“I was grateful to the RPF for helping my family but I couldn’t ignore what I was hearing,” Matata said, unable to finish the same glass of Leffe beer over our three-hour encounter.  “As someone who believed in human rights I felt obliged to investigate the allegations.”                                           
“He was traumatized. Sometimes the victims loaded into the taxi weren’t even dead. They would still be moaning and crying.”
Some people hid in banana groves or escaped to the adjacent forest, the Akagera National Park.
“Quite a few victims would see the soldiers coming and throw themselves into the lake and drown.”
The RPA also used another method — one of entrapment — to kill larger groups of people.
“They asked people to gather in certain areas, in schools and markets. Those who showed up at these meetings were given cooking equipment, clothes and food. These people were told to spread the word about other meetings. When larger groups of people showed up the RPA used grenades or guns to kill them.”
Matata contends the RPA called Hutus to meetings and slaughtered them in other areas of the country as well. “The massacres were intensive and massive.”
Gersony, a consultant with extensive experience in African war zones, was hired by the United Nations to conduct a survey on the feasibility of Rwandan refugees returning to their homes after the genocide. Like many who descended on Rwanda in the aftermath of genocide, Gersony and his team were initially sympathetic to the RPF, and were granted access to 91 sites in more than 40 communes around the country. They conducted interviews with 200 individuals and held another 100 small group discussions.
But what they found was disturbing enough to throw the United Nations into complete disarray, findings that necessitated nothing sort of a paradigm shift in international agency thought.
 In September 1994, Gersony’s team discovered RPA soldiers appeared to have carried out genocide against Hutu civilians.
A US State Department cable dealing with Gersony’s findings was sent to then US Ambassador to the United Nations, Madeleine Albright, and US embassies in the region. The cable, dated September 1994, read: “(Hutu) refugees were called for meetings on peace and security. Once gathered, the RPA would move in and carry out the killing. In addition to group killings, house-to-house searches were conducted; individuals hiding out in the swamps were hunted; returnees as well as the sick, the elderly, the young and males between 18-40 (years old) were victims. So many civilians were killed that burial of bodies is a problem. In some villages, the team estimated that 10,000 or more a month have killed since April.”
Another cable sent by the UN peace monitoring mission, UNAMIR, quoted Gersony using stronger language to describe the crimes committed by the RPA against Hutus.
“Gersony put forward evidence of what he described as calculated, pre-planned, systematic atrocities and genocide against Hutus by the RPA whose methodology and scale, he concluded, (30,000 massacres) could only have been part of a plan implemented as a policy from the highest echelons of the government. In his view, these were not individual cases of revenge and summary trials but a pre-planned, systematic genocide against the Hutus. Gersony staked his 25-year reputation on his conclusions which he recognized were diametrically opposite to the assumptions made, so far, by the UN and the international community.”
The authenticity of the UNAMIR cable has been confirmed by two individuals: an ICTR lawyer and a person who took part in discussions of Gersony’s findings.
The cable, indexed and used as evidence at the UN International Criminal Court for Rwanda (ICTR), was written by UNAMIR official Shaharyar Khan and was sent to UN peacekeeping chief at the time, Kofi Annan. Khan went on to say that he did not believe the killings were part of a ‘pre-ordained, systematic massacre ordered from the top’ but admitted that the UN was now ‘engaged in a damage limitation exercise.”
The United Nations and the United States chose political subterfuge. Gersony’s field notes were ultimately buried in a concerted effort to protect the post genocide government led by Paul Kagame.  No further investigations were ever pursued, and those suspected of being behind the slaughter of innocents were never questioned.                                                       *
Before he left Rwanda, Matata tried to ascertain who was responsible for the slaughter, at least on a local level. In due course he discovered that authority emanated from a lieutenant colonel that would later go on to lead the world’s biggest UN peacekeeping operation.
“That commander was Patrick Nyamvumba,” Matata said ruefully. “The soldiers who massacred civilians were under his responsibility.”

