversary of the "unimaginable slaughter" of Rwanda's 1994 genocide, saying it reminded the world of its duties to civilians in places like Libya. President Obama made no effort to dispel the myth used by Rwanda President Paul Kagame about the 1994 Rwanda genocide and the role played by the U.S. leading up to the genocide.

I used the word "myth" to describe the 1994 genocide. Yes, the 1994 Genocide was horrible, but it was just one episode in a long history of violence in that part of the world. The U.S. and Kagame keep focusing on the 1994 Genocide, but neglect to put it in context. If they did, their complicity in the genocide would be revealed. For a version of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide closer to the truth, I recommend the Report of the Independent Inquiry into the United Nations during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, dated December 15, 1999.


RPF - The Death Factory

22-04-1995 : A carefully orchestrated smear campaign under the direction of  Kagame's minister and special envoy Jacques Bihozagara.

Combat medic: an Australian's eyewitness account of the Kibeho massacre.
PLEASE LISTEN TO HIM, TERRY PICKARD, THE WITNESS.  A VERY, VERY TOUCHING STORY. 
radio station interviews Terry Pickard

If Tears could build a stairway 
And memories were a lane
I would walk right up to heaven
To bring you home again
No farewell words were spoken
No time to say goodbye
You were gone before I knew it
  And Only Paul Kagame knows why
My heart still aches with sadness
And secret tears still flow
What It meant to lose you
No one will ever know





***
Remembrance : Do not be afraid to cry, it does relieve the pain.

Hutu children and women were professionally massacred at Kibeho, the Rwandan Auschwitz.
****
Now more than ever please keep our beloved friends, parents, brothers and sisters in your prayers or thoughts, whatever is more comfortable for you. 
****

Terry Pickard, 49, and his wife Nicole, 24, met in Brisbane while they were both receiving treatment for post-traumatic stress disorder. They talk to Sarah Elks.

Terry: I have no doubt that meeting Nicky saved my life. If I hadn’t met her, I would have died accidentally somehow in my car, in an alcoholic binge. It was inevitable. Nicky and I met in a psychiatric hospital, where we were both in-patients. We both have post-traumatic stress disorder, but for different reasons. I was a medic in the army, part of the United Nations’ peacekeeping force in Rwanda in 1995. I witnessed the massacre of thousands of men, women and children at a place called Kibeho, but because of the UN’s rules I wasn’t allowed to fire my weapon to defend the refugees.
***

 How was it possible that two thousand persons, mostly women and children, could be massacred while living in an internationally designated camp for displaced persons in a small country with an overwhelming presence of international agencies? This happened in post-genocide Rwanda during the army’s operation to close Kibeho camp, despite a presence that included more than a dozen UN agencies, 120 non-governmental organizations and 5,500 UN peacekeepers. In her monograph, "The Protection Gap in the International Protection of Internally Displaced Persons:
This camp was situated some five hours west of the capital city of Kigali, close to the town of Kibeho, and was estimated to hold up to 100,000 displaced persons. Mourners stand today very far from Rwandan  Auschwitz Kibeho death camp  during the sixteenth anniversary remembrance of the ever bloody massacres that were implemented in accordance with the plan of the Rwandan Genocide.

Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995  
Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995  
 As we moved through the camp, we saw evidence that it had been cleared very quickly. The place was littered with the displaced persons’ belongings, left behind in the sudden panic of movement. It wasn’t until we moved deep into the camp that we found them, thousands of frightened people who had been herded closely together like sheep, huddled along a ridgeline that ran through the camp. The RPA had used gunfire to gather and drive these people into a close concentration. In the frenzy of sudden crowd movement, ten children had been trampled to death. As we drove closer, the huge crowd parted before us and people began to clap and cheer: they obviously expected a great deal more from us than we could offer.The next day, Thursday 19 April, we arrived at the camp at 8.30a.m. and moved through to what was designated the ‘Charlie Company’ compound, situated in the middle of the camp. Zambian troops on duty in the compound requested medical treatment for a woman who had given birth the previous night, as they thought that she ‘still had another baby inside her’. We arranged for the woman to be medically evacuated by air to Kigali, where it was discovered that she was suffering from a swollen bladder. We set up the casualty clearing post once again at the documentation point and, this time, went out to search for casualties.
Kagame's trade mark - Akandoya
Kagame criminal records

Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995
 


RPA troops would frequently resort to firing their weapons into the air in an effort to control the crowd. At around 1.00 p.m., we heard sporadic fire, but could find no casualties. As the day wore on, tension mounted between the displaced persons and the RPA troops. We left the camp that evening amid the echoes of bursts of automatic fire. Leaving the camp was no easy feat because of the RPA roadblocks. We decided to follow a convoy carrying displaced persons out of the camp, but were held up when one of the convoy’s trucks became stuck in thick mud, blocking the exit road. Eventually we extricated ourselves and found a safe route out. Half an hour or so into our journey, we encountered a UNICEF official who informed us that he had received a radio message reporting that ten people had been shot dead in the camp. Because AMF personnel were not permitted to stay in the camp after dark, there was nothing we could do. We had no choice but to continue on to our base at Zambian headquarters.
General Kagame
The mastermind of the Rwandan
Genocide

Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995  
 We set about the task of establishing a casualty clearing post and, after being moved on twice by RPA soldiers exercising their arbitrary authority, eventually negotiated a position just beyond the documentation area. We spent the day there and saw only one casualty, a UN soldier. We left the camp that day dogged by the frustrating sense of not being needed.On Friday, 20 April, we arrived in Kibeho at around 8.30 a.m. to find that thirty people had died during the night. Although the Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) hospital was busy treating casualties, we were told our assistance was not required at this stage. We set up the casualty clearing post at the documentation area (for what was to be the last time) and initially treated a few patients who were suffering from colds and various infections. Most of these were given antibiotics and sent on their way. A number of ragged young children appeared and, out of sight of the RPA soldiers, we gave the children new, dry clothes, for which they were most grateful. We also found a man whose femur was broken and decided to remove him from the camp in the back of our ambulance when we finally left for the night.



That evening, as we were preparing to leave, we received a call for assistance from the MSF hospital. Six ‘priority one’ patients required urgent evacuation. We picked up these casualties, all suffering from gunshot and machete wounds, and prepared them to travel. We called in the helicopter and the patients were flown to a hospital in Butare. The man with the broken femur could not be flown out because the helicopter was not fitted to take stretchers, so we prepared him for an uncomfortable ride in the back of the ambulance.


Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995  
 We returned to the Charlie Company compound where we found a man with a gunshot wound to the lung -- a sucking chest wound. He was in a serious condition. Because night was falling, we decided to evacuate him by road to the hospital in Butare along with the man with the broken femur. This meant negotiating the RPA checkpoints as we left the camp. As we persuaded our way through these checkpoints, Captain Carol Vaughan-Evans and Trooper Jon Church crouched in the rear of the ambulance, giving emergency treatment to the two patients.


We continued our journey accompanied by two military observers from Uruguay who were guiding us. We made steady progress for the next two hours until our front and rear vehicles became bogged. As efforts continued to recover the vehicles, Lieutenant Tilbrook decided to send the ambulance to the hospital as the patient with the chest wound was deteriorating. The two military observers were to accompany the ambulance. After a further hour and a half on the road, and with additional help from Care Australia, the patient was eventually handed over to the MSF hospital in Butare.


Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995
 
On Saturday, 22 April, we arrived at the camp to be told that the hospital was teeming with injured patients, but the MSF workers were nowhere to be found. We went to the hospital where the situation was absolutely chaotic. We saw about 100 people who had either been shot or macheted, or both. Their wounds were horrific and there was blood everywhere. One woman had been cleaved with a machete right through her nose down to her upper jaw. She sat silently and simply stared at us. There were numerous other people suffering from massive cuts to their heads, arms and all over their bodies. We immediately started to triage as many patients as possible, but just as we would begin to treat one patient, another would appear before us with far more serious injuries.


As we worked, we were often called upon to make snap decisions and to ‘play God’ by deciding which patients’ lives to save. We were forced to move many seriously injured victims to one side because we thought they would not live or because they would simply take too long to save. Instead, we concentrated on trying to save the lives of those people who, in our assessment, had a chance of survival.


