What do you think about the RPF infiltrators across the country and how they killed the domestic Tutsis with the slogan "you can't make an omelet without breaking eggs"?  meaning to kill Tutsis by RPF was the only way to seize power in Rwanda and create the enemy, the Interahamawe. The CIA knows that and has revealed that.

By THE WAY: On July 25, 2024, the legal team representing Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, a prominent Rwandan opposition figure, released a statement condemning recent public comments made by President Paul Kagame of Rwanda. The remarks were made during his election campaign, leading up to the general elections on July 15, 2024. The lawyers express grave concern over what they describe as defamatory and dangerous rhetoric from the President, which they claim exacerbates the already hostile environment for political dissent in Rwanda.

 COMPENDIUM OF RPF CRIMES - OCTOBER

1990 TO PRESENT: THE CASE FOR OVERDUE PROSECUTION

PAUL RUSESABAGINA

BRUSSELS

NOVEMBER 2006

https://survivorsnetworks.blogspot.com/search?q=compendium

The most wanted criminals who masterminded and carried out the Rwanda Genocide👇👇👇

(Amnesty International -International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda- Trials and Tribulations, April 1998)

COMPENDIUM OF RPF CRIMES - OCTOBER

1990 TO PRESENT: THE CASE FOR

OVERDUE PROSECUTION

I. INTRODUCTION

II. RPF CRIMES FROM JANUARY 1, 1994 TO DECEMBER 31, 1994

III. RPF CRIMES FROM OCTOBER 1, 1990 TO DECEMBER 31, 1993

V. OTHER ALLEGED RPF CRIMES

VI. FINAL OBSERVATIONS

VII. GENERAL CONCLUSION

VIII. DEFINITIONS

IX. BIBLIOGRAPHIC AND OTHER RESOURCES

Compiled by:

Paul Rusesabagina

Brussels

November 2006

I. INTRODUCTION

1. On November 8, 1994, the United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 955 which

established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) “for the prosecution of

persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law

committed in the territory of Rwanda, between January 1, 1994 and December 31, 1994. It may

also deal with the prosecution of Rwandan citizens responsible for genocide and other such

violations of international law committed in the territory of neighboring States during the same

period”. [ICTR Statute as adopted by UN Security Council Resolution S/RES/955 (1994) of 8

November 1994]. Following the recommendations of the Experts Commission Report set up by

the UN Secretary General which concluded that “ Individuals from both sides of the armed

conflict perpetrated serious breaches of international humanitarian law and crimes against

humanity” (The United Nations and Rwanda, 1993-1996, p.64).

2. The creation of the ICTR brought hope and enthusiasm to the people of Rwanda, the Great Lakes

region and all peace loving people of the world who were hoping to finally put an end to impunity

and bring real justice to the perpetrators of those horrible crimes. Unfortunately, twelve years

later, we cannot help but realize that all those hopes have been dashed. In fact, whereas several

members of the former government suspected of war crimes, crimes of genocide, and crimes

against humanity have been arrested and indicted, not a single RPF suspect has been indicted.

Meanwhile, the operating budget of the ICTR has cost the international community a whopping

1.5 billion dollars.

3. This situation is all the more stunning as several sources indicate that the ICTR is in possession of

the mountains of evidence of horrible crimes committed by RPF that fall under its mandate.

Amnesty International for one has declared that “Evidence of crimes committed by RPF in 1994

have been transmitted to the prosecutor’s office either in private and confidential

communications, in publications of non-governmental organizations and other sources, or

through depositions of its own expert witnesses in Arusha”. (Amnesty International, International

Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda- Trials and Tribulations, April 1998, p.17).

4. Some have argued that the government of Rwanda should be allowed to prosecute members of the

RPF accused of war crimes, crimes of genocide and crimes against humanity. This is unacceptable

for several reasons. For one it would be against the basic fundamentals of the rule of law because

the RPF would be judge and jury. On the other hand, it would be unfair for the people of Rwanda

to be treated differently than other people who have been victims of similar crimes and have had

UN tribunals set up to prosecute alleged criminals. A good example is the International Criminal

Tribunal of Yugoslavia (ICTY) which has indicted and prosecuted Serbs, Croats, Muslims and

Albanians alike and did not allow any of these groups to prosecute alleged criminals in its own

ranks.

5. The fact that alleged RPF criminals have remained free of prosecution is laden with serious

consequences because, as the former ICTR prosecutor, Ms Louise Arbour put it at the 50th

Anniversary of the Human Rights Declaration conference in Montreal on December 7, 1998:

“Judicial impunity is particularly shocking in penal code because it makes justice irrelevant and

thus incites people to repeat the same crimes”. The people of Rwanda and the Great Lakes region

of Africa have already paid a heavy price through the impunity of crimes still being committed by

the RPF army.

6. This document highlights some of the RPF crimes that most international observers and human

rights organizations have acknowledged as war crimes, crimes of genocide, and crimes against

humanity. It presents RPF mass crimes in three parts: the first covers the crimes that fall under the

ICTR mandate, from January 1, 1994 to December 31, 1994. The second part covers crimes

committed during the war, from October 1, 1990 to December 31, 1993. And the final part covers

crimes committed after the war, from January 1, 1995 to date. The document also talks about other

serious crimes committed by the RPF like degrading and humiliating treatment of victims,

physical elimination of opponents both inside and outside the country, and other grave violations.

Finally, the document ends with final observations and a general conclusion which translate our

firm commitment to do everything possible so that justice for all victims of the Rwandan conflict

is achieved.

II. RPF CRIMES FROM JANUARY 1, 1994 TO DECEMBER 31, 1994

The following are scanty facts and testimonies from witnesses of the RPF crimes and atrocities from

January 1994 to December 1994. A thorough UN-mandated independent investigation is warranted in order

to document a fully exhaustive list of all RPF crimes and bring the criminals to account. The world

community has a moral obligation to investigate these crimes and many others that were committed during

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this period (and in the period prior to and after 1994), and prosecute them according to their qualification as

War Crimes, Crimes against Humanity, or Crimes of Genocide. Witnesses are still living inside and outside

Rwanda who are ready to testify to the authenticity of these crimes.

