A Candle For Remembering

A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.

Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes

Rwanda: cartographie des crimes du livre "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF" de Judi Rever Kagame devra être livré aux Rwandais pour répondre à ses crimes: la meilleure option de réconciliation nationale entre les Hutus et les Tutsis.

Let us remember Our People

Let us remember our people, it is our right

You can't stop thinking

Don't you know Rwandans are talkin' 'bout a revolution It sounds like a whisper The majority Hutus and interior Tutsi are gonna rise up And get their share SurViVors are gonna rise up And take what's theirs. We're the survivors, yes: the Hutu survivors! Yes, we're the survivors, like Daniel out of the lions' den (Hutu survivors) Survivors, survivors! Get up, stand up, stand up for your rights et up, stand up, don't give up the fight “I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.” The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones. "You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom". Malcolm X

Welcome to Home Truths

The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Interior Tutsis, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.

Everybody Hurts

“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg

KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE

Paul Kagame admits ordering...

Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.

Why did Kagame this to me?

Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!

RPF committed the unspeakable

RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur

Inzira ndende

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Hutu Children & their Mums

Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.

Rwanda-rebranding

Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents inside and abroad, despite war crimes and repression Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite. What you see is not what you get: A FAÇADE” Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
A WELL PRIMED PR MACHINE
PORTLAND COMMUNICATIONS, FRIENDS OF RWANDA, GPLUS, BTP ADVISERS
AND BTP MARK PURSEY, THE HOLMES REPORT AND BRITISH FIRM RACEPOINT GROUP

HAVE ALWAYS WORKING ON THE REBRANDING OF RWANDA AND WHITEWASHING OF KAGAME’S CRIMES
Targeting dissidents abroad One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents overseas. This should be seen in the context of accusations that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….

Ways To Get Rid of Kagame

How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
  1. The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
  2. Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
  3. Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
  4. Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
  5. The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
  6. The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
  7. Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.

Almighty God :Justice for US

Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?

Killing Hutus on daily basis

Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya

RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes

The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring

Fighting For Our Freedom?

Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority

KAGAME VS JUSTICE

Showing posts with label US support to dictators. Show all posts
Showing posts with label US support to dictators. Show all posts
Sunday, July 24, 2011





General Shalikashvili confirms



 Press Briefing by Lake and Shalikashvili on Rwandan Relief

THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary

 
For Immediate Release July 29, 1994
PRESS BRIEFING
BY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR TONY LAKE,
CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF GENERAL JOHN SHALIKASHVILI
AND ACTING SECRETARY OF DEFENSE JOHN DEUTCH

The Briefing Room
11:21 A.M. EDT



MR. LAKE: If I may, we will answer your questions. We thought it would be useful first if General Shalikashvili were to run through with you the actions that the American military have taken since the President ordered them a week ago to take on responsibility for four of the eight packages of effort that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees asked us to assume.

I said a week ago, when we first announced this, that we could not guarantee in this race against time that we would save every life and meet every need in the camps; and we cannot do so. But I did guarantee that we would do everything we can. And I think the President is well-satisfied -- I certainly am -- that our military are, in fact, doing so.

In fact, yesterday, after General Shalikashvili had run through with the leaders of the nongovernmental organizations what we are doing, I said that I thought that there was only one institution in the world that could accomplish this and that is the American military, and they burst into applause. I will not ask you to do the same thing, but I will turn it over now to General Shalikashvili.

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI: What I would like to do, if it's all right with you, is spend just a few moments with you before we turn it over to questions and answers to kind of put in perspective, as I see it, what has happened since the President directed the military to go to the area and try our very best to make a difference.

The first thing I will say is the very obvious that you so well know and that you and your colleagues have reported on so well. It is an enormous tragedy that's ongoing there by any measure. We're using every means available to us -- intelligence, airplanes and other things -- to give us a clear picture where all the refugees really are and what the conditions of those camps are. And I will show you in a minute a slide where we see all of them are -- sort of in a kind of cartoon fashion -- just to highlight that the problem is larger than just Goma. But it is true that by every information that we have been able to gather so far, the conditions in and around Goma are the most severe and the most taxing.

The second thing I will tell you is also obvious, and that is that I understand well the frustrations of the people in and out of uniform in places like Goma and everywhere else. It would be very strange if they did not feel impatient and frustrated with the flow of humanitarian assistance, with the water purification equipment, with the medical teams because the need is really so very vast. And yet, as much as we race against time to enlarge the airfields, the infrastructure that leads up to the airfields, it will continue for quite some time to be a race against time and against those priorities that far exceed our ability to squeeze all of that in through very limited airfields in the area.

That, by the way, is one of the reasons why the President stated that on an urgent basis we're looking at the possibility of opening Kigali as an additional airfield in our fight against this humanitarian disaster. And I'll say a few more words about that.

Then one final thing I want to say, and then I'll get into the charts, and that is, that despite the tension and despite the frustrations, I, for one, will tell you that I have seldom seen a better cooperation between American military forces there, between the nongovernmental agencies, UNHCR, the French who are there in great numbers and others. It is, despite the frustration that you hear expressed on the ground, which are very understandable, overall an extraordinary cooperative effort where a multitude of organizations are pulling together trying to deal with this as rapidly as we possibly can.

Now, having said that, let me run through a couple charts here, not to show you anything new, but hopefully to try to put in perspective for you. I told you that one of the things that we looked at was the issue of trying to get a better handle of where all the refugees are, in what numbers they might be. And while in Goma, as we well know, the number has been variously reported as a million plus, there was something under a million.

It is, in fact, the area where the world's focus seems to be right now; and rightfully so, because the conditions are worse there than anywhere else. But they are, as you can see by these green areas, lots of other places in and around Rwanda where large numbers of refugees are located.

I put Kigali here prominently in the center of Rwanda to point out to you that if it makes sense to open Kigali, then it would be, in fact, a great help to the overall humanitarian effort in Goma because the distance between Kigali and Goma is only something like 60 miles or so. So it isn't a terribly long distance and it would then give us an alternative to more than double the number of flights that could impact -- humanitarian flights that could impact this tragedy here.

So, for purely a humanitarian standpoint, we are looking at the wisdom of opening up Kigali. We hope to have a recommendation to the President very soon on this issue and then proceed.

Let me just review with you very briefly what it is that about a week ago the President directed us to do. He directed us to open up a hub in Uganda, specifically at Entebbe. That has been done. That hub has some 400 American military personnel there now operating 24 hours a day. Extra air crews are there so we do not run into the problems of crew rest so that we can switch crews there. We're flying fuel in there as rapidly as possible so we can refuel airplanes there, because fuel in the region is a tremendous problem and if we don't watch, it could become an impediment to this effort.

He also directed us to expand the airlift operations near these refugee camps specifically the Goma airfield. When we first went there Goma could accept about 10 flights a day. We are up to well over 20 now. We are on a 24-hour operation. We think we can grow that with a little bit more, but there's a very finite limit with the runway that's there, the ramp space that's there. And that's why Kigali airfield is such -- from at least that perspective becomes an attractive alternative.

We are doing the necessary surveys in Bukavu airfield as well to see what we can do there to increase its capacity. Throughout this effort to enlarge our infrastructure, the President also directed us to make sure that we continue the humanitarian effort that is flowing the goods, the food, the medicine, the shelter and so on into the area. And I'll show you again we have been doing that.

But we knew from the very beginning, as you so well reported, that if we're going to get on top of the cholera epidemic and other epidemics that are borne from a lack of sanitation and so on, we really needed to a get a handle on water. And so, we went not only to our resources, military resources. We went to the civilian community where we found great help and very innovative equipment. We went to our German colleagues and they have been very forthcoming in this kind of equipment as well. And I'll show you a little bit the direction that we're going.

And, finally, the President asked us to take the necessary steps to establish the conditions that would enable the refugees to return home. So these are the things that we've been tasked to do. Let me tell you briefly how we envision doing that and what you are reporting on now hopefully fits all into those two phases.

The first phase, clearly the most urgent, is to stop the dying and the misery in those camps in and around Goma. And to do so, however, we have to establish not only a command and control structure that could direct this effort, establish and widen as rapidly as we can the transportation system that delivers the goods, that delivers the food, that delivers the medication, the sanitation teams and whatnot. And, finally, you have to concentrate on the very basic needs, which are, first and foremost, water. But there are others, of course, as well.
And then, as rapidly as we can shift to phase two without interfering with the operation that's ongoing in phase one. And phase two must be some way, some way, to help those refugees to return home because it is obvious to all, I think now, that the conditions in those camps in Goma is such that we cannot sustain them there for very long. And that the best answer is to try to get them to go home as soon as possible. And so, we have been conducting the necessary planning, the necessary discussions with UNHCR, with our French colleagues and others to find the best way, the safest way to make it possible for those refugees to return home without there being the implication that somehow we are pushing them to go home. It must be an individual decision on their part, when they feel safe to go home and when they feel the conditions are right to go home.