At one point, an NGO worker took me outside the hospital to point out more casualties. There I discovered about thirty bodies, and was approached by a large number of displaced persons with fresh injuries. Jon Church and I were deeply concerned and returned to the hospital to triage patients. In amongst triaging priority one patients, Jon drew my attention to the patient he was treating. This man had a very deep machete wound through the eye and across the face. I saw Jon completely cover the wounded man’s face with a bandage. There was no danger that the patient would suffocate since he was breathing through a second wound in his throat. The wounded man was, however, very restless and difficult to control, and eventually we were forced to leave him, despite our belief that he would almost certainly die. Later that day he was brought to us again, his face still completely covered in a bandage. Whether the man finally survived his ordeal, only God knows.

Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995
 
As Jon and I worked with Lieutenant Rob Lucas (a nursing officer) to prioritise patients, members of the Australian infantry section stretchered them to the casualty clearing post. These soldiers worked tirelessly to move patients by stretcher from the hospital to the Zambian compound, which had become a casualty department. Meanwhile, the situation at the hospital was becoming increasingly dangerous, and we were ordered back to the compound. Some of the MSF workers had arrived by now and were trapped in the hospital. Our infantrymen went to retrieve them and bring them back to the safety of the compound. As our soldiers moved towards the hospital, they came under fire from a sniper within the crowd of displaced persons. The infantry section commander, Corporal Buskell, took aim at the sniper, and the latter, on seeing the rifle, disappeared into the crowd.


Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995
 
Our medical work continued unabated in the Zambian compound as the casualties flowed relentlessly. At about 10.00 a.m., some of the displaced persons attempted to break out and we saw them running through the re-entrants. We watched (and could do little more) as these people were hunted down and shot. The RPA soldiers were no marksmen: at times they were within ten metres of their quarry and still missed them. If they managed to wound some hapless escapee, they would save their valuable bullets, instead bayoneting their victim to death. This went on for two hours until all the displaced persons who had run were dead or dying.


Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995  

The desperate work continued in the compound as we separated the treated patients, placing the more serious cases in the ambulance and the remainder in a Unimog truck. The firing intensified and the weather broke as it began to rain. We worked under the close security of our infantry as automatic fire peppered the area around us. We continued to treat the wounded, crouching behind the flimsy cover presented by the truck and sandbag wall. At one point, a young boy suddenly ran into the compound and fell to the ground. We later discovered that he had a piece of shrapnel in his lung. We managed to evacuate this boy by helicopter to the care of the Australian nurses in the intensive care unit at Kigali hospital. Every time a white person walks into his hospital room, he opens his arms to be hugged.


Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995  
The automatic fire from the RPA troops continued; people were being shot all over the camp. When we had gathered about twenty-five casualties, we arranged to have them aeromedically evacuated to a hospital in Butare. While the ambulance was parked at the landing zone, a lone displaced person ran towards us with an RPA soldier chasing him. The soldier maintained a stream of fire at his fleeing victim, and rounds landed all around the ambulance. Jon and I ducked for cover behind its meagre protection. When the RPA soldier realised that some of his own officers were in his line of fire, he checked himself. The displaced person fell helplessly to the ground at the feet of the RPA officers. He was summarily marched away to meet an obvious fate.


It was about 4.00 p.m. by the time we started to load the patients onto helicopters, and, by 5.00 p.m., the job was complete. People began to run through the wire into the compound, and the Australian infantry found themselves alongside the Zambian soldiers pushing the desperate intruders back over the wire. This was a particularly delicate task, as some of the displaced persons were carrying grenades. As the last helicopter took off, about 2000 people stampeded down the spur away from the camp, making a frantic dash for safety. RPA soldiers took up positions on each spur, firing into the stampede with automatic rifles, rocket-propelled grenades and a 50-calibre machine-gun. A large number of people fell under the hail of firepower. Fortunately, at this stage, it began to rain heavily, covering the escape of many of those fleeing. Bullets flew all around, and we made a very hasty trip back to the Zambian compound with the rear of the ambulance full of infantry.
Jacques Bihozagara
Kagame Special envoy to Kibeho
to cover up and supervise
RPF/RPA mass-slaughter