RPF War Crimes, Crimes against Humanity, and Crimes of Genocide (January 1, 1994 – December

31, 1994):

1. The political assassination of February 21, 1994 : A prominent political leader from the southern

province of Butare and also General Secretary of the PSD party, Felicien Gatabazi, was

ambushed, shot and killed as he returned home from an evening meeting with other political

leaders. This was a highly reckless criminal act with the potential to polarize the country and

ignite widespread violence among Gatabazi’s supporters and opponents at an extremely tense and

volatile moment in Rwandan politics. While drinking in Kigali bars in the festive days following

the capture of Kigali, RPF operatives were reported to have openly bragged about their criminal

acts of derring-do, including killing Gatabazi, as they terrorized the country in their fight against

the government. (Testimony provided by witnesses, still living; Abdul J. Ruzibiza, Rwanda,

L’Histoire Secrete, 2005)

2. T he political assassination of February 23, 1994: Another prominent political leader from the

southern province of Cyangugu and president of the CDR party, Martin Bucyana, was killed by a

mob of PSD party youths enraged by the death of Gatabazi. Factual and testimonial evidence

available today shows that these youths had been heavily infiltrated by death squad elements of

the RPF, who may have been responsible for this assassination. We need to know who did it.

(Abdul J. Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire Secrete, 2005)

3. T he double assassination of Rwandan and Burundian Presidents on April 6, 1994: In the

evening of this fateful April day, the Rwandan presidential aircraft was shot down as it prepared to

land at Kigali airport. Everyone on board was killed. They were President Juvenal

Habyarimana of Rwanda, President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, Rwandan Army Chief of

Staff Major General Deogratias Nsabimana, Burundian Ministers Cyriaque Simbizi and

Bernard Ciza, President Habyarimana’s special adviser Colonel Elie Sagatwa, President

Habyarimana’s adviser Major Thaddee Bagaragaza, President Habyarimana’s personal Doctor

Emmanuel Akingeneye, President Habyarimana’s adviser Ambassador Juvenal Renzaho, and

three French crew members: Jean-Pierre Minaberry, Jacky Heraud, and Jean-Marie

Perrinne. This assassination represented a decapitation of the Rwandan government and army,

and of the Burundian government as well. Available evidence, including witness testimony,

clearly indicates that this terrorist crime was the act of the RPF rebel group. It defies logic why the

UN Security Council has never mandated an investigation of this airplane missile attack to

establish who was responsible, especially since everyone agrees it was the one incident that

touched off the mass killings commonly referred to as the “Rwandan genocide of 1994”.

When former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was killed on February 14, 2005, the overall

peace and political stability of Lebanon appeared to be come under serious threat that the UN

Security Council ordered an immediate investigation into this assassination. Yet, this terrorist act

had nowhere near the impact of Presidents Habyarimana’s and Ntaryamira’s dual assassination –

which has gone uninvestigated so far – both in terms of human lives lost and far-reaching political

implications in the country and the region.

It is critical to point out that the presidential airplane missile attack was the most reckless criminal

act yet in the Rwandan conflict, since it targeted and killed the president himself. It also took the

life of the Burundian president, only 6 months after another Burundian president, Melchior

Ndadaye, was assassinated (October 21, 1993) by the Tutsi Burundian army. President Ndadaye

had been in office only 4 months after being democratically elected in June and sworn in on July

10, 1993. All of a sudden, in a short 6 months, the Hutu political leadership in both Rwanda and

Burundi, 2 twin countries with a similar ethnic makeup, was decimated with absolutely no adverse

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consequences to the perpetrators. It is worth mentioning that the ethnic violence that engulfed

Burundi in the aftermath of President Ndadaye’s assassination claimed the lives of as many as

200,000 civilians in spite of Burundi being in a time of peace when Ndadaye was killed.

Therefore, is it possible that whoever killed the Rwandan president in a time of war knew exactly

what kind of catastrophe was going to follow? Is it possible that the death of their Hutu president

along with his Hutu entourage only 2 months after 2 other Hutu prominent political leaders

(Gatabazi and Bucyana in point 1 and 2 above) were also assassinated, may have pushed Rwandan

Hutus overboard and driven them into their killing frenzy against Tutsis? The answer to both

questions is probably yes. Then, it is unfathomable how so far no independent inquiry has been

conducted since it would provide all the key answers to so many unanswered questions in the

Rwandan tragedy, and its implications could be far-reaching:

“If it turns out the FPR shot down the airplane, the history of genocide must be rewritten.

Although that will not alter Hutu extremists’ responsibility for the death of hundreds of thousands

of people, it will cast the RPF under a completely different light, because so far the RPF has been

considered in the West both as the victims and saviors who stopped the genocide.” (Public

statement by Carla Del Ponte on April 17, 2000 as reported by Charles Onana in Silence sur un

attentat: Le scandale du genocide rwandais, 2003, p.77)

4. The mass murder of Byumba towards the end of April, 1994: In the sectors of Nyabisiga,

Birenga, Zoko, and Gitumba of the commune of Buyoga, and also, in the adjacent commune of

Giti in the province of Byumba and in the communes of Mugambazi and Rutongo in the province

of Kigali, the RPF reportedly killed 20,000 innocent civilians in all these areas in April. At

Shagasha primary school near Muyanza parish, there is a mass grave reportedly containing 500

innocent civilians killed and dumped in there by the RPF. Not too far away from there, below the

home of a certain Burasiyo, there is a flat, level ground area where the RPF summoned villagers

“for a meeting on security issues or to collect food supplies,” and then threw grenades into the

people and fired on them, killing all 80 who had shown up. They were also buried in a mass grave

right there, and those who dug the mass grave were also killed. (Testimony provided by witnesses,

still living)

5. T he Kigali selective killing of intellectuals on April 7, 1994: In the sector of Remera in Kigali

city, the RPF selectively killed 121 people, mostly intellectual Hutus and their entire families,

using an already drawn up list of targeted victims. They include former prefect of Kigali Claudien

Habarushaka, former prefect of Ruhengeri Sylvestre Bariyanga and his entire family, Émile

Nyungura and almost his entire family (his son, singer Corneille who currently lives in Canada,

was the only survivor), Emmanuel Bahigiki and his entire family, Iréné Kayibanda, the son of

former president Grégoire Kayibanda, Muhamud Rahamatar, Félicien Mbanzarugamba, former

cabinet minister Benoît Ntigurirwa, and many others. (Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs

Menteurs: Rwanda 1990-1994, 2005, p.249)

6. T he targeted massacre of youths at Kabuye in April 1994: At Kabuye near Kigali city, a team

of RPF killers is reported to have exterminated a total of more than 3,000 youths in the month of

April 1994 alone. The youths were recruited into the RPF army one team after another. After the

previous team was killed off, the next team would be recruited and told that the previous team had

already been promoted and assigned to combat duty on the battlefield, and so on until more than

3,000 of them were decimated. (Abdul J. Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire Secrete, 2005, p. 261)

7. T he Kiziguro butchery of April 1994: At Kiziguro parish (province of Kibungo in eastern

Rwanda), the Interahamwe militias killed about 1000 Tutsis sheltered at the parish. Later, the

RPF Tutsi army arrived and killed about 10,000 Hutus sheltered in the parish facilities. (Pierre

Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs Menteurs: Rwanda 1990-1994, 2005, p.263)

8. T he floating corpses of May 1994: Many of the cadavers washing up into Lake Victoria were not

Tutsi victims of the Interahamwe, but Hutu victims of the RPF soldiers. The villagers unable to

5

cross over into Tanzania before the arrival of the RPF army, including refugees fleeing the

advancing rebels and terrified by the noise of gunfire and the nauseating smells of burning flesh,

were all rounded up and eliminated with machine guns, grenades, or by means of a used up hoe

(“agafuni” in Kinyarwanda). Then the bodies were either massively piled up and burned down or

tossed into the Akagera River. On May 22, the government of Uganda declared as “disaster areas”

all districts surrounding Lake Victoria for health reasons. (Pierre Pean, Noires Fureurs, Blancs

Menteurs: Rwanda 1990-1994, 2005, p. 265)

The international community must never loose sight of the fact that the RPF army had total control

of northeastern Rwanda from the beginning of the mass killings in April 1994, as FAR (the

Rwandan national army at the time) troops had abruptly left the area in disarray soon after

Habyarimana’s death. The Akagera River runs through eastern and northeastern Rwanda before

reaching Uganda. It has been repeatedly observed that the corpses washing up into Lake Victoria

looked “fresh”, meaning they had not been killed too long before, and many of them were tied up

in “Akandoya” style (a Ugandan word meaning tightly binding both arms in the victim’s back

with such pressure that the chest bones break), a trademark of the RPF. It must also be kept in

mind that the RPF monitored and controlled the movements of foreigners in the area under its

control. Journalists and representatives of humanitarian organizations rarely talked to Rwandan

citizens under RPF control without an RPF official present. Consequently, most of the information

given to international media as war raged was either incorrect or biased. What we all know is that

the RPF was very efficient in concealing its crimes and misleading the international media,

including the most known and respected, to its full advantage. An independent investigation can

help establish the role of each belligerent in this tragedy.

9. The decapitation of the Catholic Church on June 5, 1994: At Kabgayi, in the locality of

Gakurazo, 3 Bishops (Archbishop Vincent Nsengiyumva of Kigali, Bishop Thaddee

Nsengiyumva of Kabgayi, and Bishop Joseph Ruzindana of Byumba), Monsignor Gasabwoya,

along with 9 priests, 1 Friar and 3 girls were gunned down by the RPF on direct orders from their

superior. In the days that followed, the RPF methodically killed off, one by one, anybody in the

adjacent neighborhoods who might have witnessed the killings of all these clergymen. After

decapitating the country’s government and army leadership on April 6, the RPF had now

successfully decapitated the Catholic Church in this assassination. (Venuste Linguyeneza,

Testimony on the 1994 Bishops’ killing)

A little more than a month earlier, on April 23, 1994 to be exact, the RPF had carried out a similar

collective massacre of clergymen assigned at the Junior Seminary of Rwesero, at the western

shores of Lake Muhazi, in Byumba. The killing took place at Karushya, near Rwesero, where the

priests had taken refuge. Among the victims were Father Joseph Hitimana, the rector of the

seminary, Fathers Christian Nkiriyehe, a former rector, Athanase Nkundabanyanga, Alexis

Havugimana, Faustin Mulindwa, Fidèle Mulinda, Célestin Muhayimana, Augustin Muhayimana,

and Gaspard Mudashimwa, Sisters Annonciata and Carolla, professors Elie Hatungimana and his

entire family, and Augustin Hakizimana, and many others. In all, the lives of 50 innocent people

were brutally taken in this massacre. (Leonard Nduwayo, Giti et le genocide rwandais, 2002,

p.172-177)

10. The selective massacre of an entire Hutu family in Nyanza in June 1994: Former businessman

Josias Mwongereza and his entire family of 48 people were killed in June 1994. They were part of

a larger group rounded up by the RPF at Buhanda in Gitarama and driven off to Nyanza. Then the

RPF separated the Hutus from the Tutsis, and proceeded to kill the Hutus with used up hoes. The

victims included Josias Mwongereza, his sons Emile Mwongereza, and Dr. Eliab, and another

brother who was an his Engineer. Also killed were Josine Mukamanzi, the wife of Dr. Eliab and 4

months pregnant, Josias Mwongereza’s father named Mukwikwi, and brother Jonathan

Mukwikwi. Josias Mwongereza’s daughters, Francine Uwimbabazi and 16 year-old Angelique

Umulisa, were also killed. The wife of Jonathan Mukwikwi, Ms. Gloria, a Hutu woman with a

physical appearance of a Tutsi, was spared and kept as a future concubine of an RPF officer, but

6

was never happy because of the death of her husband. Eventually she was killed along with her 5-

year old son. The Tutsis who were separated from this group of Hutus are still living.

1. The infamous Byumba city selective killing of Hutu evacuees in May, June, and July 1994:

As the RPF fought a war of attrition with the government forces around Kigali city, many of its

teams supposedly were busy “evacuating trapped and displaced civilians towards safe areas under

RPF control”. People were even encouraged to flee in the direction of RPF-controlled areas to

escape death at the hands of the Interahamwe militias. That’s how many of the civilians amassed

at the Amahoro soccer stadium in Kigali and at Kabuga business center were misled into believing

they were being trucked away to “safety” in Byumba city. After arrival, Hutus and all unwanted

subjects were separated from Tutsis and killed. Jean Sibomana, an employee of Mille Collines

Hotel, fled to Kabuga and was even recruited into the RPF army, before being executed a few

weeks later. The lady known as “Jeanne of Nyamirambo” was also among the crowd that left

Mille Collines Hotel and headed to Kabuga. She was killed by the RPF. Leonard Rudasingwa, a

senior official of BRALIRWA, fled towards the so-called “safe haven” zone under RPF control,

but was killed upon arrival. Some of the other victims of this criminal operation included

Sebulikoko, a renowned Tutsi real estate developer who was killed because he belonged to the

ruling MRND political party and was a close friend of President Habyarimana. Also killed were

lawyer Grégoire Kayinamura and his daughter Oda, and former soccer player nicknamed Pilote of

Kiyovu Football Club, who was forced to testify on the airwaves of RPF Radio Muhabura that he

was rescued from the Interahamwe militias, before being executed by the same RPF. In all, more

than 2,500 Hutu civilians perished in Byumba city during the 3 months of selective killings.