And I'll talk again about this a little bit more.

The next slide I won't belabor at all very long, but you need to know the people -- the names that you've been hearing like General George Joulwan who's our senior military commander in Europe, and he has been appointed overall responsible for the operation. He, in turn, has sent into the region Lieutenant General Dan Schroeder who in his normal life is the Deputy Commander of U.S. Army in Europe. And he's the overall commander for this operation. He is, today, I believe in Entebbe. He has just come out of Kigali where he conducted the first survey of that airfield to report to us what is involved both from a technical point of view, also from a security point of view, if we chose to recommend to the President to reopen that airfield.

So he has just returned from Kigali. I believe he is either in Goma right now as we speak or in Entebbe. And then General Nix whose normal life is to be the Commander of U.S. Army Forces in Italy, he is and has been for the last few days in Goma and is intended to stay in Goma until we get a better handle on it, on that operation there. So he's the contact for your people down in Goma.

We then, of course, have forces associated with this operation in Frankfurt, in Entebbe, Mombasa, Goma, Bukavu and, if it is appropriate and a decision is made later on, then, of course, some forces would be also located in Kigali to support this humanitarian effort.

Enough about how this is organized. Let me return to this transportation system that we're trying to set up and the sooner we set it up the sooner we're able to reduce, I think, some of the level of frustration that exists there.
The transportation system really starts in Frankfurt where we have established a collection point for all contributions, all things and people that have to flow into the region. And at Rhinemein there we have a 24-hour operation where, for instance, the German water purification equipment is shipped and then shipped onward into Entebbe or directly into Goma. Some 3,500 miles south of that, Entebbe, where we now have about 400 people whose task it is to operate that airfield 24-hours a day to make sure that there's fuel for the crews, to make sure there's unloading equipment there to transload the equipment, to make sure that there are fresh air crews there so the movement can go on. In essence, run as robust an airfield as we can make it.

From there our attention then shifts to Goma. It is a 24-hour operation field. In the last few days we've started bringing in C-5 aircraft as well. And to us that was key that we could bring that large capacity of C-5 aircraft. For instance, today there are three C-5s, three C-141s going in in addition to all the other kinds of airplanes that are going in.
And while I'm on that point, let me digress for just a second. We have opened that airfield so that everyone, everyone who flies in there whether they are contract aircraft that we contract, whether they're contract aircraft that someone else has contracted, all users could use that airfield 24-hours a day. And it isn't so important whether it's a U.S. airplane that goes in or whether that's a French airplane or a Dutch airplane or a commercial airplane. What's important is since we all fly in support of the priorities established by UNHCR, that we get as many airplanes in as we can. So, to those of you who have heard about the frustrations that not enough U.S. airplanes are landing, the issue is really how many total airplanes are landing that's very important.
And I think, to the best of my knowledge, there are today 26, 27, 28 airplanes going to go in. And that's a far cry from a few days ago -- 10 airplanes. Plus the 10 airplanes before were not the C-5 type aircraft, which can, of course, bring an awful lot more.

So we have not fixed the problem. I think we've taken a small step forward and will continue working 24 hours a day trying to increase that, and if it makes sense, to try to go open an airfield in Kigali as well.

There are an awful lot of other places, as well, where we have mid-air refueling aircraft, so we do not have to bring airplanes in to land, waste an hour refueling and then go on. So we refuel much of the military air in the air to speed up the effort.

Additionally, we've had an awful lot of good needed equipment on board Army prepositioned ships. They usually are in and around Diego Garcia. On the day that the President gave us the mission, we ordered those ships to steam towards Mombasa because we have enough water purification equipment there. We have enough water distribution capacity there to meet all our needs. And so the first two ships are going to land tomorrow in Mombasa. We have already forward deployed C-130 airplanes, CH-53 helicopters that can slingload much of that equipment. And we're going to form -- if we're certain that the security conditions are right -- a very large ground convoy that will take the large oversized equipment over land into Goma.

So, starting about tomorrow and the next few days, we will have at our disposal an awful lot of the badly needed stuff for water purification, in addition to additional trucks that are needed over there, bulldozers and whatnot. So that's another hub that we've established here. And we'll continue keeping it open, because that's a good place to bring other humanitarian supplies in and then shuttle them forward.

This is just a picture that shows you sort of that on the day that the President told us to get going, the most that we could get into the region were two aircraft. We are now, between those that are refueling and those that are landing, bringing in some 22, 23 aircraft into the region. You have to add to that all those other aircraft that other nations are bringing in. The point is not so much the numbers, but that we've had a steady growth and we'll work very hard not to let that level off, but to continue building on this growth here.

Let me turn to water for a minute. There was zero clean water being produced on the day the President spoke to you here. The day before yesterday, we were doing 74,000 gallons of water; yesterday, 96,000 gallons. Today, we did not have time yet to tell the President that it's really more than 100,000 gallons. As we stand here, we're producing 164,000 gallons. We actually can produce more water than that right now. This shows you not only the water production capacity, but also the storage and distribution capacity.

With the help of our German colleagues, we've just laid a five kilometer pipeline into the middle of Goma. That's just the beginning. We need to lay more pipelines; we need to bring in more water trucks. We are flying, starting later on today, six 5,000- gallon tankers into Goma directly. Hopefully, we'll have them on the streets there tomorrow.

When we get the stuff off the ships, we will have a capacity of producing, storing and distributing in the vicinity of 3,500,000 gallons of fresh water. Now, it's going to clearly take us some days to off-load it, transport it, set it up, build the pipelines that need to be done. But at least the equipment is getting into the region now. And hopefully before too much time, we can have much of that stuff forward. Much of it will depend whether we can, in fact, find a good speedy over-land route to move some of that oversized equipment.

But it's looking an awful lot better today than it did when I stood before you here a week ago and in my mind thought that it would be several months away before we could get that kind of a capacity together. So we're nowhere near out of the woods; lots of stuff could still happen. But it's beginning to look a little better.

Let me stop with that last slide and turn it over to Tony and for any questions that you might have.

Q General, can we ask you a question? How would you protect against mission creep if you make a decision about Kigali and decide that you have to send people in to open that airport?

GENERAL SHALIKASHVIL


I: To me that's a very easy answer. Our mission has been to assist in providing humanitarian assistance. Our mission today and tomorrow, whether we go into Kigali or not, is to assist in providing humanitarian assistance. There isn't a word in my instruction from the President that has anything to do with peacekeeping or anything else.

So I see that as the task of opening as many airfields as we can where it makes sense, to be able to help the people of Kigali and to help the people to go home. I don't see that as a mission creep. It is a tactical decision whether one wants to open another airfield in a continuation of the same effort that we've been on.

Q In Somalia, what happened was that our people came under fire and they had to respond and it escalated.

 GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI
: It is clear that you cannot be involved in operations without some danger that someone will take a potshot at you. You, of course, understand that that can happen to us at Goma as well. And the reason that we are so very careful about proving any concept going into Kigali that we want to be sure that we can go to the President and articulate this issue of security to our soldiers and so on. But that's not mission creep.

Mission creep is when you take on different tasks. The President has been very clear, and I support it 100 percent, we should be there to help in a humanitarian effort.

MR. LAKE: Andrea, let me add to that if I may, because this is a very important question.

First of all, on Somalia, the mission from the start of American forces when they went in was to put an end to the fighting so that we could deal with the humanitarian crisis. And I might add, hundreds of thousands of Somalis are alive today because we did that successfully.

Here the mission is not a peacekeeping operation. It is not explicitly designed to expand throughout Rwanda and to carry out the same kind of mission. It is limited, as the General said and as the President said, to the humanitarian mission.

Secondly, there is the issue of how long it lasts. And here I should say that the mission is designed to deal with the immediate humanitarian crisis. This is not a long-term peacekeeping commitment in Rwanda. That is for UNAMIR, the United Nations peacekeeping operation in Rwanda. And if I could say just a word about that. The United States agreed months ago that we would offer support for one of the U.N. battalions that would go in, and we encouraged other governments to support other battalions. We have done what we said; we have been supporting a Ghanaian battalion. They are about half deployed now. About 500 Ghanaians are now in Rwanda. They are, in fact, the only -- I believe the only U.N. forces there. We are encouraged that they have start joint patrolling, or there is an agreement they will be doing joint patrolling with the Rwandan forces.
We would hope and we are urging that other governments will support other battalions so that they will be properly supplied and equipped when they go in. Assistant Secretary Moose, after he goes to Kigali, will be going to Ethiopia and Tunisia and elsewhere also to encourage those other African governments that have committed themselves to sending troops in as a part of the peacekeeping operation, and they will do that as quickly as possible.