Once back in the compound, we watched the carnage from behind sandbagged walls. Rocket-propelled grenades landed among the stampeding crowd, and ten people fell. One woman, about fifty metres from where we crouched, suddenly stood up, with her hands in the air. An RPA soldier walked down to her and marched her up the hill with his arm on her shoulder. He then turned and looked at us, pushed the woman to the ground and shot her. 
Kagame's special envoy to Kibeho
General Ibingira, promoted for having
massacred 21,000 Hutus in
Kibeho Death Camp
He took part in the gun fire and
ordered the mass-slaughter


 As the rain eased, so did the firing. I was standing in the lee of the Zambian building when a young boy wearing blood-soaked clothing jumped the wire and walked towards me. I put my gloves on and the boy shook my hand and pointed to where a bullet had entered his nose, indicating to me that the bullet was still caught in his jaw. We took the boy with us and, given that the firing had died down and darkness had fallen, we put him into the ambulance next to a man with an open abdominal wound, and prepared them for the long journey to hospital by road.

As we left the camp, Jon and another medic saw a small child wandering alone. They made an instant decision to save the child, putting her in the ambulance as well. We then faced the unwanted distraction of a screaming three-year-old girl while we were frantically working on two seriously wounded patients. We knew also that the RPA would search the vehicle and any displaced persons without injuries would be taken back to the camp. I decided to bandage the girls’s left arm in order to fake a wound. The first time we were searched, the girl waved and spoke to the RPA soldiers. So we moved her up onto the blanket rack in the ambulance, strapped her in, and gave her a biscuit. The next time we were searched, the girl just sat and ate her biscuit, saying nothing. The RPA soldiers never knew she was there. After being held up at a roadblock for an hour, the convoy, which included all the NGO workers, made its way out of the camp. All the patients were taken to Butare Hospital, while the little girl was taken to an orphanage where we knew an attempt would be made to reunite her with her mother, in the unlikely event that she was still alive.


Money talks
Kagame and RPF enjoy impunity

President Obama should help
Rwandans
to end Kagame's impunity
 
We re-entered the camp at 6.30 a.m. on Sunday, 23 April. While our mission was to count the number of dead bodies, Warrant Officer Scott and I went first to look around the hospital. Inside there were about fifteen dead. We entered one room and a small boy smiled then grinned at us. Scotty and I decided we would come back and retrieve this boy. I took half the infantry section and Scotty took the other half, and we walked each side of the road that divided the camp.


On one side of the road, my half-section covered the hospital that contained fifteen corpses. In the hospital courtyard we found another hundred or so dead people. A large number of these were mothers who had been killed with their babies still strapped to their backs. We freed all the babies we could see. We saw dozens of children just sitting amidst piles of rubbish, some crouched next to dead bodies. The courtyard was littered with debris and, as I waded through the rubbish, it would move to expose a baby who had been crushed to death. I counted twenty crushed babies, but I could not turn over every piece of rubbish.


The Zambians were collecting the lost children and placing them together for the agencies to collect. Along the stretch of road near the documentation point, there were another 200 bodies lined up for burial. The other counting party had seen many more dead than we had. There were survivors too. On his return to camp, Jon saw a baby who was only a few days old lying in a puddle of mud. He was still alive. Jon picked the baby up and gave him to the Zambians. At the end of our grisly count, the total number recorded by the two half-sections was approximately 4000 dead and 650 wounded.
Camarade, an Interahamwe and the 
drunken RPF General Ibingira
who still enjoys impunity





We returned to the Zambian compound and began to treat the wounded. By now we had been reinforced with medics and another doctor. With the gunfire diminished, we were able to establish the casualty clearing post outside the Zambian compound and, with extra manpower and trucks to transport patients, we managed to clear about eighty-five casualties. A Ghanaian Army major approached Scotty and I to collect two displaced persons who had broken femurs from another area nearby. We lifted the two injured men into the back of the major’s car. It was then that we noticed all the dead being buried by the RPA in what I believe was an attempt to reduce the body count. The Zambians also buried the dead, but only those who lay near their compound.