General Nyamvumba Patrick

Kamanzi, the witness in question, has a luminous face and a reluctantly determined demeanor. In late April 1994, because he knew some of the young Tutsi soldiers based in Gahini, he was entrusted with collecting livestock on abandoned properties seized by the RPA. He remembers Nyamvumba as a pleasant man who walked with a limp. “He presented well. He was calm and often smiling. He was the ground commander. But soldiers were definitely comfortable around him.” 
Nyamvumba, whom Kamanzi called the colonel, often stayed in the most beautiful house in Gahini overlooking Lake Muhazi — the first dwelling on the left on a road leading to the top of the hill. The witness went to Nyamvumba’s residence several times when he was there.  It was customary for young women to be milling around; one well-known girl became Nyamvumba’s girlfriend.
But it was during operations, going house-to-house and into the fields — the teenager saw first hand what the soldiers’ actual objectives were. Over a period of two months, from late April onward, Kamanzi accompanied soldiers on their missions at least two or three times a week. The soldiers referred to the work as screening or cleaning out the enemy.
“I saw soldiers kill people. Sometimes I stayed back in the vehicle because I really did not want to see what was happening,” he said. “I was frightened to see someone killed in front of me.”
The soldiers, many of them barely out of their teens, called the unarmed Hutus Interahamwe.
“But what is sad is that these were villagers,” he explained. “They weren’t Interahamwe. Many of them were working in the fields. Sometimes the parents had fled and children were left at home alone. Unfortunately the soldiers killed the children.”
Kamanzi remembers one traumatic incident early on, in a village near the Akagera park.
“We went into a house. No one was there except a little girl about five years old. The soldiers asked her where her parents were. She told them they had gone into the fields. A few of us headed back to our vehicle but one soldier stayed behind. After a few seconds I heard a gunshot.”
 “The soldier shot her dead. He later told me she was the daughter of an Interahamwe. He didn’t even think that she was just a little girl.”
              “At that point I wondered: did these people come to save us?”
Colonel Nyamvumba rarely accompanied soldiers during operations. But there was one incident, Kamanzi recalled, where they’d received word that Hutus in a particular village might be armed. On that day, the ground commander, his escorts and a team of soldiers went in separate vehicles to the location, eventually surrounding a property there. Kamanzi went along too. Nyamvumba gave orders in Swahili, a language the teenager did not understand, and he and Nyamvumba stayed behind a few metres while soldiers fired shots for an extended period of time. Like in every mission he was privy to, there was no combat; soldiers just proceeded to kill.
Former soldiers and officers explained that before April 1994, Nyamvumba had been a middle ranking officer with very little if any command experience; he was above all the chief instructor of the RPA’s training wing, which shifted from the Gatunda township near the Ugandan border to Gabiro at the edge of the Akagera Park after the genocide was unleashed. The battalion that was created under his direction to euphemistically screen, mop up, or comb the hillsides of Hutu civilians was considered highly clandestine. Oscar operated in areas already cleared of insurgents, in the rear of the RPA’s 157th mobile force led by the notorious Fred Ibingira, now a Lt. General, and the 7th brigade under William Bagire.
At the time, DMI was headed by Kayumba Nyamwasa, long considered second to Kagame in Rwanda’s military hierarchy. General Nyamwasa fell out with his boss in 2010, fled to South Africa and survived an assassination attempt by suspected Rwandan agents. He declined to be interviewed for this article.
“Rwahama helped coordinate the killings. Remember Nyamvumba was young at the time and had little experience. They asked themselves ‘how are we going to kill a lot of people in a short period of time before anyone knows about it?’ Rwahama was the best person to plan this,” the officer confided.
By all accounts, Kazura was an intellectual with a passion for soccer and little battle experience apart from briefly serving in a battalion known as Delta Mobile. Originally from Burundi, he spoke fluent French, English and Kinyarwanda, was commissioned in 1992 and joined RPA High Command where he became a translator for Kagame, regularly listening to Radio France Internationale and greeting important visitors that came to see Kagame and RPF chairman Alex Kanyarengwe at Arusha House at the RPF’s military base, Mulindi, before the genocide.
Immediately after the assassination – which would ignite the genocide and spark a killing frenzy predominantly against Tutsi civilians — Nyamvumba left the Karama training wing near the Ugandan border, along with intelligence staff and several nominees of the main rank and file there. The intelligence staff that went with Nyamvumba were Dan Munyuza, Rwakabi Kakira and Kalemara alias Kiboko. Leaving his official job as chief instructor, Nyamvumba and his men ‘started to sweep’ from Gatunda and on to Ngarama, where they would make a temporary base.
According to testimony, some of the first operations began along the eastern border of the demilitarized zone, where the RPA had an upper hand in the pre-genocide war of invasion. The RPF had lured Hutu peasants in this area, with promises of salt, sugar, medicine and other basic necessities. These were some of the first people to be caught and killed in the RPA’s snare.
By the end of April, the training wing – ostensibly run by Nyamvumba — was relocated to Gabiro, at the edge of Akagera, a park originally spanning 2,500 square kilometres comprised of swamp, savannah and mountains.
“The soldiers did this job deliberately,” said David, a former RPA officer.
David is a loquacious, middle-aged Rwandan Tutsi living in exile. When he’s not talking about Rwanda, his manner shifts easily between jovial and ironic. Surprisingly, like so many Rwandans who’ve endured the horror of genocide, his face betrays little of the emotional scars that lie underneath. But his expressions change quickly. When he speaks of the crimes that unfolded around him in eastern Rwanda, his mouth contorts and his brow twists in trenches.