(Testimony provided by witnesses, still living)

2. T he massacre of my family members at the beginning of Jully 1994 in Murama in the

Province of Gitarama: My youngest brother Emmanuel Gasana, along with my oldest sister

Nyirakabwa, my 2 paternal cousins Ngezenubwo with wife Martha and Simon Ngfayabarambirwa

and his son Karambizi, were all burned inside the house of our neighbor Salathiel Binenwa where

they had sought refuge, including him and all his family members. Several people perished in this

criminal blaze. During the same period, my brother-in-law Benjamin Nkurikiyinka, who resided in

Nyanza but had fled the fighting to come to our region, was also assassinated by RPF soldiers.

Still in the same period, another brother-in-law named Eliel Rwagasana, was killed by the RPF at

his residence in Rusatira, along with his father Mahalaliel Nsozerumpa and his younger brother

Gerard. All these RPF horrible crimes must be fully investigated and their perpetrators punished.

3. T he cold-blooded massacre of the Mbazi wedding, July 1, 1994: the family of Mussa Kabwana

of the sector of Mwulire and the cell of Murambi, in the commune of Mbazi in the Province of

Butare, was hosting a wedding réception on the afternoon of July 1, 1994. Between 3:00PM and

4:00PM, an advance team of RPF soldiers led by a native of the area (who is currently a highranking

RPF government official) arrived on the scene. Even the sight of such jubilant hosts and

guests was not enough to overcome the soldiers’ hate and urge to kill: they opened fire onto the

crowd, killing more than 20 innocent people, before retreating back to their unit. This massacre

marked the beginning of a long wave of severe repression and revenge killings throughout Mbazi

and the entire province of Butare. (André Guichaoua, Rwanda 1994: Les politiques du génocide à

Butare, 2005, p. 306)

4. T he savage burning of sub-prefect Placide Koloni’s home and family in Ruhango towards

the end of 1994: One night in the waning weeks of 1994, the RPF army surrounded the home of

Placide Koloni while his family slept, poured gasoline on the entire compound, torched it and

stood guard so no one would escape, until everybody, including all domestic animals, had

succumbed in the blaze. No one has been punished for this horrible crime. (Testimony provided by

witnesses, still living)

5. Many other crimes, including (1)killing prisoners of war, (2)detaining people in containers

and abandoned homes, (3)burying people in mass graves and running incineration centers,

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(4)throwing live people in deep pit latrines, (5)firing on unarmed civilians during meetings,

weddings or at market places, and (6)using civilians as human shields were reported in many

areas where the RPF army was present. They all need to be thoroughly investigated and

prosecuted.

III. RPF CRIMES FROM OCTOBER 1, 1990 TO DECEMBER 31, 1993

RPF War Crimes, Crimes against Humanity, and Crimes of Genocide (October 1, 1990 – December

31, 1993):

1. The Ruhengeri city attack of January 23, 1991: The RPF staged a night attack on the city of

Ruhengeri, resulting in heavy civilian casualties and heavy property damage. The RPF opened the

gates of Ruhengeri prison, freeing many prisoners and enrolling them as fighters. The RPF also

engaged in heavy looting activity in the city, and a reported 400 people were forced out of their

homes to help carry the loot. These 400 civilians were all killed afterwards, along with another

100 civilians around the city as the RPF retreated back into the volcano forest. (Abdul J. Ruzibiza,

Rwanda, L’Histoire Secrete, 2005, p. 132)

2. T he Butaro massacre of May 1992: At Rusasa in the commune of Butaro, in the province of

Ruhengeri, the RPF attacked displaced people on a small island in the swamps of Rugezi,

destroying their shelters and killing their goats and sheep. 150 people were reportedly killed in

this attack. (Testimony provided by witnesses, still living)

3. T he notorious Ruhengeri and Byumba massacre of February 8, 1993: The RPF staged a major

attack in several communes of the Provinces of Ruhengeri and Byumba, killing many people and

inflicting heavy damage on state and privately-owned property. During this attack, the RPF killed

a total of 2 4,400 people in Ruhengeri , and of 15,800 in Byumba. (James K. Gasana, Rwanda: du

parti-Etat a l’Etat garnison, 2002, p. 185)

4. T he political assassination of May 18, 1993: The RPF is reported to have killed Emmanuel

Gapyisi, a prominent political leader from the south and vice president of the MDR party. He was

one of the most clear-minded and respected leaders of the MDR party. His killing removed a

powerful RPF opponent because Gapyisi was very critical of RPF violent methods and practices.

But this also was an extremely reckless crime capable of plunging the country into widespread

violence between southerners and northerners especially if the former came to believe the latter

had killed their man. Gapyisi’s killing was among the first in a wave of assassinations nationwide

targeting Hutu political leaders, including businessmen, mayors, parliamentarians, and leading up

to the assassination of Gatabazi, Bucyana, and finally President Habyarimana. An investigation is

needed to clear the mystery of these assassinations once and for all.

5. O ther crimes and terrorist acts: Throughout the year of 1993, Rwanda experienced a major

spike in acts of armed banditry, grenade attacks and mini-bus taxi explosions in several

parts of the country. According to several credible witnesses, among them former RPF officer

Lieutenant Abdul Rizibiza now in exile in Norway, the acts were the work of infiltrated RPF

hit squad members and spy operatives all belonging to the “RPF Network”, who were

assigned to spreading violence and insecurity, thus rendering the country ungovernable in a bid to

overthrow the government and seize power by force. (Abdul J. Ruzibiza, Testimony of Abdul

Ruzibiza, March 14, 2004)

IV. RPF CRIMES FROM JANUARY 1, 1995 TO PRESENT (NOVEMBER 8, 2006)

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RPF War Crimes, Crimes against Humanity, and Crimes of Genocide (January 1,1995 – Present:

November 8, 2006):

1. The gruesome Kibeho massacre of April 17-23, 1995: an estimated 4000 internally displaced

people were reported killed on the orders of Major General Paul Kagame when army units

collectively fired on the Kibeho camp that was estimated to shelter about 100,000 people,

indiscriminately killing unarmed men, women, children, and many elderly. Paul Kagame, then

vice president and minister of defense, reportedly had established his local operations headquarters

in nearby Butare to closely supervise the siege and dismantling of the Kibeho camp. It took one

full night of non-stop body disposal by truck towards the Nyungwe forest for mass

incineration (many areas of the site were cordoned off for supposed “security and military

reasons”) before the RPF allowed journalists, independent observers and UN monitors, to access

the site. (Paul Jordan, Witness to Genocide – A Personal Account of the 1995 Kibeho Massacre,

1998; Abdul J. Ruzibiza, Rwanda, L’Histoire Secrete, 2005)

This was a well-publicized massacre brazenly carried out by the RPF government, in the presence

of the UN military contingent from Zambia and officials from NGO’s assisting these refugees, and

many pictures of which were taken and made public. The simple question, then, is why hasn’t

there been any independent inquiry so that the perpetrators can be officially identified and

punished?