We had been offered a helicopter for an aeromedical evacuation. We readied our four worst casualties, placing them on the landing zone for evacuation. The RPA troops came, as they always did, to inspect those being evacuated. At the same time, a Zambian soldier brought us a small boy who had been shot in the backside. The RPA told us that we could only take three of the casualties, as the fourth was a suspect. I argued and argued with an RPA major, but met with unbending refusal. He did tell us, however, that we could take the small boy who we hadn’t even asked to take, so we quickly put the boy into the waiting helicopter. The RPA officer then demanded that one of his men, who had been shot, be evacuated in the helicopter. I tried to bargain with the RPA major. In return for taking his soldier to hospital, I asked that we be allowed to evacuate the fourth casualty. His reply was final: ‘Either my man goes or no-one goes’. It was time to stop arguing.
RPA/RDF showing their inhumane actions
Killing innocent people only because they happen
to be born Hutus


The majority of patients we evacuated that day were transported on the back of a truck. The pain caused by the jolting of the truck would have been immense, but even this amount of pain was better than death. Jon and I took another load of patients to the landing zone, as they were to go on the same helicopter as the CO and the RSM. To our amazement, we were recalled and watched in frustration as the helicopter was filled with journalists. That day, all our patients left unaccompanied.


Just before our departure that evening, Jon and I were called to look at a man who had somehow fallen into the pit latrine, which was about 12 feet deep. I suppose he thought this to be the safest place. We left the camp at about 5.00 p.m. and spent the night at the Bravo Company position which was only half an hour away.


On Monday, 24 April, we returned to the camp which, at this stage, held only about 400 people. The RPA had set up a recoilless rifle, which pointed at one of the buildings they claimed housed Hutu criminals who had taken part in the 1994 genocide. Throughout the morning we saw displaced persons jumping off the roof of the building and, on two occasions, we saw AK 47 assault rifles being carried. The RPA gave us until midday to clear the camp, at which time they stated that they would fire the weapon into the building. We knew this would kill or injure the vast majority of those left in the camp.


Meanwhile the Zambians were busy digging two men out of the pit latrines. They were quite a sight when they were pulled out. The Zambian major planned to sweep through the building and push people out, and wanted us to bolster his ranks. Obtaining permission from headquarters to help the Zambians proved something of an ordeal, to my mind, the result of a surfeit of chiefs. Consequently, we were a crucial ten minutes late helping them.


We discovered a number of injured people huddled in a room directly adjacent to the building containing the Hutus. As we moved in to retrieve the casualties, a Hutu pointed his weapon at us, but rapidly changed his mind when ten Australian rifles were pointed straight back at him. We used this building as a starting point, evacuating all those in the room in Red Cross trucks. It was at this point that we struck a major obstacle. The criminal element within the camp had spread the word that those who accompanied the white people from the camp would be macheted to death on reaching their destination. This was widely believed and, as a result, only a few people could be persuaded to leave the camp that morning. On several occasions, women handed over their children to us, believing that ‘the white people will not kill children’.

Do not be afraid to cry, it does relieve the pain.



Kagame criminal records
Still enjoys impunity
Kibeho mass-murder 22/04/1995  
The Australians found the attitude of these people incredibly frustrating. We could find no way to convince the majority of the displaced persons to leave Kibeho for the safety that we could provide. Many said that it was better to die where they were than to die in another camp. Even when we did succeed in persuading some to leave, a Hutu would often appear and warn those people that they would be macheted if they left with the Australians. This was a warning that never went unheeded.

At 2.00 p.m. that day, we were rotated out of the camp. We felt sick with resentment at leaving the job incomplete, but there was very little that we could have done for those people. We estimated that at least 4000 people had been killed over that weekend. While there was little that we could have done to stop the killings, I believe that, if Australians had not been there as witnesses to the massacre, the RPA would have killed every single person in the camp.




Permission to reprint this story as published in the Australian Army Journal is gratefully acknowledged.