“The soldiers were digging mass graves. They had the manpower to dig, to burn,” David said. “There were some serial killers, people who were trained just to kill, to exterminate. Others were there to see and get rid of the dead.”
One of the main killing centres was Nasho next to a lake of the same name, on the park’s southern flank. The commanders moved around, depending on the magnitude of operations.
Other known killing grounds were located between five and 10 kilometres from Gabiro deeper in the park, and at Rwata, some 30 kilometres from Gabiro toward the Akagera River.
 “From Gabiro, Hutus could not escape; they were surrounded by soldiers. They were thrown into mass graves dug with bulldozers. Then soldiers started shooting at them,” an intelligence officer that received daily reports of the operations said.
This officer estimates that thousands of people died in this manner. He said anywhere between 100 to 200 people were put onto lorries, and between 5 and 10 trucks went through Gabiro deeper into the park daily – at night — for months.
Gabiro had the logistics: bulldozers for digging, stocks of diesel and petrol to burn corpses, and acid to dissolve the victims’ remains. The ashes were then mixed with soil or placed into lakes in the park, according to sources.
By June, at the height of the genocide, Kazura was in Rwamagana in Kibungo, east of the capital. A soldier in High Command said Kazura was an operational commander of about 100 soldiers that hunted down civilians, killed them and dumped them in a pit in neighboring Rutonde.
In one incident, Hutu women and children that had taken refuge in a Catholic church in Rwamagana were taken to Rutonde, where they massacred and thrown into a pit with Tutsi victims that had been killed by Interahamwe earlier in the genocide, he noted.
Other people, including men, were captured in neighboring areas and eventually detained at a petrol station, before being killed and buried in the pit.
 “Women’s arms were tied behind their backs with their pagnes (wraparound garments) and men were tied with their shirts. They were taken to a detention centre at the petrol station in Rwamagana. In the evening they were killed at the station or were taken to the pit and killed there,” the soldier described.
The soldier estimated that at least 600 people were killed in this manner in Rwamagana alone, and more than 2000 in total from outlying areas.
Another soldier said by early July, Kazura was moving around, coming to Rwamagana several times a week with his white Land Cruiser. He stayed at the Dereva Hotel, a kind of guesthouse where he had access to girlfriends and alcohol. It was known that Kazura had  “special forces” at his disposal.
Damas has vivid memories of the slaughter, which took place under the cover of night in a tent sent up in the compound of the Rwamagana gendarmerie barracks.
 “No one could say no when it was happening or that it had to stop,” he said. “On a personal level, it was shocking, but we were in a killing situation.”
The victims were later loaded onto three Mercedes trucks and brought to the Akagera Park. “After it was over, one soldier said aloud: ‘Not all of these bastards are killers. We didn’t have to kill all of them! The soldier was then struck in the head with a hoe and brought to a hospital.”
Damas said Kazura was not present during the slaughter that night, and that forces carrying out the killings were part of the regular army under a major named Gahigana.
Sources said that as the genocide wound down, both Kazura and Nyamvumba were known to have overseen the transport of Hutu refugees back into Rwanda from camps in Tanzania where they had fled. In one instance, an officer witnessed Kazura directing operations in which an estimated 120 woman and children were promised food, supplies and a peaceful return home. They were put on trucks at Benako, a town on the Tanzania border, and brought to Rwanteru, Rwanda, where they were killed, according to the officer.
“I was there when they were collected in trucks. Most of them were ladies and children. The men were very few,” the officer explained. “These people were killed under the command of Kazura. They were killed with hoes in Rwanteru.”
Many refugees that escaped to Tanzania at the time later refused to go back home. Some survivors of those attacks gave testimony for this article. One refugee said RPA soldiers arrived in his village in the commune Gituza on April 9th. “It was early in the morning.  The entire population started to run as soon as they saw RPF troops. I saw wounded people trying to get away. I made the decision to flee with my family.”
The refugee, his wife and three sons ran south along the Kayonza-Kagitunda road to Mirambi then onto Rukara, finally settling at a place called the Karambi Trading Centre where many other displaced Hutus had sought refuge. But the location was quickly overtaken by RPA troops. At that point his life would change forever.
“On April 19th, we were surrounded. The RPF told us they’d bring us back home. The next day, two lines of soldiers arrived. They escorted us to a bean garden behind the trading centre and started to fire on us.”
The refugee said the shooting lasted between 5 and 10 minutes before the soldiers began reloading ammunition. As his three young sons and wife lay in a pool of blood, the refugee ran for his life to the park, wounded in the forehead, buttocks and stomach.
“In the end, I was not able to bury my family,” he lamented.
                                                          *
In conjunction with sweeping operations aimed at exterminating Hutus in the northern communes of Byumba, death squads run by DMI were pounding neighboring localities such as Giti and Rutare.
A confidential, 55-page document from the ICTR outlines a macabre and highly organized operation in these two areas, where a contingent of 100 DMI troops led by Jackson Rwahama rounded up countless Hutus before slaughtering them with grenades, guns or hoes, between April 17 and 25.
A witness who worked for DMI at the time said the operations conducted in Rutare and Giti were held on the heels of meetings with Kayumba Nyamwasa, then DMI chief.
The witness said soldiers initially undertook patrols throughout Rutare, where they arrested entire Hutu families, stole their belongings before “eliminating them with hoes, known as agafuni.”
The killings were directly supervised by Sgt Tharcisse Idahemuka, according to the witness, who was present at the time.