Q Tony and General Shalikashvili, look, no sooner had the President finished than our guy on the ground in Goma reported that the people across the border who are armed said that if the United States comes in, they will regard the United States as their enemy and that they will fight. Now, for whatever this is worth, how are you going to hold the focus of the mission on humanitarian aid when it is quite evident that there is going to be a substantial security threat?

MR. LAKE: First of all, our representative there, Ambassador Rawson, has spoken to the government -- or the acting government of Rwanda, the representatives of the RPF, who are in control in Rwanda now. And they have agreed that we should open the airfield in Kigali, and they are in control of their own troops. So I am not saying that there is not a security threat; there is.

Q This is the other side.

MR. LAKE: But they are in control of the situation now at Kigali and generally throughout the country. We are looking at the same time very, very carefully at the security situation both now and down the road as we deal with this immediate crisis to make sure that if we open the airfield that there is a secure environment. This could involve American military personnel, certainly. And we are looking at -- we have not reached a conclusion on it -- we are looking at what the number of such personnel might be.

But their mission -- and I emphasize this -- their mission would be the protection of the airfield and of our humanitarian operation. It would not be a broader security role and it would not be peacekeeping, as we just said.

Q What is holding up the deployment to Kigali? Is it strictly a tactical question, as General Shali said, or are there political considerations involving the RPF that are factored into this?

MR. LAKE: No, there is no -- that I'm aware of, there is no problem with the RPF, or those who are acting in the government in Kigali. We want to make sure that if we do this, we do it right. That we have thought through all of the questions including this question of security.

At the same time there is an urgent need that we do this. We have been working the planning through on a very urgent basis. The site survey team has just started reporting in on the logistical side and how you would do this and how we would make it work. They have worked very urgently. As soon as we have the answers to those questions, I can assure you we will make an immediate decision because not just days but hours count here. And I would expect this decision very, very soon.

Q Can I follow up? Do you have a commitment from both the Tutsis and the Hutus that the U.S. forces if they go into Kigali will be invited and they will not become seen as part of one side or the other? Have both sides invited the United States to set up this facility at the Kigali airport?

MR. LAKE: My understanding is that the RPF, who are as I said, in control of Kigali and who were the apparent victors in the conflict, have said that they would welcome this. The rump Hutu government we are not in touch with and in my view we should not be because, as we have said before, many of them were responsible for genocidal acts in Rwanda and we do not consider them to be in a position of authority within Rwanda. And, indeed, in a physical sense they are not now.

That said, I am not saying that Rwanda is not potentially still a tough neighborhood and that is why we are taking a very careful look at the security issues before we proceed on the Kigali airfield.

Q How many troops are involved here if a decision is made to go in?

MR. LAKE : We have not made a decision on that yet.

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI: We have not made a decision, nor have we completed going over the assessment from our assessment team that just came in here. And until we understand which radars have to brought in to have 24-hour operation and what transportation system we have to have, it's very difficult to tell. So, any number I would give you now is misleading.

When we went into Entebbe initially we thought that it might take a couple thousand to run Entebbe. We have been very successfully running Entebbe now, as an example, with some 400. Whether those two numbers are the bookends between which we come out in Kigali or they'll come out something different, any number I give you or someone else has been given in the last few days really I would take with a grain of salt.

Let us complete this assessment.

Q General, is it your feeling that it is essential for the operation to open Kigali?

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI : Only if it makes sense and there are an awful lot of things that you need to take into consideration. What is essential, I think, is to expand airport operations in as many places as we can because we must increase the throughput to those refugees. Whether Kigali will after analysis turn out to be the right place or not, too early to tell. Let us finish the assessment.

Q ? Will you be talking to Schroeder today about this?

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI : Yes.

Q So you might make a decision today once you --

Q She's already had one question. General, how long do you think our troops will be there?

GENERAL SHALIKASHVILI : I don't know. I will tell you that I think the sooner we can get the refugees to go back to their homes, the sooner we can wind down this effort and the United States military will be able to go home.

Now, whether that's measured in weeks or in months, I cannot tell you but I must say that it is not just for our own good that we need to look at it in those terms of getting them home but also for the good of the refugees. Our interest on both sides are to get on this as quickly as possible. The sooner they're home, the sooner we will go home.

Q Where are you getting the money for this? Are you taking it out of something you already had or are you cutting off some other part of the budget?

MR. LAKE: This is why, as the President said this morning, we are sending an emergency supplemental request to the Hill this morning.

Q Well, that doesn't tell me what I want to know. Where are you getting this money from? Are you cutting off some other program to do that?

MR. LAKE: That is the answer. An emergency supplemental is an off-budget request. It would not come out of other Pentagon funds.

Q But are you cutting off other civilian programs for this?

MR. LAKE : No, this is beyond the current budget. The purpose of the emergency supplemental would be to get additional funds to meet what is in fact an emergency. In the end this will be a congressional decision of course as to where the funds come from but our position is that we believe that this should be supplemental and not draw down other accounts.

Let me just say on the Kigali decision, this is not in my view a question of doing it quick or doing it right. We want to do it right and quick, and we are working this very urgently but making sure that we know exactly what we're doing before we do it. And it could come very, very soon.

Q But might the President make the decision today?

Q Today? Could it come today?

MR. LAKE : I don't want to put a deadline on his decision, but that is possible.

Q What is your estimate as to how many Rwandans are dying every day?

Q The United Nation's officials have been complaining that UNAMIR is not coming together, they're not getting the troop contributions that they need. What happens if the humanitarian mission winds down and there's no U.N. mission to hand things over to?


MR. LAKE : In a way it works the opposite way, as General Shali was just saying. We are working very hard to get the UNAMIR in not only as quickly as possible but in as large numbers as possible so that it can help to create the environment for the refugees to return. To the degree that it works slowly, then to that degree it may be that the refugees return less quickly. So, we're working on that. That is why Assistant Secretary Moose is going off. That is why we have been approaching other governments, that's why we are encouraging those who have already committed troops to move as quickly as possible.

We are encouraged that the RPF have agreed now to join patrolling with UNAMIR forces in the western part of Rwanda which will help, we think, create a secure environment. There are two other pieces to this though. One is to encourage the RPF to reach out in reconciliation, to make appointments that will broaden their government as much as possible. Assistant Secretary Moose will be discussing those issues also with the RPF in Kigali.

And, third, as the General was suggesting, we need to look at the mechanisms on the ground which would encourage the refugees to come back so that they know as they move back along the roads that they will be able to get water and supplies, find shelter, whatever. And we are working on planning on that on a very urgent basis.

But we are appealing to other governments, both that can help equip UNAMIR forces and to those that have either committed themselves or would commit themselves to supply UNAMIR forces, to do so absolutely as quickly as they can. The crops are going to start dying in the fields within a couple of weeks now if the refugees cannot get back and start to harvest them. And this is another one of the races against time that we are conducting.

Q Tony, what is your best estimate as to how many Rwandan refugees are still dying every day?


MR. LAKE : We were at 1,500 to 2,000 a few days ago. I have not seen a new estimate today. I can't give you that with precision. It's about -- it's approximately the same still.

Q Tony, the rump Hutu government, as you said, is not in control of territory in Rwanda. But they clearly have fighters with guns in Goma, and a fair amount of control over at least some people --

MR. LAKE : Mostly more in the south, yes.

Q and they are actively trying to keep refugees from going back. So, clearly, our efforts to try to get those refugees back are going to conflict with what they're doing. And there's been some indication that they've been getting at least some support from some elements of the Zaire government in the past, at any rate. How do you assess the potential problem that those folks pose? And what do you foresee doing about them as this operation goes ahead?


MR. LAKE : We've discussed this with the government of Zaire and with the French. There are two aspects to it; one, how do you get them disarmed and limit that threat? And secondly, what do you do about their public appeals to the refugees not to go back? And we're working, as I said, on both with the French.

Q Are you satisfied with the response you've gotten from the Zairians at this point?


MR. LAKE : We'll see over the coming days how this goes.

He has to leave in just a moment, so maybe one more question.

Q There were military officers who were quoted a couple of days ago saying that one of the reasons for having a U.S. military presence in Kigali, in addition to the humanitarian reason, would be as a symbol that reprisals between the two groups should not occur; and that we, in fact, would prevent that. Is that part -- would that be part of admission of any U.S. forces there, to stand between reprisals between Hutus and Tutsis?

MR. LAKE : As I said, there may be a psychological effect within Rwanda of our opening the airfield. But our mission explicitly is not a peacekeeping mission; it is the humanitarian mission, and strictly limited to that.

Q While you're there, Tony, could you update us on the situation in Bosnia? Because you discussed it with the President this morning, didn't you?