2. T he deadliest year of 1996: the year of the infamous mass murder of refugees in Zaïre

(currently the Democratic Republic of the Congo) and forced deportation of refugees: The

RPA army carried out perhaps the most brutal and genocidal campaign in modern history by

attacking the sprawling refugee camps in Goma and Bukavu in Zaïre, home to an estimated 1 to 2

million Rwandan refugees. There is little doubt that among these refugees were those who had

participated in the mass killings inside Rwanda 2 years before. But the RPA army put the guilty

and the innocent in the same bag, and indiscriminately fired on the camps and crowds of unarmed

fleeing refugees, especially women, children and the elderly who were the weakest and unable to

run fast, hunting down many of them like beasts deep into the tropical Zairian forest all the way to

Tingi Tingi and Mbandaka. By all accounts, it is estimated this whole operation claimed the

lives of 400,000 Rwandan refugees. While this operation was underway, the RPA army

undertook one of the biggest deportation campaigns ever, by forcibly (i.e. against their will)

airlifting an estimated 700,000 refugees back to their respective original communes in Rwanda.

Then the RPF started a long-running criminal process of killing these returnees, as a result of

which about 50% of the returnees are not living today. These horrific crimes, both in Zaïre and in

Rwanda, were executed with orders received from their leaders. (Testimony provided by

witnesses, still living; Marie Beatrice Umutesi, Fuir ou Mourir au Zaire: Le vécu d’une réfugiée

Rwandaise, 2000)

The International Center for Human Rights and Democratic Development (CIDPDD), in teaming

with the African Association for the Defense of Human Rights in DRC (ASADHO), concluded

that “It appears pertinently that the Rwandan government can be held accountable for war

crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide” in their document entitled “Report of

inquiry by the international non-government commission on human rights violations in DRC

(former Zaire) 1996-1998”, 1998, p.78.

3. T he slaughter of the Nyarutovu wedding, January 18-19, 1997: In the night of January 18-19,

1997, the RPF attacked and killed each and every one of the guests, including the bride and groom

and their parents, at a civil wedding in the home of Major Laurent Bizabarimana in Nyarutovu in

the northern province of Ruhengeri. 50 people were collectively slaughtered that night. Major

Laurent Bizabarimana and his family had recently returned from Zaire during the massive forced

deportation by the RPF, and became victims of a brutal RPF nationwide campaign inside Rwanda

to eliminate “genocidaire elements” from among these returnees. (Testimony provided by

witnesses, still living)

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4. The horrors of the Nyakinama Cave, October 23-28, 1997: RPA soldiers are reported to have

pursued and killed 8,000 unarmed civilians, especially women, children and the elderly who

were too weak to run who had sought refuge in the cave of Nyakinama, in the commune of

Kanama, to escape indiscriminate shootings and bombings by the RPA in the area. RPA soldiers

reacted by lobbing grenades and other explosives into the cave, then went on to seal off the

entrance of the cave with rocks and gravel so no one would be able to come out. ( Amnesty

International, The dead can no longer be counted, report, December 1997)

5. T he Hutu Christmas massacre of Kayonza, December 23-25, 1998: In the evening hours of

December 23, 1998, a passenger on a mini-bus taxi from Kigali got off near Nyagatare, and

suddenly fired a gun into the air before running off into the hills of near-by Ngarama. The next

day, people woke up to road blocks at Kayonza and Musha, and to military security sweep

operations in the surrounding communes of Ngarama, Muvumba, Murambi, Kayonza, and

Bicumbi. All taxis to and from Kigali were stopped and carefully screened for Hutus, who were

ordered out before the taxis were allowed to resume their journey. These Hutus were then all

executed using guns or used up hoes, then loaded up onto trucks and shipped to humming

incineration centers in the Mutara region, with the ashes later dispersed into the Akagara National

Park. An estimated 5,000 innocent civilians, including the cousin of one witness, perished in

this macabre 2-day operation. (Testimony provided by witnesses, still living)

6. T he brutal reprisal campaigns against Abacengezi (1997-2000) and the ethnic cleansing of

the Mutara region (1995 and after): From 1997 to around 2000, the RPF faced an increased

number of cross-border raids from Zaire into Rwanda carried out by remnants of the previous

army who called themselves “Abacengezi” (or inroad specialists). Each time they attacked, the

RPA army responded by unleashing a brutal reprisal campaign targeting the civilian population,

especially in the northwestern provinces of Ruhengeri and Gisenyi, in order to break the will of

the insurgents, many of whom originated from these provinces. More than 50,000 people were

killed in many communes of these 2 provinces from 1997 to 2000. In the meantime, the RPF

returned to the Mutara region in the northeast and started where it had left off in cleansing the area

of all ethnic Hutus. The RPF decimated native Hutus, as well as other Hutus who had immigrated

into this once under-populated area from other parts of the country in search of land and new jobs

during the 1960’s, 1970’s, and 1980’s. The Mutara region is now the new all-Tutsi land of

Rwanda, complete with farms and cattle ranches for the Tutsi herders. There have been reports

that these ranching activities, in search of grazing pasture, have led to severe encroachments into

the adjacent Akagera National Park, destroying the ecosystem of the area and the natural habitat of

many wild animals. (Testimony provided by witnesses, still living)

V. OTHER ALLEGED RPF CRIMES

1. T he crime of denying people their right to seek medical treatment overseas: Since taking

power in July 1994, the RPF has put in place a criminal policy of systematic non-issuance of

medical treatment exit visas for people it wants to punish for multiple reasons. These are mostly

people who have voiced their criticism of the government or the army, or are perceived to be in

the political opposition, etc. One of the most glaring cases is that of Father Andre Sibomana,

former Editor of the independent newspaper “Kinyamateka”, and a former interim Bishop of the

Diocese of Kabgayi after the assassination of Bishop Thaddee Nsengiyumva in June 1994. He was

a staunch social justice advocate and human rights activist known for his editorials denouncing the

excesses of the RPF regime. He was never allowed to seek expert medical treatment overseas, and

succumbed to his illness in Kabgayi at the young age of 43 on March 7, 1998. Dr. Jean

Bagiramenshi, a veterinarian who worked for the government and later consulted for the World

Bank, was another victim of this policy. He suffered from multiple ailments, including kidney

malfunction and gout, and may have had liver problems as well. He was prevented several times

from seeking medical treatment out of Rwanda on his own money, and by the time he was allowed

10

to leave, it was too late. He died in Belgium in 2005. Investigations must be carried out to

determine how many people have fallen victim to this criminal policy . (Testimony provided by

witnesses, still living)

2. R PF death squads on the trail of opponents inside and outside Rwanda: On May 16, 1998,

former Interior Minister Seth Sendashonga was assassinated in Nairobi, Kenya; on October 6,

1996, Colonel Theoneste Lizinde and businessman Augustin Bugirimfura were assassinated

in Nairobi, Kenya; in the night of February 14-15, 1999, former CEO of Rwanda African

Continental Bank (BACAR) Pasteur Musabe was assassinated in Yaounde, Cameroon. Inside

Rwanda, former Council of State president Vincent Nsanzabaganwa was assassinated on

February 14, 1997; former presidential advisor Assiel Kabera was gunned down on March 5,

2000; on April 7, 2003, parliamentarian Leonard Hitimana was assassinated, and no inquiry has

been conducted. Two weeks later on April 23, 2003, Colonel Augustin Cyiza was abducted and

killed. Edouard Mutsinzi, former editor of “Le Messager” newspaper in Kigali, was abducted

and beaten up, with his ribs broken, his eyes taken out, and his brain damaged so bad that he lives

in a vegetative state in Belgium. All the victims were either critics of the government or potential

compromising witnesses in possession of top state secrets. These crimes and many others were

reported to have been committed by RPF death squad members assigned to do the dirty work

against RPF opponents in different world capitals. They must be investigated, and their

perpetrators brought to justice.

3. T he cruel and inhumane use of prisoners in de-mining operations: The RPF has been reported

sending hundreds to Hutu prisoners to their immediate death by forcing them to run in areas where

landmines are suspected of having been planted by the ousted army, especially in the Bugesera

region. These allegations must be fully investigated and prosecuted. (Testimony provided by

witnesses, still living)

4. T he cruel and inhumane treatment and exploitation of Rwandan prisoners in the Congo war

for the profit of President Paul Kagame: During the Congo war and the occupation of Eastern

DRC by the RPA, reports abounded about Rwandan prisoners being sent to die at the forefront of

a brutal war of occupation and exploitation of the DRC. There were also numerous reports that

hundreds, maybe thousands, of Rwandan prisoners were sent to RPA-occupied areas of the Congo

to work as forced labor in the digging of minerals, especially Coltan, gold and diamonds, for the

top brass members of the RPA army, starting with President Paul Kagame himself. This was a

flagrant violation of international laws governing prisoners and a despicable trampling of human

dignity. A full investigation and prosecution of these crimes is warranted. (Testimony provided by

witnesses, still living)

VI. FINAL OBSERVATIONS

1. When this RPF crime compendium is released, I expect the RPF government to hit back with

blanket accusations, without any proof, that I am a “revisionist and a negationist of the Rwandan

genocide”, and that “I harbor an ideology of genocide and divisionism”. The international

community must take a very close and careful look at such character assassination, and in many

cases outright persecution, of all real and perceived contrary opinion holders and political

opponents, social justice advocates and human rights critics in Rwanda by the RPF government,

and find a proper way to address it.

2. The present compendium was conceived as an effort to document most reported and underreported

crimes by the RPF organization as a predominantly Tutsi rebel group and government

with a view to bring to light its apparent share of responsibility in the whole Rwandan tragedy.

Even though it places a premium on seemingly forgotten Hutu casualties, this document did not

and does not intend to belittle Tutsi and Twa casualties of the Rwandan genocide. All sons and

11

daughters of Rwanda, as well as foreigners who perished in this tragedy were a terrible loss to

humanity and must be equally mourned and remembered, regardless of their ethnicity. We need to

know with certainty who massacred the Bagogwe Tutsi sub-clan of Gisenyi in 1991 and 1992. We

need to know with certainty who butchered the Banyamulenge Tutsis and Bagobwe Tutis

sheltered at Mudende camps in August, November, and December 1997. We need to know with

certainty who killed the American, British, Australian and New Zealand tourists at Bwindi

National Park in Uganda in 1999. Who killed the Spanish volunteers in Rwanda in 1997 and in

Congo in the following years? Who abducted, mutilated and killed former Rwandan cabinet

minister Juvenal Uwiringiyimana before dumping his body in a Brussels canal in December 2005?

Was he or not a victim of the RPF death squad in Europe as widely suspected? The overall goal

of this document is to lift the cloud of mystery and secrecy hanging over the Rwandan

tragedy. It is to fight impunity and help bring equitable justice to Rwanda: whoever killed a

Tutsi must pay, whoever killed a Hutu must pay, whoever killed a Twa must pay, and

whoever killed a foreigner must pay.

3. Rwandan President Paul Kagame is now widely believed to be behind the shooting down of the

aircraft carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana on that fateful night of April 6, 1994. In that

capacity, he is the suspected triggerman of the Rwandan genocide of 1994 and the architect of the

genocide after 1994. Kagame outright denies these allegations. But a better way to refute the

charges and clear his name once and for all is to allow an independent investigation to look into

these crimes. Of course Kagame will never request such an independent investigation, because he

knows he is guilty. That’s why we ask the UN to mandate the ITCR to investigate these tragedies

not covered by the current mandate.

4. The provinces of Byumba and Ruhengeri did not experience the wave of genocidal killings that

engulfed the rest of the country in April 1994, because they were already under RPF control. Yet,

the vast majority of families currently living in these regions (about 80% of all inhabitants of these

areas) are made up of widows and orphans, who tell stories of their husbands and fathers having

been killed by the RPF. International non-government organizations (NGO’s) have been

prohibited by the RPF government to go into these areas and assist these widow-run families to

move ahead, and to mend the traditional family nucleus and the social fabric which have been

completely shattered. Families in these areas with a member in the previous government army

have been especially targeted and hit the hardest by the RPF. The simple question is this: why has

the international community remained blind in the face of such blatant brutalization of human life?

From 1990 to 1994, a reported 400,000 people have died in these areas. Who killed them?

5. Reports have circulated that many extremist RPF members in Kigali and other cities had large

caches of weapons in their residences, and had dug up very deep pits in their backyards a few

months before the genocide. What was the purpose of these weapons and pits? There have been

reports that in the ceasefire months leading up to April 1994, many RPF youths received extensive

fire arms training in the CND parliament building housing the RPF battalion, and at the RPF

headquarters in Mulindi. Also, it is no secret that while the ruling MRND party had the

Interahamwe militia, the MDR party had the JDR (Democratic Republican Youth) militia, and the

PSD party had the Abakombozi militia, the RPF had a youth militia of its own that inflicted as

much damage as the other militias. An independent inquiry of these facts is needed, and witnesses

are available to testify openly.