Hutu intellectuals were particularly targeted. “Eliminating the maximum number of Hutu intellectuals was a priority because these people posed an immediate and future threat of exposing the truth regarding RPF activities. And the death of these intellectuals would weaken the potential for political parties in the short or long term,” the witness said.
In another incident described by the witness, Colonel Rwahama and Jack Nziza, then a major, intercepted Hutu civilians on their way to a displacement camp. The two men oversaw patrols that led the Hutus to a series of houses on a nearby hill surrounded by a banana plantation and a forest.
With Kalashnikov wielding soldiers standing guard outside, DMI troops unleashed grenades inside the houses, killing between 300 and 400 people, according to the witness, who expressed remorse for his role in the violence.
“It was horrible to see.  Corpses were completely calcified. There were no survivors.”
The witness said the orders to carry out these grisly operations came from Nyamwasa. Individuals with roles in the operation were also named, and included Jean-Jacques Mupenzi, Habass Musonera and Joseph Zabamwita.
Within days the DMI contingent would move on to Giti, where soldiers proceeded to round up prisoners — mostly men — and slaughter them in the house of a former bourgmestre.  The witness remembered the victims’ skulls being smashed by hoes and ‘brain matter all over the floor.’
DMI would continue to kill waves of displaced Hutus streaming into Giti from other areas, separating them from Tutsi families who were given the grim task of digging graves and were nicknamed Tiger Force. A corporal named Emmnauel Nkuranga was in charge of eliminating Hutu prisoners, according to the witness.
He also stated the RPF held meetings in neighboring communes to persuade people hiding in the bush to go home, where they were eventually murdered, and that young Hutu men whose families had been opposed to the Habyarimana regime joined RPA ranks but were later killed. Truckloads of Hutus rounded up on military trucks also passed through Giti on their way to Gabiro, where they would ‘simply be eliminated.’
At the time, Gabiro was still nominally run by Nyamvumba, who would return to the barracks to check on waves of new recruits. The military barracks was 36-square-kilometres and like other areas in Akagera, was off-limits to UNAMIR and NGOs, ostensibly because Kagame’s army needed to remove anti-personnel mines in the area.
Several officers and soldiers contend that immediately after the genocide and in the years that followed, Nyamvumba and Kazura worked alongside DMI supervising the screening of Hutu men rounded up at night or recruited from all over Rwanda, in particular from Gitarama, Kibuye, Gikongoro, Cyangugu, Gisenyi and Ruhengeri, to be eliminated at Akagera and in Nyungwe forest in southwestern Rwanda.
“Nyamvumba was chief coordinator of those operations because after all he had already done it. He was critical,” said an officer.  
Another officer who worked in intelligence had a slightly nuanced view: “Right after the genocide, Nyamvumba wasn’t the one looking for those recruits,” he said, noting that brigades led by notoriously violent commanders such as Ibingira killed or rounded up Hutu civilians post genocide.
“But these people were eliminated from the training wing, which Nyamvumba was in charge of, so yes he shared responsibility for what was taking place,” the officer added.
A soldier at Camp Garde Presidentielle (GP) in Kigali witnessed Kazura’s participation in these operations in 1995, as well.
“Kazura was involved in taking people in lorries from Kigali to Gabiro. Those people were young Hutu men that were lured into military training from all over the country then taken to Kigali, to Camp GP,” he said, adding: “Kazura was personally involved in transporting the recruits.”
“And then those men were taken to Gabiro where they were killed and burned near the training wing, at a place called New Camp, near the house of the former king of Rwanda.”
Some of these young men died on their way to Gabiro, which by then had earned its reputation as a bona fide death factory, not unlike the Nazi extermination camp Auschwitz-Birkenau yet much smaller and without the labor.
“Many were taken in containers in trucks and died en route. They died of suffocation,” he explained.
In 1996, the Tutsi soldier in question was in Gabiro for training where Hutus were still being brought to the barracks, and witnessed Kazura, Nyamvumba and key members of DMI on site.
“Kazura, Nyamvumba, Jack Nziza and Nyamwasa were personally involved in killing and supervising the burning of bodies,” the soldier said grimly.
This testimony is strengthened, to some degree, by an ICTR official who requested anonymity but disclosed that Kagame’s and Nyamwasa’s hands have been “covered in blood” for decades.
Officials refused to discuss how DPKO specifically screened Kazura or Nyamvumba for their jobs as chief peacekeepers. Requests this month to interview Kazura — and Nyamvumba in 2012 — were not facilitated by the UN.
Yet Dwyer admitted this new information would be taken seriously.
In 2008, the United Nations was drawn into a human rights debacle after deciding to renew the mandate of another Rwandan General, Emmanuel Karake Karenzi, who was deputy commander of UNAMID, despite a Spanish indictment against him for war crimes committed against Hutus in the 1990s.
 Nyamvumba himself was cited in the 2008 indictment as having played a role in massacres against Hutu civilians in Murambi, Kizimbo and Kigali Rural, although no indictment was actually issued against him, because more evidence was needed.
“A witness said Nyamvumba was heavily involved in the operations of massacres in these three areas,” confirmed Jordi Palou-Loverdos, a lawyer representing victims in Spain’s special court for serious crimes.
Another witness, also a top RPA lieutenant, provided evidence against Nyamvumba to the magistrate, he pointed out, adding that investigations were continuing in the case.
“The Spanish court is continuing to gather complementary evidence of international crimes committed in Rwanda and in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The research is ongoing,” Palou-Loverdos said.
Kagame himself — who is lauded for defeating Hutu extremists responsible for killing more than half a million Tutsis and moderate Hutus during the genocide — enjoys immunity from prosecution because the Spanish court does not have jurisdiction to indict a head of state.
“We need a better future for our country; we have to tell our children what really happened.”