African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence. 

 

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

AS International

AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.

Profile

I am Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, an Economist, Content Manager, and EDI Expert, driven by a passion for human rights activism. With a deep commitment to advancing human rights in Africa, particularly in the Great Lakes region, I established this blog following firsthand experiences with human rights violations in Rwanda and in the DRC (formerly Zaïre) as well. My journey began with collaborations with Amnesty International in Utrecht, the Netherlands, and with human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and a conference in Helsinki, Finland, where I was a panelist with other activists from various countries. My mission is to uncover the untold truth about the ongoing genocide in Rwanda and the DRC. As a dedicated voice for the voiceless, I strive to raise awareness about the tragic consequences of these events and work tirelessly to bring an end to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)'s impunity. This blog is a platform for Truth and Justice, not a space for hate. I am vigilant against hate speech or ignorant comments, moderating all discussions to ensure a respectful and informed dialogue at African Survivors International Blog.

Genocide masterminded by RPF

Finally the well-known Truth Comes Out. After suffering THE LONG years, telling the world that Kagame and his RPF criminal organization masterminded the Rwandan genocide that they later recalled Genocide against Tutsis. Our lives were nothing but suffering these last 32 years beginning from October 1st, 1990 onwards. We are calling the United States of America, United Kingdom, Japan, and Great Britain in particular, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Germany to return to hidden classified archives and support Honorable Tito Rutaremara's recent statement about What really happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994 across the country and how methodically the Rwandan Genocide has been masterminded by Paul Kagame, the Rwandan Hitler. Above all, Mr. Tito Rutaremara, one of the RPF leaders has given details about RPF infiltration methods in Habyarimana's all instances, how assassinations, disappearances, mass-slaughters across Rwanda have been carried out from the local autority to the government,fabricated lies that have been used by Gacaca courts as weapon, the ICTR in which RPF had infiltrators like Joseph Ngarambe, an International court biased judgments & condemnations targeting Hutu ethnic members in contraversal strategy compared to the ICTR establishment to pursue in justice those accountable for crimes between 1993 to 2003 and Mapping Report ignored and classified to protect the Rwandan Nazis under the RPF embrella . NOTHING LASTS FOREVER.

Human and Civil Rights

Human Rights, Mutual Respect and Dignity For all Rwandans : Hutus - Tutsis - Twas

Rwanda: A mapping of crimes

Rwanda: A mapping of crimes in the book "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF by Judi Rever Be the last to know: This video talks about unspeakable Kagame's crimes committed against Hutu, before, during and after the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda. The mastermind of both genocide is still at large: Paul Kagame

KIBEHO: Rwandan Auschwitz

Kibeho Concetration Camp.

Mass murderers C. Sankara

Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.

Prof. Allan C. Stam

The Unstoppable Truth

Prof. Christian Davenport

The Unstoppable Truth Prof. Christian Davenport Michigan University & Faculty Associate at the Center for Political Studies

The killing Fields - Part 1

The Unstoppable Truth

The killing Fields - Part II

The Unstoppable Truth

Daily bread for Rwandans

The Unstoppable Truth

The killing Fields - Part III

The Unstoppable Truth

Time has come: Regime change

Drame rwandais- justice impartiale

Carla Del Ponte, Ancien Procureur au TPIR:"Le drame rwandais mérite une justice impartiale" - et réponse de Gerald Gahima

Sheltering 2,5 million refugees

Credible reports camps sheltering 2,500 million refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed. The UN refugee agency says it has credible reports camps sheltering 2,5 milion refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.

Latest videos

Peter Erlinder comments on the BBC documentary "Rwanda's Untold Story Madam Victoire Ingabire,THE RWANDAN AUNG SAN SUU KYI

Rwanda, un génocide en questions


Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en... par BernardLugan Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en questions"

Nombre de Visiteurs

free counter

Popular Posts - Last 7 days

Archives

Everything happens for a reason

Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.

Hutus didn't plan Tutsi Genocide

Kagame, the mastermind of Rwandan Genocide (Hutu & tutsi)

Your comment if you LIKE IT. All for Human rights

Name

Email *

Message *