6. The killings in Rwanda in 1994 were called genocide. Today, the killings in Darfur are being

denounced as genocide. The killings in Zaire from 1996 to 2001, which took the lives of more

than 4 million innocent lives, were called just that: killings. Where is the logic? Some of the

perpetrators of the Rwandan genocide have been punished, and from all indications the

perpetrators of the Darfur genocide will be punished, since the setting up of an International

Criminal Tribunal for Darfur is already in the works. That’s all good. But when are we going to

have the International Criminal Tribunal for Congo? When will the perpetrators of the Zairian

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killings be punished? Never mind calling the Zairian killings genocide, can their perpetrators at

least be punished? There are countries which do not have a total of 4 million inhabitants. That’s a

lot of people to kill and live freely ever after. We all know beyond a doubt that the RPF committed

these killings. You, the international community, can you tell us who you hold responsible for

these wholesale massacres? For the same crimes, there must be the same punishments.

7. More than 50% of current inmates in Rwanda have no official criminal charges against them, but

continue to be kept in jail and out of active life. The government keeps the inmates on meager

meals that must be supplemented with additional food rations from their families, or they will die

from hunger – when they do not succumb to torture so rampant under different forms inside

official prisons throughout the country and inside hidden unofficial torture centers. In most

cases, women, including those educated, cannot keep a paying job because they need 2 to 3 hours

per day to go feed their husbands in jail. No employer will agree to so much time off every day.

This means that for the 100,000 married men in prison, there are 100,000 women not

working, or a total of 200,000 people not actively contributing to the economy. With an

average of 4 children per Rwandan household, that’s a total of 400,000 children nationwide

that lack parental guidance and money to attend school. And all of a sudden, the grim

picture of the legacy of the RPF regime comes into full focus: the pauperization and

illiterate-ization of an entire generation of Rwandans. If this is not slow genocide, then

genocide does not exist. Truthfully, there are 5 main factors of genocide: bad leadership, bad

media, impunity, poverty, and lack of education. Today, all these 5 genocide factors are in

place in Rwanda. The height of injustice in Rwanda can be summed up this way: many innocent

Hutu civilians are in jail, while all criminal RPF elements are free. Where is the UN while all of

this is happening? There cannot be any possible reconciliation in any nation where one part of the

population is having a field day at the expense of the other part of the population on its knees.

8. Joseph Matata, a Rwandan human rights advocate who heads the Brussels-based “Center against

Impunity and Injustice in Rwanda”, has reported that about 100 ex-FAR military officers are jailed

at the Kibungo military prison since April 1999. An additional 37 or so ex-FAR military officers

remain unaccounted for, while many other former comrades have been summarily executed

[Report of April 14, 1999]. The “official” political parties in Rwanda today function under the

umbrella of the so-called “Forum of Parties” where the RPF is sole master. In view of all this, the

question is this: Does the Arusha Peace Agreement of August 1993, painfully reached between the

then-RPF rebels and the then-government, and which called for a merger of the 2 fighting armies

and free political activity in Rwanda, have any relevance left?

9. Contrary to RPF claims, there is no peace in Rwanda. That explains why far too many Rwandans

continue to flee overseas and are easily granted asylee or refugee status. How long is the RPF

going to use genocide as a pretext to stifle democracy and entrench one of the most predatory

dictatorships ever? Political opposition is completely muzzled. How long will the people of

Rwanda continue to die a slow death? Former President Pasteur Bizimungu and his collaborators,

such as Charles Ntakirutinka, are rotting in jail for having started a political party. In fact, in

Rwanda there is no shortage of political prisoners, prisoners of opinion, prisoners of hate,

prisoners of race, etc., and Colonel Stanislas Biseruka, reporter Dominique Makeri, and Colonel

Patrick Karegeya are only a handful in a long list. You, the ICTR, whose original mandate was to

reconcile the Rwandan people among other things, what is going to be your legacy for Rwanda

when your time expires?

10. The recent brutal killing of many businessmen among them Fulgence Nsengiyumva of Gitarama,

aged 49, by the RPF government army on August 6, 2006 must be condemned vehemently. His

wife is being persecuted for reclaiming the confiscated truck that belonged to him, and their 5

innocent children will be traumatized for the rest of their lives. The recent arrest, search and strip

of old women in an open market place by RPF police in broad day light as a way to humiliate and

force all old and barefoot women to never set foot in a market place again, is abhorrent and must

be condemned vehemently. The on-going campaign to ban bicycles and motorcycles from cities,

especially Kigali, as well as the on-going campaign to raze all banana plantations, is an act of

economic depredation on the Rwandan population by its RPF government and will result in the

starvation of the masses. It must be condemned vehemently. The on-going campaign to expel

from Kigali city all the poor, all AIDS orphans, all war widows and war invalids, is criminal.

It all started with a seemingly simple desire to take the poor away from the city, then the

campaign targeted the bare-foot crowd, then those wearing sandals and slippers, then the

pedestrians, then the bicyclists, and finally the motorcyclists. Who is it going to be next?

There is clearly a pattern of criminal exclusion that must be condemned. In reality, this

whole campaign is an empty attempt by RPF rulers to project to visitors and donors the

deceptive impression that Kigali in particular, and Rwanda in general, are well-managed to

deserve more financial aid. Chasing all these poor people away from the city without

addressing the root cause of their misery is a window dressing, whitened-sepulcher, or

sweep-under-the-rug type of approach to development, and it obviously can’t help any poor

Rwandan. It can’t fool any foreign donor country either. So the simple question to the United

Nations is this: why are the people of Rwanda being so toyed with, persecuted and killed by their

own government in this fashion and nothing is being done about it?

11. Finally, what is Presidential Immunity? It seems to mean that someone can kill all the people he

or she wants, and not worry about any consequences as long as he or she is president of a given

country! We are in the 21st century, and humanity sure can come up with better laws.

VII. GENERAL CONCLUSION:

The above list of RPF crimes is by no means exhaustive. There are reports of countless RPF crimes

before 1994, in 1994, and after 1994 that could not be compiled in this document. For example, in the small eastern town of Muhura as the RPF marched onto Kigali in the Spring of 1994, General Paul Kagame himself is reported not only having given direct orders to fire on crowds of wandering displaced people, but also having personally sprayed bullets into these crowds with his own machine gun. An investigation of this massacre is needed, and witnesses are available to tell the story.

Currently, there is a general, state-sponsored crime being perpetrated by the RPF government against an
entire segment of the Rwandan population, specifically Hutus, through the infamous Gacaca Courts. The RPF government is attempting to incriminate the biggest number of Rwandans possible by officially labeling them “killers” or “genocidaires”, thus ostracizing them from public life and creating a caste of second class citizens or “untouchables”. Gacaca trials are an age-old, small-courts-type Rwandan tradition designed to settle only misdemeanors, such as stealing a cow, a goat, or chickens, and minor land disputes between neighbors. By its nature, a Gacaca trial does not require judges and jurors to have law school training and degrees, only common sense. Conversely, the crime of genocide is so grave by nature that it cannot be tried in a Gacaca court, with semi-literate judges and jurors, and with no legal defense, without being diminished and debased.