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]


In memoriam: The Late Senior Advisor at Human Rights Watch for the African continent.

Freedom will be won by brave sons and daughters of Rwanda.

Considering the partial content of this show, many journalists may have their own agenda.
This evening, on the national Dutch TV, we have watched as Hutu children as young as 10 years old, their moms, fathers, brothers and sisters were spat upon, have urine thrown at them, are verbally

Jean-Christophe Tuvugishukuri Libre Penseur

abused and then have a pipe of bombs thrown at them elsewhere in the country. Where and when is it going to stop? The people behind these attacks are thugs and bigots. They are driven by the same naked sectarism, discrimination that has divided this Rwandese community for far too long since Kagame launched war against innocent Hutu kids and mothers. It suits some people like you just fine when there is this polarization and they do whatever they can to step in and benefit politically, economically from it. But I say here, in taking into account that this happened on different Western national and international TsV many times aimed to discredit and portrait the Hutu community inside and outside Rwanda. The madness MUST END.
These shows have given me a feeling that all Hutus were and or are genociders because of those journalists biased reports. It’s bloody obvious that the shows are a very long process of manipulation, misinformation and indeed disinformation. The information highlighted here and there, whatever kind of information they provide us on Hutus shows up the criminal aspect as a part of the battle for the information of Edge. The lack of objectivity and the increasing hatred driven by VPRO, RTL Brussles, Le Soir, liberation, and other journalists will continue to distance themselves from the continuing mass-murders and the willingness of the Rwandan citizens to reconcile through justice by sending on trial RPF criminals and wrongdoers headed by Paul Kagame.
Please, stop showing those infamois pictures. But we know the meaning of that and definitely this is a well-known dirty game aimed to increase hatred among Rwandans.
If there were no Interahamwe, they would invent them in the agenda of coming into power (Tutsis) with the agenda of Congolese mineral resources (Tutsi proponents)” Chris, Political Incorrect.