MR. LAKE : Secretary Christopher will be going -- just very briefly, because I have to run, too. Secretary Christopher will be going, in fact he has just left now, to a meeting of the Contact Group foreign ministers to discuss how we will follow up on the apparent Bosnian Serb rejection of the Contact Group's peace proposal. And we will, I'm sure, be having more to say about that over the weekend. I look forward to discussing this with you on Saturday and Sunday, as well.

END12:00 Noon EDT
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, February 6, 2011
 




 
Vasectomy in Rwanda or legalization of genocide against the Hutu majority. 

Get involved to cancel the hidden Rwandan Evil Agenda





How to impact the world around you with actions you can do yourself. 
  • To Help Others Develop, Start With Yourself.
  •  If You Want to Make Change, Start With Yourself.
  • You will be judged for what you do, not what you say. 
     
  • As a positive example, get questions out of the way before they become relevant. The *Tutsi extremists* who are  ruling Rwanda with an iron hand won´t be trusted. For this reason : 
    General Paul Kagame should start by sterilizing himself and his own children, an act involving people around Him, the Rwandan government members and other Rwandan authorities at all levels to do the same thing before sterilizing ordinary Rwandans.

The eugenic acts actually practiced in Rwanda are ones in which the intended result is the Hutu ethnic member’s loss of the ability to reproduce.
Unlawful acts of tubal ligation, vasectomy, and other such medical procedures are already used by the Tutsi-led minority ethnic government and not yet reported to the public opinion. In all circumstances, these non medical acts are primarily used exterminate undesirables through forced sterilization.
The 1990- 1994 gendercide, arbitrary arrests and overcrowded prisons, disappearances of many Hutu intellectuals, in the Northwestern region of Rwanda followed by the horrors of Kibeho in 1995, Kibeho death camp better known as the Rwandan Auschwitz, the cultural genocide that followed the first Tutsi-led government,  the  1996-1998 mega massacres carried out by Paul Kagame is it is clearly expressed in the video here below, and many other massacres led by the Rwandan defense army RDF, Rwandan police, DMI, proxy armies and militias RCD, CNDP, present-day terrorism, assassinations and cultural genocide,  and many other blackmailing tactics to silence the Hutu and the world community used by Paul Kagame leads to the genocide of the Hutu by the same Tutsi-led government in Rwanda with the same ambitions: the extermination of the Hutu majority inside and outside of Rwanda.
African SurViVors International urges the World Community namely the UN to begin a criminal investigation. The well-known Human Rights organizations Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch  should help ASI to protect Rwandans against the Kagame regime.



Sterilization is carried out against Rwandans' will 


"I strongly urge those of you who are not aware of this issue to first do their own research, before continuing to read about my new findings. The evidence for genocide through mass sterilization campaigns by intentionally induced infertility through the use of vaccines is very strong as it stands. I can now however report that I have come across actual testimonies of those involved in these programs, admitting that they themselves believe they were part of an operation the goal of which was elimination of specific groups of people." 
  
African SurViVors International urges all Rwandan, European and American doctors working in Rwanda to refuse to take part in enforcing Rwandan criminal law.

The Rwandan government is planning to launch 'soon' an extensive campaign of vasectomy, a method of male sterilization for some 700, 000 individuals across the country in view of limiting “runaway population” growth of this small central African country, it was learned Wednesday from official sources in Kigali.
The Rwandan Nazi Paul Kagame Invites the world community to be absolutely silent as he's launching a mass eugenic sterilization of the Hutu undesirables.

The Rwandan Minister of Health, Richard Sezibera, suggested that the growth of the Rwandan population has recently reached a speed increase for over ten years. 
The world community refuses to stop the ongoing  Forced sterilization and castration of the Hutu majority in Rwanda
Rwanda is believed to have a population of about 11 million people over an area of 26,338 square kilometre, an average of 395 inhabitants per square kilometre, according to the National Institute of Rwandan statistics in a recent report published annual projections on its website.
Pretext based on disinformation : We have adopted measures to limit population growth through the introduction of simple, said Dr. Sezibera who spoke to the Rwandan Senate.
The Rwandan forced sterilization : The most hideous crime ignored by the world community
This current method is aimed to carry out a mass genocide against the Rwandan people. Ask Rwandans before supporting the Rwandan Nazi.
We call for immediate end to the ongoing genocide against the Hutu majority in Rwanda. In fact there is abundant evidence that Paul Kagame is doing whatever he can to exterminate the hated Hutu majority. We can not understand how the American Human Rights organizations remain silence about the monst hidous criminal our planet has ever known. All worldwide religions including  catholics, Orthodox, Muslims, Protestants, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty international to denounce Kagame's criminal purposes, to protect and help Rwandans from Kagame and his RPF Nazi regime.


A Hutu woman murdered by RPF
after being tortured
with Akandoyi

Le gouvernement rwandais envisage de lancer 'prochainement' une vaste campagne de vasectomie, une méthode de stérilisation masculine pour quelque 700 000 individus sur l'ensemble du territoire national dans la perspective de limiter une croissance démographique galopante de ce petit pays d'Afrique centrale, apprend-on mercredi de source officielle à Kigali.

Le ministre rwandais de la Santé, Richard Sezibera, a laissé entendre que la croissance de la population rwandaise a atteint récemment une vitesse 'jamais enregitrée' depuis plus de dix ans.

Le Rwanda compte une population d'environ 11 millions d'habitants sur une superficie de 26.338 kilomètres carrés, soit une moyenne de 395 habitants au kilomètre-carré, selon l'Institut national de la statitique du Rwanda dans un récent rapport des projections annuelles publié sur son site Internet.

'Nous avons adopté des mesures pour limiter la croissance de la population à travers l'introduction de méthodes simples', a déclaré le Dr Sezibera qui s'exprimait devant le Sénat rwandais.

'Cette méthode n'est autre que cette opération mineure qui consiste à couper et à bloquer les canaux déférents qui transportent les spermatozoïdes à partir des testicules', a-t-il ajouté, précisant que la nouvelle campagne va s'étendre sur les trois prochaines années.

Le Dr Sezibera, très connu pour avoir apporté de nombreuses innovations dans le secteur sanitaire au Rwanda depuis sa nomination à ce poste en octobre 2008, a par ailleurs renchéri que la nouvelle campagne va aller de pair avec le programme de circoncision de masse qui a été inauguré depuis quelques années au Rwanda.

'Au cours des interventions chirurgicales de circoncision en cours, les médecins auront désormais toute la latitude de proposer aux hommes de subir également la vasectomie', a souligné Dr Sezibera.


The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, January 30, 2011









This is an issue close to my heart, because I've spent over a decade working for equality as a lay leader in my own church, and now, as acting director of HRC's Religion and Faith program – which helps religious leaders of all stripes speak out for equality and fight back when hatred is promoted in the name of religion.
Ms. Sharon Groves

On Thursday, that perversion of faith cost Ugandan gay rights advocate David Kato his life. He was bludgeoned to death in his home after his name was among those listed in an anti-gay magazine, under the headline "Hang them!"


Since at least 2009, radical U.S. Christian missionaries have added anti-gay conferences and workshops in Uganda to their anti-gay efforts in the U.S. – and now they're beginning to ordain ministers and build churches across East Africa focused almost entirely on preaching against homosexuality.

These American extremists didn't call for David's death. But they created a climate of hate that breeds violence – and they must stop and acknowledge they were wrong.

"Stop Exporting Hate." Sign our petition to Carl Ellis Jenkins, Lou Engle, and Scott Lively.

We'll deliver your signature to three men who have gone out of their way to promote hatred:

  • Scott Lively of Massachusetts held an anti-gay conference in Uganda with two other U.S. pastors. A few months later, a bill was introduced in Uganda that would make homosexuality punishable by death.
  • Lou Engle, a Missouri preacher whose rallies draw tens of thousands in the U.S., spoke at a rally in Uganda this year that focused on praying for the bill's passage. (Engle claims not to support some parts of the bill, but internal documents show he came to speak about "the threat of homosexuality," and defend the Ugandan government's efforts to "curb the growth of the vice using the law.")
  • And Carl Ellis Jenkins of Georgia is presiding over a group that's opening 50 new churches in Uganda to "help clean up bad morals, including homosexuality" according to his staff.
They have been stirring up hostility in a country where homosexuality is already illegal, violent attacks are common, rape is used to 'cure' people of their sexual orientation – and a shocking law has been proposed that would make homosexuality punishable by life imprisonment or even death.


And they're in lockstep with some of the largest and wealthiest right-wing groups in the U.S. When the U.S. Congress considered a resolution denouncing the grotesque Ugandan death-penalty-for-gays bill, the extreme-right Family Research Council – now classified as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center – spent $25,000 lobbying to stop the resolution from passing.
Religion should never be used to spread hate. These men do not speak for me or the millions of diverse religious people who support equality not in spite of our faith, but because of it

That's what our Religion and Faith program is all about: helping people of faith from all different traditions speak out so we can reclaim the core religious values we hold dear in America.