The justice system in place wants detainees to admit to the crime of killing if they want to be freed. Then, they head to a local Gacaca court where they not only must confess (and explain) their crimes but also reveal and denounce other killers. Anything short of this is a half-confession and not acceptable, and the suspect must go back to jail. In other cases, witnesses are produced from the woodwork to incriminate suspects for crimes they never committed. Very clearly, there is an attempt here on the part of the RPF government to humiliate and exterminate an entire people. I, Paul Rusesabagina, personally know of specific cases where this has happened. The international community must condemn this abhorrent system and demand its immediate abolition.

In summary, here is the sad reality of Rwanda : The genocide and other crimes committed from October

1, 1990 to April 5, 1994, the genocide and other crimes committed from April 6, 1994 to July 4, 1994, and the genocide and other crimes committed from July 5, 1994 to present, were and are the result of a fierce confrontation between on one hand Hutu Extremist militias who hated minority Tutsis and wanted to eliminate them using machetes, spears, and clubs, grenades and machine guns, and on the other hand the RPF army which hated and still hates Hutus, and wanted and wants to kill them massively using machine guns, grenades, used up hoes, mass burial, incineration pyres, and organized disappearances. While the ringleaders of the first group have been arrested and prosecuted by the ICTR, the masterminds of the second group remain free and enjoy utmost impunity.

That is the core of the sad reality of the Rwandan tragedy, and until there is equitable justice to settle this fundamental issue, peace and reconciliation among Rwandans will remain elusive for many years to come.

Equitable justice is a necessary pre-condition to reconciliation. All peoples of the world, including

Rwandans, have an inalienable right to life, democracy and freedom. Any effort to reconcile the Rwandan population without a frank, honest, and sincere dialogue will produce the same result: inter-ethnic confrontations.

In the final analysis, the United Nations, the ICTR, and all of humanity, all of us have written our name

down in the history book of the Rwandan tragedy. Before colonization, Rwanda was divided between slave and master. After colonization, Rwanda became divided even more. From 1990 to present, divisions among Rwandans have reached unprecedented heights. Where is Rwanda headed as a society? Are we sure we have exhausted all our possibilities in bringing true peace and reconciliation to Rwanda, so that when all is said and done history will be kind to us?

VIII. DEFINITIONS

i) War Crimes

In the context of war, a war crime is a punishable offense under International Law, for violations of the

laws of war by any person or persons, military or civilian. Every violation of the law of war in an inter-state conflict is a war crime, while violations in internal conflicts are typically limited to the local jurisdiction. In essence, the term "war crime" represents the concept of an international jurisdiction as applicable to the

most severe crimes, in areas where government is dysfunctional and society is in a state of turmoil.

(Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia)

ii) Crimes against humanity

A crime against humanity is a term in international law that refers to acts of m urderous p ersecution or

any large scale atrocities against a body of people, as being the criminal offense above all others. Crimes

against humanity are considered similar to war crimes and share some similar characteristics, but they

differ in that crimes against humanity are usually targeted towards a particular group and need not occur in

a war context. (Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia)

iii) Crimes of Genocide

Genocide is defined by the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide

(CPPCG) Article 2 as "any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a

national, ethnic, racial or religious group, as such: Killing members of the group; Causing serious bodily or

mental harm to members of the group; Deliberately inflicting on the group conditions of life calculated to

bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part; Imposing measures intended to prevent births

within the group; and forcibly transferring children of the group to another group." (Wikipedia, the free

encyclopedia)

IX. BIBLIOGRAPHIC AND OTHER RESOURCES

1. Amnesty International, Report, all years from 1990

2. Amnesty International, International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda- Trials and Tribulations, April

1998

3. Bugingo, Francois, La mission au Rwanda : Entretiens avec le general Guy

Toussignant, Liber, 1997

4. Gasana, K. James, Rwanda : Du parti-État à l’État-garnison, L’Harmattan, 2002

5. Guichaoua, André, Rwanda 1994 : Les politiques du génocide à Butare, Khartala, 2005

6. Honoré Ngbanda Nzambo, Crimes organisés en Afrique Centrale, Révélations

sur les réseaux rwandais et occidentaux, Duboiris, 2004

7. Le Centre International des Droits de la Personne et du Développement Démocratique (CIDPDD)

et l’Association Africaine pour la Défense des Droits de l’homme en RDC (ASADHO), Rapport

d’enquête de la commission internationale non-gouvernementale sur les violations des droits

humains en RDC (ex-Zaïre) 1996-1997, juin 1998

8. Linguyeneza, Venuste, Testimony on the 1994 Bishops’ Killing

9. Matata, Joseph, Report on ex-FAR officers in Rwanda, April 1999

10. Mbonimpa, Melchior, La « Pax Americana » en Afrique des Grands Lacs, Vents d’Ouest inc.,

2000

11. Morrill, Constance, Show Business and “Lawfare” in Rwanda: Twelve Years After the Genocide,

Summer 2006

12. Nduwayo, Leonard, Giti et le genocide rwandais, L’Harmattan, 2002

13. Ntibazonkiza, Raphael, Biographie du Président Melchior Ndadaye, Sofia, Bulgarian Helsinki

Committee, 1996

14. Onana, Charles et Mushayidi, Déo, Les secrets du génocide rwandais, Duboiris, 2002

15. Onana, Charles, Les secrets de la justice internationale : Enquêtes truquées sur le génocide

rwandais, Duboiris, 2005

16. Onana, Charles, Silence sur un attentat, Le scandale du génocide rwandais, Duboiris, 2003

17. Péan, Pierre, Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs : Rwanda 1990-1994, Mille et une nuits, 2005

18. Philpot, Robin, Ça ne s’est pas passé comme ça à Kigali (Rwanda: Colonialism Dies Hard), Les

intouchables, 2003

19. Reyntjens, Filip and Desouter, Serge, Rwanda, les violations des droits

de l’homme par le FPR/APR. Plaidoyer pour une enquête approfondie, Working

Paper, 1995

20. Ruzibiza, J. Abdul , Rwanda, l’histoire secrète, éditions Panama, 2005

21. Ruzibiza, J. Abdul, Testimony of Abdul Ruzibiza, March 14, 2004

22. Thierry Cruvellier, Le tribunal des vaincus, Un Nuremberg pour le Rwanda?, Calmann-Lévy,

2006

23. Umutesi, Marie Béatrice, Fuir ou Mourir au Zaire : Le vécu d’une réfugiée Rwandaise,

L’Harmattan, 2000

24. United Nations, The United Nations and Rwanda, 1993-1996

25. http://r94.org

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