I am one of the eye-witnesses and one of the survivors of the ongoing mass-slaughters of Hutus, organized, planed by RPF (Rwandese Patriotic Front), the Tutsi-led government and executed by the RPF infernal machine.
In spite of my efforts, in spite of the efforts of the well-known human rights organizations mainly Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and other individuals with passion of justice; Justice toward Rwandans is, truly speaking, one-sided. At the present time, several reports, many of interviews on television, publishing companies’ radios, homepages and websites on internet cause us grave concern.

In the perspective of clarifying the negative role of reporters who overplayed the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Rwanda, I venture to point out this cruelty and in the same time the growing knowledge about the dramatic and horrible situation of Hutus, can be applied to end this macabre practice of admonishing Hutus and which has become, in an offhand way, a likely commercial campaign sponsored by the international criminal capital.

The dishonesty and the cruelty of some reporters in the matter of the Hutu-Tutsi conflict in Rwanda have reached a so-high level that their negative attitude toward the entire Hutu ethnic group is sustained by a spurious overgeneralization we encounter the syndrome of prejudice
These ill-thinker reporters, through their irrational hostility toward the entire Hutu ethnic group, organize wrong information and/or alter it with the purpose to prejudice against Hutus. The outstanding of their more intense hostility, in conspiring with the Tutsi-led government, is
reflected in the anti-locution name-calling of Hutus: “Interahamwe”.


Ask yourself what would happen to your own personality if you heard it said over and over again that you were Interahamwe, extremist, Igipinga, genocidaire, ruharwa, Umufaransa, expected to kill, to rape, to burn, to loot, etc , the catalogue could be greatly extended. Suppose this opinion were forced on you by your fellow-citizens (at each telling of Tutsis), and suppose nothing that you could do would change this opinion, because you happen to be a Hutu.

As a survivor, an eye-witness and now a victim of these final repercussions, I won’t more be forced to listen to these stinking reporters derision and laughter and submit to their abuse. This horrible
cruelty toward a person who belongs to the ethnic group, simply because he happens to be a Hutu(it is likely to say this person disserves to die, to be jailed), has led to different and well-known mass- murders against Hutus in respect to this plain plan executed by General Kagame, the RPF government together with their proponents-conspirators.

The international press has used topsy-turvy the “Interahamwe label” time and time again for designating all Hutus without worrying too much about the final consequences: Kids of Hutus together with their mums are day-to-day victims of murder-plots. Actually, there is no denying that Hutus are second-class citizens in their own homeland, that they are suffering from a sense of low-status, from economic privation,
irritation due to the present slanders of the well-known corrupted reporters. I do believe that the power, the influence of Reporters without borders (RSF) is evident. This organization can provide helpful material to end these mass-assassinations and the maximum understanding of the Hutu
tragedy can be gained only by giving, revealing and chiefly by realizing the whole classified source of information until now hidden upon the genocide perpetrated against Hutus. Peace, Justice and Security of Hutu survivors and of Rwandans as well will never be retrieved if perpetrators, whatever side they are from (Hutus or Tutsis), are not sent on trial on charges of crimes committed by them.

What plainly must be done is that Tutsi war criminals, Tutsi perpetrators of crimes against humanity must face Justice Whoever accepts the continuing trials of the lonely Hutu trials is, without shadow of doubt, a naive and a gullible person and therefore the ICTR(The UN International Tribunal of crimes committed against Rwandans)is embarrassing and discrediting itself. For many tricksters, the ICTR has been created to be or has become a great source of income. Daily arrests and killings of Hutus are done in the agenda of making money. What about 3,5 million Hutus assassinated in Rwanda and in The Democratic Republic of the Congo? What about horrible massacres of Hutus led by RPA (Rwandese Patriotic Army headed by Kagame and Kayumba Nyamwasa, ) by RPF milicians and by Tutsi habitants in the North-western region of Rwanda? What about 670,000, Hutus killed by RPF in Byumba since 1990, what about 21,000 lives of Hutu intellectuals decimated in Kibeho Gikongoro at the end of 1994, What about 18,000 Hutus massacred in Gitarama during 1995?