At the heart of every religious tradition is love of humanity and love of creator – not hatred for our neighbors. Creating a climate of hate runs contrary to the very idea of faith – but that's exactly what the right wing in America is doing.

Tell missionaries and radical hate groups: "Stop exporting hate."

Whether or not we're people of faith, we cannot stay silent or stand idly by while a radical minority pushes a hateful agenda in God's name. Please stand with us and speak out today.

Sharon Groves

Religion and Faith Program
© HRC

 

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, December 27, 2010



 WikiLeaks : En France, l'enquête sur le Rwanda était suivie en haut lieu
Had she been allowed to run in Rwanda's presidential elections in August, it's widely believed Ingabire Umohoza would have defeated Gen. Kagame. 

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]




On se rappelle que suite à son livre Noires fureurs, blancs menteurs, Rwanda 1990-1994, Pierre Péan avait été traîné en justice, de façon difficilement compréhensible, pour complicité de provocation à la haine raciale par SOS-Racisme. Il a gagné ses deux procès tant en première instance qu'en appel. Il avait été profondémen meurtri par ces accusations aux antipodes de son parcours et de ses convictions.  
French author Pierre Pean,
of the famous book

“Noirs fureurs, blancs menteurs
Fort heureusement, loin de l'avoir abattu, ce mauvais procès lui a donné l'énergie pour poursuivre son travail d'investigation. Cela donne un livre fort : Carnages, (Fayard) un gros pavé de 570 pages qui vient apporter un éclairage tout à fait nouveau sur la tragédie que subit, dans une relative indifférence, la République Démocratique du Congo, les différents crimes contre l'humanité et guerres civiles dont les populations africaines sont les victimes et le jeu des grandes puissances. Son livre fera date et sera très utile pour les historiens et tous ceux qui voudront écrire de façon dépassionnée sur les événements gravissimes qui se sont déroulés dans cette partie du monde. Le silence relatif qui accompagne son livre laisse dubitatif.

Pierre Péan reprend et développe la thèse qu'il avait commencé à développer dans son premier livre. Paul Kagamé, l'homme célébré dans le monde occidental comme ayant mis fin au génocide du Rwanda, a commis par la suite de nombreux crimes contre l'humanité. Sans que l'on puisse déterminer de façon certaine s'il a lui-même organisé l'attentat contre l'avion du président Habyarimana, il savait qu'il ne pouvait parvenir au pouvoir que par un conflit armé, qu’il préparait de longue date et non pas par la voie démocratique. Il a par la suite étendu la guerre à la République Démocratique du Congo, se livrant de nouveaux à de nombreuses exactions pour pouvoir tirer profit des multiples richesses de ce pays. Les accusations de complicité de génocide portées contre la France, qui ne sont ni fondées et sans le moindre début de preuve, participent à une stratégie visant à réduire l'influence de la France en Afrique et à tétaniser son action. Pour Péan « la Françafrique est le faux nez dissimulant les menées de divers intérêts surtout anglosaxons. » (p41) Il estime que si la politique africaine de la France doit susciter examen critique, elle ne mérite pas d’être critiquée en bloc alors que le silence demeure sur la politique dans le continent des autres grandes puissances (USA, Royaume-Uni, Israël, Chine, etc).

Christian Davenport - Rethinking Rwanda, 1994 from JamboNewsTV on Vimeo.

La partie la plus novatrice du livre de Pierre Péan concerne la politique israélienne en Afrique en général, et plus particulièrement les liens établis entre Paul Kagamé et Israël. 


Israel
Il développe également de longs passages sur le Soudan. Selon lui, les accusations de génocide portées contre ce pays ou les appels à la solidarité pour la cause du Darfour, sont en fait une stratégie menée par Israël et les États-Unis pour affaiblir un État africain et musulman qui pourrait faire contrepoids à leur propre influence dans le continent africain. Il démontre que pour Israël, le Soudan fait partie d'une certaine vision de sa profondeur stratégique. Si le passage qui consacra ce pays à l'encontre de la présentation très négative qui en est souvent faite, est convaincant d'un point de vue stratégique, il ne faut pas oublier néanmoins que le président du Soudan a été inculpé de crimes de guerre par la cour pénale internationale.
À l’automne 2010, le secrétaire général de l’ONU publiait un rapport sur les exactions de l’armée de Kagamé en RDC. Il évolue à 4 millions le nombre de morts de ce conflit.

Jusqu’ici quelques voix éparses s’étaient élevées contre Kagamé. S’il s’agissait de Français, on les accusait de vouloir dissimuler la responsabilité de Paris dans le génocide. Il était plus problématique de faire ce reproche à la justice espagnole qui lance les mêmes accusations, à Carla Del Ponte, Emma Bonino ou Boutros Boutros Ghali, qui ont depuis longtemps souligné la responsabilité de Kagamé. Il devient plus difficile aujourd’hui pour Kagamé d’évoquer le génocide de 1994 pour masquer sa responsabilité dans la suite des évènements.
On peut reprocher à Péan d’être parfois trop systématique, sa démonstration est néanmoins impressionnante et ne peut être balayée d’un revers de main.


 © Nouvel Obs.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, November 30, 2010











Thursday, 16 April 2009, 14:11
S E C R E T STATE 037561
NOFORN
EO 12958 DECL: 04/16/2034
TAGS PINR, KSPR, ECON, KDEM, KHIV, ZF, XA, CF, RW, BY
SUBJECT: (S) REPORTING AND COLLECTION NEEDS: AFRICAN GREAT
LAKES (DROC, BURUNDI, RWANDA)


REF: A. 08 KIGALI 00830--05/DEC/2008 B. 08 STATE 122706--19/NOV/2008 C. 04 STATE 101403--06/MAY/2004


Classified By: SUZANNE MCCORMICK, DIRECTOR, INR/OPS, REASON: 1.4(C).
Summary


A national human intelligence collection directive issued under Hillary Clinton's name calls for highly detailed and personal information on figures at top levels of society in Congo, Rwanda and Burundi. It asks for details on military facilities, such as airfields and army camps, and on military equipment, including numbers, operational status and procurement/refurbishment activity. Key passage highlighted in yellow


1. (S/NF) This cable provides the full text of the new National HUMINT Collection Directive (NHCD) on African Great Lakes (paragraph 3-end) as well as a request for continued DOS reporting of biographic information relating to DROC, Burundi, and Rwanda (paragraph 2).


A. (S/NF) The NHCD below supersedes the NHCD contained in Ref C and reflects the results of a recent Washington review of reporting and collection needs announced in Ref B focused on African Great Lakes. The review produced a comprehensive list of strategic priorities (paragraph 3) and reporting and collection needs (paragraph 4) intended to guide participating USG agencies as they allocate resources and update plans to collect information on African Great Lakes. We thank Kigali for its Ref A input. The priorities should also serve as a useful tool to help the Embassy manage reporting and collection, including formulation of Mission Strategic Plans (MSPs).


B. (S/NF) This NHCD is compliant with the National Intelligence Priorities Framework (NIPF), which was established in response to NSPD-26 of February 24, 2003. If needed, GRPO can provide further background on the NIPF and the use of NIPF abbreviations (shown in parentheses following each sub-issue below) in NHCDs.


C. (S/NF) Important information often is available to non-State members of the Country Team whose agencies participated in the review of this National HUMINT Collection Directive. COMs, DCMs, and State reporting officers can assist by coordinating with other Country Team members to encourage relevant reporting through their own or State Department channels. We appreciate Ref A response from Kigali.


2. (S/NF) State biographic reporting:


A. (S/NF) The intelligence community relies on State reporting officers for much of the biographical information collected worldwide. Informal biographic reporting via email and other means is vital to the community's collection efforts and can be sent to the INR/B (Biographic) office for dissemination to the IC.


B. (S/NF) Reporting officers should include as much of the following information as possible when they have information relating to persons linked to African Great Lakes: office and organizational titles; names, position titles and other information on business cards; numbers of telephones, cell phones, pagers and faxes; compendia of contact information, such as telephone directories (in compact disc or electronic format if available) and e-mail listings; internet and intranet "handles", internet e-mail addresses, web site identification-URLs; credit card account numbers; frequent flyer account numbers; work schedules, and other relevant biographical information.


3. (S/NF) Priority issues and issues outline:


I. Regional Issues


A. Democratization and Political Stability 1) Leadership Dynamics (DEPS) 2) Rebel and Militia Groups (SRCC) 3) Democracy and Governance (DEPS) 4) Political Opposition (DEPS) B. Military and Security 1) Military Developments (FMCC) 2) Weapons Procurement (FMCC) 3) Police and Paramilitary Forces (CINT) 4) GRPO can provide text of this issue. 5) Support to US Military Contingency Planning (HREL) 6) Terrorism (TERR) C. Societal Challenges 1) Refugees (DEMG) 2) Human Rights and War Crimes (HRWC) 3) Infectious Disease and Health (HLTH) 4) Food Security and Agriculture (FOOD) 5) Economic Stability (ECFS) D. External Relations 1) Regional Relations (SRCC) 2) International Relations (FPOL) E. Overarching Issues 1) Media Structure and Availability (INFR) 2) Information Systems and Telecommunications Infrastructure (INFR)


II. Country-Specific Issues

A. Mineral Resources (ENVR) B. Genocidal Legacy Issues (HRWC)

4. (S/NF) Reporting and collection needs:

I. Regional Issues

A. Democratization and Political Stability

1) Leadership Dynamics (DEPS)

-- Leadership dynamics and decision-making processes of key civilian and military officials; influence of corruption and patronage in decision-making. -- Status of relations among top leaders of African Great Lakes countries, especially Kigali and Kinshasa, and Kampala and Kinshasa. -- Plans and intentions regarding political succession, including post-election transitions; indications of coup plotting. -- Leader influence on popular opinion and popular sentiments. -- Influence on government leadership of religious organizations, interest groups, ethnic groups, and military. -- The role of military, intelligence, and security services in national policy decision-making and their control of government institutions and parastatals. -- Leadership policies and actions that cause or respond to political instability or economic deterioration. -- Leadership financial resources and personal relationships. -- Government and public views about and evidence of impact of corruption and crime on internal stability and development. -- Information on political stability, sources of instability, and nature of challenges to effective governance. -- Government plans and efforts to respond to threats to political stability; strategies for addressing underlying discontent. -- Changes inside key ministries and security forces, including personal dynamics, tribal politics and factions. -- Details on identities, motives, influence, and relations among principal advisors. -- Biographic and biometric data, including health, opinions toward the US, training history, ethnicity (tribal and/or clan), and language skills of key and emerging political, military, intelligence, opposition, ethnic, religious, and business leaders. Data should include email addresses, telephone and fax numbers, fingerprints, facial images, DNA, and iris scans.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 4; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


2) Rebel and Militia Groups (SRCC)


-- Efforts by rebel or militia groups or non-state actors--especially entities such as the FDLR that contain Rwandans who participated in the 1994 genocide--to obtain control of or greater participation in national or local government; to obtain control of natural or financial resources; to integrate into the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) or to cooperate with the FARDC in the exploitation of economic resources. -- Extent of political influence of rebel or militia groups. -- Attitudes toward implementation of regional peace accords. -- Organization, leadership, order of battle, training, strategies and tactics of armed groups and factions, including those integrated into government. -- Efforts by rebel or militia groups to recruit government forces or demobilized troops/fighters. -- Indications of shifting alliances and factions. -- Indications of political and social infrastructure development by rebel and militia groups, including fundraising, recruitments, weapons and repair parts procurement, and propaganda. -- Public sympathy or antipathy toward rebel and militia groups. -- Evidence of influence or pressure on, or support for, rebel or militia groups from foreign governments, non-state actors, and Congolese diaspora. -- Infiltration and resupply routes used by rebel and militia groups. -- Evidence that drug trafficking, evasion of the Kimberly Process, or other criminal activities, including cyber crime, are used to finance the activities of rebel and militia groups. -- Evidence and impact of the presence of troops from neighboring countries and their proxy forces in Congo, particularly the Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF).


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI- PRIORITY 5; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 4; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5 REGIONAL REBEL GROUPS AND NON-STATE ACTORS WHO CARRY OUT ATROCITIES AND TERRORIST ACTIVITIES: ALLIED DEMOCRATIC FORCES (ADF), DEMOCRATIC FORCES FOR THE LIBERATION OF RWANDA (FDLR), LORD,S RESISTANCE ARMY (LRA)-PRIORITY- 4


3) Democracy and Governance (DEPS)


-- Leadership views, intentions, and actions on democratic reforms, to include free press, treatment of opposition political or ethnic groups, respect for human rights, respect for rule of law and independent judiciary, and fair elections. -- Extent/effectiveness of government control over national territory and over cross-border flows of people and goods. -- Progress of or obstacles to disarmament, demobilization, repatriation, and reintegration (DDRR) of ex-combatants into a civilian society. -- Structure, interaction, and role of administrative, judicial, and legislative organs, including indications that they are overshadowed by personal politics. -- Information on effectiveness or abuse of the electoral system or judiciary, including government procedures to maintain the integrity and secrecy of the ballot during each phase of balloting and vote reconciliation. -- Details on all aspects of the electoral process, to include election laws, electoral procedures, election monitoring, balloting, and election equipment. -- Details on corruption in government institutions and efforts to reduce it. -- Signs of ethnic, religious, or generational polarization and role of ethnic, regional or class distinctions in access to decision-making and natural or financial resources. -- Information on government improvements in infrastructure, including in remote regions. -- Ability and efforts to adhere to/evade the Kimberly Process, and to combat illicit finance.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 4; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


4) Political Opposition (DEPS)


-- Activities, plans, and intentions of political opposition parties and individuals; sources of funding and support. -- Government attempts to stifle political opposition. -- Alliances or factions, and evidence of links to foreign governments or armed groups. -- Political opposition party leadership, organization, agendas, membership, and level of influence on civil society and military; leadership biographic data. -- Opposition party regional and ethnic support areas, family and financial networks, key patrons and clients, and internal alliances and rivalries -- Opinions of ethnic, religious, and other groups on the government and political opposition.

COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 4; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H

B. Military and Security


1) Military Developments (FMCC)


-- Military capabilities, intentions, and actions in support of or against existing political leadership or government activities. -- Progress of or obstacles to the integration of former government, rebel, and militia fighters into a new armed force; loyalty of units integrated from former armed opponents. -- Impact of ethnic, political, regional, or tribal divisions within the military and other security forces on morale, readiness, placement of leaders, and support for the government. -- Indications of military involvement in human rights abuses, recruiting of children, criminal or corrupt activity, or anti-government insurgency. -- Loyalties, cohesion, discord, rivalries, competing agendas or ambitions, and signs of dissension within military leadership, officer corps, and ranks; evidence of corruption/criminal activity in the military or security forces and effects on preparedness. -- Extent and effects of ethnic and political divisions within the military and between the military and political leadership. -- Attitudes toward AFRICOM; willingness to cooperate with AFRICOM. -- Ability and willingness to cooperate with forces from neighboring countries and deployed peacekeeping forces to manage threats. -- Personnel strength levels, force structure, doctrine, modernization plans, training, discipline, professionalism, morale, order of battle, logistics, combat effectiveness, and capabilities of military services. -- Details on military facilities, such as airfields and army camps, and on military equipment, including numbers, operational status, and procurement/refurbishment activity. -- Details about military relations with other countries, especially China, Libya, Sudan, North Korea, Iran, Russia, Ukraine, Belarus and other former Soviet bloc countries. -- Details about foreign military assistance and training. -- Attitudes toward and impact of US military training. -- Details on defense budget by function and service. -- Development and implementation of mechanisms for civil control of the military. -- Public attitudes towards the military and other security forces.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5H; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


2) Weapons Procurement (FMCC)


-- Details of arms acquisitions and arms sales by government or insurgents, including negotiations, contracts, deliveries, terms of sale, quantity and quality of equipment, and price and payment terms. -- Transfer of strategic materials such as uranium. -- Information on insurgent groups' weapons and material entry and transshipment points, routes, and destinations. -- Indications of smuggling and weapons and weapons repair parts trafficking. -- Factory markings and paint/color schemes on all arms/weapon systems and their munitions acquired or produced locally.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5H; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


3) Police and Paramilitary Forces (CINT)


-- Non-military security force loyalties, leadership, capabilities, organization, size, locations, and ethnic composition. -- Roles and missions of various units. -- Evidence of splits within police and paramilitary forces. -- Evidence of contact and cooperation with rebel groups. -- Ability to maintain local security without intervention or assistance of military forces. -- Reports of misconduct, human rights violations, or involvement in illegal/illicit activities, or the misuse of foreign training funds or equipment. -- Evidence of conflict between security forces and the military.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5H; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


4) GRPO can provide text of this issue and related requirements.


5) Support to US Military Contingency Planning (HREL)


-- Details on developments that could prompt US contingency planning for non-combatant evacuation operations (NEO) or humanitarian assistance. -- Host nation support for evacuation or humanitarian assistance by US forces (AFRICOM), including host nation ability and willingness to protect US citizens and/or facilities. -- Government plans and capabilities to cope with emergencies, including civilian and military response, or to request or accept assistance from the US, UN, or others. -- Government or other organizations' plans to work with UN and international donor and NGO groups in relief and reconstruction efforts, resettlement programs, and development assistance. -- Details on obstacles to aid distribution and implementation of humanitarian aid programs. -- Details of emergency infrastructure, including locations, descriptions, and capabilities of military, police, and fire response resources. -- Location and description of third-country diplomatic and aid/NGO facilities, and of leaders' residences and alternate locations. -- Information on the character and severity of existing or potential future humanitarian crises resulting from natural disasters or from internal or regional violence. -- Description and locations of potential evacuation sites, hospitals, hotels, government installations, religious sites and shrines, civilian institutions including schools and stadiums, diplomatic facilities, educational and medical facilities, and culturally significant sites. -- Evacuation routes, including chokepoints and potential impediments. -- Volcanic activity on the Congo (Kinshasa)/Rwanda border.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 4; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


6) Terrorism (TERR)


-- Individuals and organizations supporting international terrorism, including legitimate businesses and financial transactions, money laundering, drug trafficking, logistical support, cyber crime, and document forgeries. -- Extent to which ethnic, tribal, religious and regional fragmentation could serve to attract international terrorist groups. -- Evidence of transit and safe haven by transnational and regional terrorist groups. -- Vulnerability of populace to Islamic extremism. -- Evidence of domestic terrorist groups. -- Indications of funding from Gulf-based financiers or NGOs.
COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5H; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H INTERNATIONAL TERRORIST GROUPS: HIZBALLAH (LEBANESE)-PRIORITY 1 REGIONAL REBEL GROUPS AND NON-STATE ACTORS WHO CARRY OUT ATROCITIES AND TERRORIST ACTIVITIES: ALLIED DEMOCRATIC FORCES (ADF), DEMOCRATIC FORCES FOR THE LIBERATION OF RWANDA (FDLR), LORD,S RESISTANCE ARMY (LRA)-PRIORITY- 4


C. Societal Challenges


1) Refugees (DEMG)


-- Government plans, policies, and efforts regarding refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs). -- Government capability and willingness to absorb, register, assist, and protect refugees and IDPs. -- Government capability and willingness to protect and assist NGO and aid agency personnel. -- Plans and intentions of rebel forces to cooperate, hinder, or manipulate aid for refugees and IDPs. -- Indications of rebel or militia forces infiltrating refugee camps or groups, or using such camps/groups to mask their activities. -- Public attitudes for or against repatriation of IDPs or refugees. -- Information on neighboring country efforts regarding refugees and IDPs. -- Number, location, and size of refugee and IDP areas (to include hospitals, churches, and other de facto IDP areas as well as traditional camps); transit routes used by refugees and IDPs. -- Numbers, age, gender, ethnicity, general health and security conditions, nature and extent of critical needs of refugees and IDPs. -- Factors driving refugee movements; links between refugee movements and political and economic stability. -- Indications that the inability of returning refugees to reclaim their land is contributing to instability. -- Details of cross-border criminal activity, including travel routes and nodes, transshipment sites, communications, and financial facilitators, especially for human smuggling and trafficking. -- Attitudes toward women; women,s legal rights, especially rights to education, work, land ownership, and inheritance. -- Process and effects of migration and demographic shifts within and among regional nations, including movement from rural to urban areas and youth bulge. -- Details about geographic distribution of population and internal migration. -- Information on population density, population growth, age breakdowns, economic and housing characteristics, ethnic and religious affiliations, occupations, literacy, educational attainment, access to electricity, water, and sanitation.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 3; RWANDA- PRIORITY 3


2) Human Rights and War Crimes (HRWC)


-- Plans, intentions, and actions of rebel and militia groups, federal and state government officials, military, intelligence and other security services, to commit human rights violations, including mass killings, extra judicial killing, forced disappearance, torture, sexually based violence, arbitrary arrest, police brutality, and persecution of minorities and ethnic factions. -- Indications that policies targeting civilians could be perceived as strategically advantageous to a government, rebel, or militia group. -- Indications of leaders, failure to instill discipline within armies, rebel groups, or militias that could lead to human rights violations and abuses. -- Ethnic/regional tensions that might fuel genocidal activity, including scapegoating or calls for violence against noncombatants of a particular ethnic, regional, or political group by government, rebel, or militia groups. -- Indications of mobilization or force posturing directed against civilians. -- Threats against or denial of access to media, foreigners, or NGOs to areas of concern. -- Support for or response to activities of international criminal tribunals, including the International Criminal Court. -- Ability and willingness of all levels of government to promote human rights. -- Details on government policies, procedures, and efforts regarding prevention of human rights abuses, including efforts to marginalize specific groups of people. -- Efforts of the police and military to uphold or violate human rights. -- Government intentions to follow through on investigations and prosecution of human rights abuses. -- Indications that ambiguity between civilians and combatants could lead to violence against civilians. -- Plans and activities of the government to use food, or other government-controlled commodities, as a political tool. -- Evidence of attacks or planned attacks on peacekeepers and humanitarian aid workers; limitations on the activities of NGOs. -- Evidence that humanitarian aid agencies are preparing for an increase in the number of civilian casualties or refugees. -- Evidence that truth and reconciliation activities or war crimes trials are increasing or decreasing tension or fostering or alleviating instability. -- Landmine or explosive remnant of war (ERW) casualties and evidence of mine stockpiling; government intentions to clear landmine/ERW areas.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI- PRIORITY 4; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 3; RWANDA- PRIORITY 4


3) Infectious Disease and Health (HLTH)


-- Government plans, policies, and capabilities to prevent, control, and treat existing and emerging disease outbreaks, particularly HIV/AIDS, malaria, tuberculosis, polio, and avian influenza. -- Details of infectious diseases and general health conditions including number of cases, percentage, fatalities, dates, and areas of occurrence. Also if possible, provide historical data in order to compare recent data collection. -- HIV statistics, including percentage of military, police force, and orphans that are HIV positive. --Information concerning the influence of traditional healers on infectious diseases as well as endemic health issues. -- Details on drug resistant strains, including malaria, HIV/AIDS, avian influenza, and tuberculosis. --Information concerning maternal and child health, in terms of access to prenatal care, statistics on the types of pregnancy-related poor outcomes related to infant and/or maternal morbidity/mortality, and access to well-baby clinics. -- Access to care information, including regions and populations with access to advanced levels of care and those without basic prevention and treatment needs. -- Information on medical professionals, including number of personnel by type (nurse, physician, midwife, etc.), medical specialty, and location (urban or rural). -- Education and training requirements for medical professionals; locations of institutions where training is available. -- Information on medical facilities/hospitals, including capabilities, personnel, training, equipment, etc. Disaster response capability/plan. -- Details about contaminated food, water, air, and soil and the effect on health. Toxic industrial chemical contamination, including types of industrial facilities, chemicals on site, and products being generated. -- Details on water, food, and vector-borne diseases, including location, prevalence, and virulence. -- Government efforts to protect the population from zoonotic (animal to human transmission capable) diseases; details on the stockpile and storage of vaccines. -- Information on drug addiction treatment facilities. -- Information on mental health issues, including the government,s willingness to report, the types and severity of mental health problems, and access to care. -- Chronic disease information, including types and access to treatment, such as diabetes and cardiovascular disease.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 4; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


4) Food Security and Agriculture (FOOD)


-- Government policies, plans, intentions, and actions regarding food security and food safety, and willingness to cooperate with UN and other donor agencies. -- Nutritional status of population, including refugees. -- Indications that rising food prices are adversely affecting nutritional status and/or contributing to instability; use of subsidies or export/import bans. -- Yields and prospects for cash and subsistence crops; changes in agricultural practices, such as cropping patterns and crop selection; use/availability of seeds and fertilizers. -- Government acceptance of genetically modified food and propagation of genetically modified crops. -- Status of structural adjustments and infrastructure improvements to increase agricultural producer income and reduce migration to urban areas. -- Information on surface and groundwater resources, to include sources, treatment, distribution and storage. -- Indications that deforestation, desertification, erosion and degradation of soils are affecting agricultural output. -- Food contamination affecting population health. -- Indications of invasive species, especially those affecting food security or development. -- Indications of water table degradation, decreases in lake levels below historic norms, or evidence of territorial disputes associated with declining water resources or quality.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI- PRIORITY 5; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


5) Economic Stability (ECFS)


-- Overall economic status, including government plans and will to implement free-market reform, to ensure consistent regulations, and to uphold the rule of law on economic issues. -- Government plans and intentions to address economic effects of war and conflict, such as shortages of fuel, electric power, and food; unemployment; and wage arrears, particularly the inability to pay troops. -- Fiscal policies and investment strategies, financial and commercial links within and outside the region, status of foreign currency reserves, and positions on bilateral and multilateral economic issues and negotiations. -- Details of Chinese trade, aid, and investment activities. -- Public and expert perceptions of the effect on economic performance of corruption among government and business elites and of the competence of economic administrators. -- Policies and actions to attract foreign investment; plans and intentions of foreign nationals or companies to invest or start up new business ventures. -- Government strategy and objectives for engagement with international financial institutions--World Bank, IMF, African Development Bank--for loans, grants, debt management, and restructuring. -- Details on economic assistance needs and requests, including donors, projects, and effectiveness of current or proposed aid. -- Status of raw materials industries, including plans to develop/exploit resource deposits. -- Government plans and objectives regarding land reallocation; effects of land reallocation on indigenous population, commercial farmers, militant interest groups, and its impact on foreign investment. -- Indications of ethnic/regional tensions over resources, such as land and water. -- Details on and public perception of economic growth, including youth employment prospects. -- Statistics on economic indicators, including remittances. -- Details, capabilities, and potentially required repairs and upgrades of infrastructure and lines of communication, such as airfields, landing zones, river ports, rail lines, roads, bridges, medical facilities, and electric power, petroleum, and water facilities.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5H; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


D. External Relations


1) Regional Relations (SRCC)


-- Policy toward and relations with regional states, particularly with regard to ongoing conflicts, support for foreign dissidents, border incursions, peace negotiations, refugee assistance and repatriation, trade, aid, and security agreements. -- Government views and perceptions about activities and intentions of regional organizations, such as the African Union (AU), the East African Community (EAC), and other regional organizations. -- Activities of mercenaries or private security firms in assisting military forces or insurgencies; mercenary or private security firm involvement in trafficking activities.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 4; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5


2) International Relations (FPOL)


-- Government leader views and policies toward the US, AFRICOM, and international organizations; plans and intentions to support or oppose US positions in international fora. -- Public and private attitudes toward the US, AFRICOM, and US policies. -- Foreign alliances and activities, especially those involving China and Iran. -- Agreements and concessions negotiated with foreign states and non-state actors for military, paramilitary, or economic assistance. -- Government views and perceptions about activities and intentions of non-regional nations and organizations, particularly China, Iran, France, UN, and the European Union (EU). -- Perceptions by the civilian population towards the UN, particularly improvements or failures of UN efforts to address human rights abuses by peacekeeping forces. -- Plans and efforts of countries or organizations to arbitrate or influence conflict resolution. -- Efforts to enforce or circumvent sanctions against Iran, North Korea, and terrorist groups. -- Political will and intentions of governments to participate in or support peacekeeping operations sponsored by regional organizations, such as ECOWAS, or by the UN, US, France, or other. -- Willingness to contribute forces to African Union (AU) Standby Brigade Forces (e.g. EASBRIG) and/or the will to provide meaningful participation in CEEAC - Economic Community of Central African States) -- Government plans, intentions, and capabilities to provide, train, equip, transport, maintain, supply, and fund international peacekeeping forces, including providing command, control, communications, and intelligence. -- Military willingness and capability to train with other nations in programs such as the US Africa Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA) and Joint Combined Exercise for Training (JCET) programs, and to participate in peacekeeping operations. -- Local population relationship with foreign peacekeeping forces. -- Capabilities, attitudes, and behavior of peacekeepers from or stationed in regional nations, including understanding of and adherence to human rights standards. -- Government cooperation regarding rescue/recovery of US/allied POW/MIAs and detained/kidnapped US/allied citizens.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5H; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


E. Overarching Issues


1) Media Structure and Availability (INFR)


-- Government, public, and private perceptions of status of press freedom. -- Evidence of media control or manipulation, in particular to incite unrest, by government, opposition groups, non-state actors, and other groups. -- Details on print and broadcast media, including name, content, ownership, target audience, staff, broadcast frequency and power. -- Internet availability and use. -- Extent of, access to, and identity of, foreign television and radio broadcasts, and news publications. -- Changes to the UN commitment to provide media services in the eastern Congolese provinces.


COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


2) Information Systems and Telecommunications Infrastructure (INFR)


-- Current specifications, vulnerabilities, capabilities, and planned upgrades to, national telecommunications infrastructure and information systems, command and control systems, networks, and technologies used by government, military, and private sector. -- Details about foreign assistance (especially Chinese) for improvements to the national telecommunications grid. -- National leadership use of, and dependencies on, dedicated telecommunications infrastructures and information systems. -- Details about national and regional telecommunications policies, programs, regulations, service providers, vendors, and training. -- Details about internet and intranet use, infrastructure, and government oversight. -- Plans and efforts to acquire U.S. export-controlled telecommunications technology. -- Details about information repositories for Radio Frequency Identification-enabled systems used for passports, government badges, and transportation systems. -- Official and personal phone numbers, fax numbers, and e-mail addresses of principal civilian and military leaders.

COUNTRIES: BURUNDI-PRIORITY 5H; CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC- PRIORITY 5H; RWANDA- PRIORITY 5H


II. Country Specific Issues


A. Mineral Resources (ENVR)


-- Details on mining of diamonds, copper, cobalt, uranium, other minerals, and oil extraction: number and location of mines, production statistics and revenue generated, and extent of control given to China and other foreign governments, companies or consortiums; export statistics. -- Details on mineral, oil and other resource exploitation by rebel groups and foreign elements to include type and location of resources exploited, and revenue generated through sales, customs duties, taxation, and access control. -- Government ability/willingness to deal with environmental abuses.


COUNTRIES: CONGO, DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC-PRIORITY 5H


B. Genocidal Legacy Issues (HRWC)


-- Government attitudes and intentions toward Tutsi survivors, Tutsis operating outside the power elite, Hutus, returning Hutu fighters/refugees, and Twa. -- Indications of increased ethnic tensions that could spark renewed violence. -- Government plans and intentions to counter ethnic violence or genocide; identification of government officials encouraging violence. -- Information on policies concerning human rights, democratization, political inclusion, reconciliation, land ownership and tenancy, and political prisoners. -- Public attitudes toward traditional judicial courts (gacaca) and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. -- Information on participation in human rights abuses, including extra judicial killings by Rwanda Defense Forces (RDF); paramilitary, including local defense forces; police, security forces; or Tutsi civilians against Hutus. -- Divisions within President Kagame's inner circle and his party, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). -- Public attitudes toward the FDLR and subgroups; links between those groups and supporters outside the Great Lakes Region. -- Information about identification, location and arrest of such leaders.

COUNTRIES: RWANDA- PRIORITY 4

CLINTON

© The Guardian

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

AS International

AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.

Profile

I am Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, an Economist, Content Manager, and EDI Expert, driven by a passion for human rights activism. With a deep commitment to advancing human rights in Africa, particularly in the Great Lakes region, I established this blog following firsthand experiences with human rights violations in Rwanda and in the DRC (formerly Zaïre) as well. My journey began with collaborations with Amnesty International in Utrecht, the Netherlands, and with human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and a conference in Helsinki, Finland, where I was a panelist with other activists from various countries. My mission is to uncover the untold truth about the ongoing genocide in Rwanda and the DRC. As a dedicated voice for the voiceless, I strive to raise awareness about the tragic consequences of these events and work tirelessly to bring an end to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)'s impunity. This blog is a platform for Truth and Justice, not a space for hate. I am vigilant against hate speech or ignorant comments, moderating all discussions to ensure a respectful and informed dialogue at African Survivors International Blog.

Genocide masterminded by RPF

Finally the well-known Truth Comes Out. After suffering THE LONG years, telling the world that Kagame and his RPF criminal organization masterminded the Rwandan genocide that they later recalled Genocide against Tutsis. Our lives were nothing but suffering these last 32 years beginning from October 1st, 1990 onwards. We are calling the United States of America, United Kingdom, Japan, and Great Britain in particular, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Germany to return to hidden classified archives and support Honorable Tito Rutaremara's recent statement about What really happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994 across the country and how methodically the Rwandan Genocide has been masterminded by Paul Kagame, the Rwandan Hitler. Above all, Mr. Tito Rutaremara, one of the RPF leaders has given details about RPF infiltration methods in Habyarimana's all instances, how assassinations, disappearances, mass-slaughters across Rwanda have been carried out from the local autority to the government,fabricated lies that have been used by Gacaca courts as weapon, the ICTR in which RPF had infiltrators like Joseph Ngarambe, an International court biased judgments & condemnations targeting Hutu ethnic members in contraversal strategy compared to the ICTR establishment to pursue in justice those accountable for crimes between 1993 to 2003 and Mapping Report ignored and classified to protect the Rwandan Nazis under the RPF embrella . NOTHING LASTS FOREVER.

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Everything happens for a reason

Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.

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