Justice is Justice: Whoever interferes in law must face justice. Impunity must be eradicated in favor of Justice and this without discrimination.. A loss of any human life, Hutu or Tutsi, is a loss of
the entire humanity. Any different treatment based on ethnic categorization is a utter discrimination and thus unacceptable in our civilized society. None is above law and justice cannot be one-sided.
For everybody, anybody, it is a vitally important consideration to bear in mind. It cannot be otherwise. In contrast to casual deeds,
journalists, by professional habit, HAVE TO REVEAL and NOT TO HIDE NEITHER TO ALTER (by manipulating pictures on the screen). THE INFORMATION, WORSE OF ALL, WHEREAS PEOPLE ARE MASS SLAUGHTERED.

A good reporter gives balanced news and views, balanced interviews in respect to the both sides in conflict. Following this line of reasoning, we can not help thinking in a partisan manner.

Every Tutsi, every Hutu has his own opinion. However, the Tutsi’s expressed one has been for so long time taken for true. This is the Rwandese tragedy covered by those who have backed and back again RPF crimes. None has the monopoly of insight. Looking backward once more over the historical tragedy of Hutus, open breaches of law and peace in Rwanda have been always incitements to violence against Hutus under covered by multifarious quibbles of RPF top officials to minimize the dramatic situation of Hutus. Mostly, a wailing cry of sympathy has always been used as a strong weapon in the hands of the Tutsi tricksters. In the actual Rwanda, it is not everybody who meets the international press, not everybody who meets a human rights Researcher, it is only the highly trained Tutsis able to make the charge without a grain of truth.

There is no need to tell you his name Hundreds of thousands got assassinated The same way

By contrast, Hutus who believe in equal rights of all Rwandans, Hutus who are now fighting for these rights through insurgency, armed uprising in the purpose to change their situation for a better life are cynically called, at each telling, Interahamwe and/or extremists. Where are now
those “moderate” Hutus? Ask Twagiramungu, Bizimungu, Rwigema, etc. All of them, according to Kagame’s speeches of 4th July 1997 at Remera Stadium without forgetting the plain Kagame’s Bwisige’s speech, became garbage men.

This prejudice against Hutus is led by RPF tricksters who maintain the international press in their fetters: some reporters, some UN NGOs representatives are sexually corrupted: These stinking bureaucrats, once arrived in Kigali, roll in wealth, bathe in alcoholic drinks in the “Cadillac night club”, surround themselves with the seduced Tutsi daughters whose the purpose is to wreck Hutus hopes of justice expected from theses world community representatives. Gradually, these stinking
representatives change their mind and methods of work and at the contrary, boost the RPF killing machinery and furthermore use their power and influence to stereotype the opponent Hutu. Broadly speaking, the following steps have the prepared the way to the unvoiced genocide
against Hutus:

1. Since a decade, Hutus have been typed. They have been blamed for any conceivable crime and that they ought to be exterminated;
2. Hutus are known only under the label “Interahamwe”;
3. The local Hutu press has been muzzled then uprooted. Now the whole Rwandan press is handled by Tutsis.
4. All Hutus, from children to adults are therefore presumed to have the objectionable qualities ascribed to them (amplified, and over generalized evil attributes) and engineered by the corrupted reporters.  That is why at each report, at each telling, you heard time and time again the presumed genocidaire, the presumed Interahamwe, the Hutu extremist. Biased attitudes and behaviour that result from a deep organized training are undoubtedly a horrifying crime.
5. We see no mention of the RPF Gestapo's misdeeds throughout in Rwanda, no mention of permanent wartime restrictions, no mention of their terror against the weak Hutu
6. We saw no mention of the brain-washing against Hutus and mainly against Hutu children in different “Ingando” and “ovens = concentration camps and forced villagization” settled elsewhere in the country
7. We saw no mention of pro-fascist organizations such as “Ibuka”, Kimisagara Association of the well trained witnesses-accusers;
8. We saw no mention of mafia organizations in Kigali created in the purpose of handling all international pressure groups such as the existing Rwandan human rights associations, the Rwandan press,etc
9. We saw no mention of different organized crimes, no mention of terror and assassination campaign against the opponent Hutus, executed by the well-known “WRONGDOERS”(Abagizi ba nabi : RPF Nazis), a strong argument in favour of this point is Assassination campaign of my unforgettable friends, brothers and sisters and their kids.
10. Under coverage of the international press, these wrongdoers together with Local defence units loot, burn, mass rape and destroy or damage Hutu properties.
11. Nowadays democracy has become a trick word in Rwanda: there is no political, neither economic nor socio-cultural democracy in Rwanda, there is a common segregation against Hutus in respect to housing, jobs, health services, education and access to public places.

There is no need to tell you her name Hundreds of thousands of Hutu women got assassinated The same way: Akandoyi: RPF trademark

The Rwandan society is actually dichotomized into two groups: Good(Tutsi)and Evil(Hutus): in 1997, General Kagame revealed: “those who are not for us are against us, he took that opportunity to announce a war between good and evil, a war between haves and have-nots, an open war between Tutsis and Hutus. The Tutsi-led government, with the purpose to uproot the republican system considers now the republican symbols such as the flag, the national hymn like negative symbols. To justify their misdeeds RPF lynchers explain: these symbols reflect the theme of dread and insecurity. Simply because they represent the death of the Tutsi monarchy. RPF Lynchers (RPF soldiers plus RPF magicians plus RPF-Nazis Wrongdoers (for organized crimes)) are never vunished and this fact reflects the silent acquiescence of some journalists, members of RSF. This whole macabre practice depends to a considerable extent upon the regrettable Tutsi custom below: every RPF official, every soldier uses this well-known practice by Hutu survivors: “to get your Hutu” is now a permissible sport virtually a duty toward this traditional law-enforcement of the Tutsi-led government. That is why, in many cases, those misdeeds are not prevented because Kagame’s government, which remains the basis of the gradual building up of animosity of Tutsis against Hutus, uses all means of communication to story all imaginable conceivable misdeeds of the hated Hutus known under “the Interahamwe label”.

As I said above, the ICTR is a strong weapon to break down and therefore to shut up the opponent Hutu. Moreover, the Tutsi-led government officially announces false issues rather than true issues and the logic is fallacious. For instance, “there is no need to mention the ethnic group belonging in the identity card: It sounds good hè? Therefore, to recognize a Hutu or a Tutsi, you have to check his ID, otherwise you can not! “To reform”, they say, “twese tuli Abanyarwanda”= we are all
Rwandan citizens”. In the eye-of a foreigner, it is likely to say that there is no more segregation. Confusion, however, accomplishes what the RPF-accuser then the reformer desires. He forces foreigners into the utter darkness. In reality, all Rwandans know each other: Tutsi recognize Hutus and vice versa. How can you explain that, at the labour market, Hutus win their tests; however, amazing is the fact that after interviews, the final winner becomes a Tutsi. Think about it.

To sum up, there is a considerable gap between a law “in books” and a law “in action”. Without competent enforcement, any law is a dead letter, so is the Rwandan law. To explain how deep is the cruelty of some journalists who overplayed the Hutu-Tutsi conflict, a typical example relates the staging progression from the prejudice against Hutus to the genocide committed against them: At the final consequences of their campaign, both Rosenberg and Stretcher at the Nuremberg trials
disclaimed responsibility for the extermination of 2,5 million Jews at Auschwitz because they “had no idea” that their preachment could issue into such action. Yet the Nazi officer in charge of the mass murders at Auschwitz, Colonel Hoess, made it clear that it was that incessant indoctrination that convicted him and his fellow executioners that the Jews were in fact to blame for everything and that they had to be exterminated.

Finally, I am urging this organization of Reporters ( I remain confident that among these journalists, we can find courageous and non corrupted those who can honestly reveal the tragic situation of Hutus. Remember, the infraction is always committed by action or by omission. To keep this tragedy in silence means is a horrible crime, more than 3,5 million Hutus can not be an accident, whatever. There are rumours explaining these deaths: Aids, the moth disease, and Ebola disease.
Hutu survivors want peace and Justice in Rwanda and there is no peace without freedom;
There is no freedom without respect of democratic values; no freedom without respect of elementary civil rights;
Hutu survivors want Justice; the basis of a real reconciliation is always between two sides in conflict. There is no reconciliation between one side and his proponents of the other side in conflict. We don’t need this unheard-of reconciliation where one of the sides has to kneel and submit to the abuse of the other side As human beings, Hutu survivors have the rights to weep over their kids,
parents, brothers, sisters and friends mass-murdered by the Tutsi-led government.

Freedom will be won by brave Sons and Daughters of Rwanda.

Nothing but Human rights. We Will Win.
Jean-Christophe (www) Proud to be Umuhutu, May, 1999
Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, The Survivor.






he Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine