A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Wednesday, October 5, 2016
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
How a "British NGO" changed the course of Rwandan history and
helped fuel impunity in Africa’s Great Lakes region
But just how did Omaar and de Waal—neither of whom spoke Kinyarwanda or
were versed in Rwandan history—produce such an authoritative, insider-driven
opus on the mechanics of killing? How did they get access in so little time to
a massive archive of witness testimony? With the help of the Rwandan Patriotic
Front (RPF), of course.
Luc Reydams specializes in iNGO Justice: African Rights as Pseudo
Prosecutor of the Rwandan Genocide” in Human Rights Quarterly deconstructs the NGO’s murky operations and
methods. Reydams also provides compelling evidence that African Rights became a
RPF front organization and its account of the genocide was produced with the
“full and active support of the RPF.” The RPF, under Paul Kagame, won the war
and has been in power since 1994.
International criminal law and justice and teaches
politics at Notre Dame University in the United States. His groundbreaking
research on African Rights, recently published, is both a feat in investigative
journalism and academic scholarship. His article “
Eventually African Rights ended up on the RPF payroll, working closely with
intelligence operatives and even moving to a building that housed the
Directorate of Military Intelligence, Reydams reveals. By that time, de Waal
had left the organization. Yet even before de Waal and Omaar parted ways, African
Rights had become enormously prescriptive and influential; it scolded the
international community about who was morally right during the war, who should
be arrested and why. It staunchly defended the RPF against reports that its
troops had engaged in violence and shamed other human rights investigators and
journalists for calling attention to RPF abuses: “Allegations that the RPF was
massacring civilians were ‘hysteria’ and journalists who ran such ‘stories’
were not doing their work properly.” Reydams aptly points out that “human
rights reports usually do not defend a warring party.
Yet, Death, Despair and
Defiancedoes exactly that. The RPF’s resumption of the war is
presented as humanitarian intervention and, therefore, a ceasefire was out of
the question.”
Not surprisingly, African Rights’ work, which provided
a one-sided, sanitized version of the Rwandan genocide, did not stand the test
of time. Corruption
A former ICTR investigator had this to say: “After a few months, we
realized that Death, Despair and Defiance was not so accurate, some incidents (not the
major ones though) were impossible to verify; the accounts in the book, very
precise, were not confirmed by our witnesses. At that time, Death, Despair and Defiance was seen as not very reliable and clearly Rakiya
Omaar was not considered an expert witness who could be used in court. To my
recollection, she was met by ICTR investigators at the beginning of the work in
1995. The request to access her sources was never successful and the relation
with her became difficult. She did not shy from criticisms against the ICTR.
Her links to RPF became quite obvious in subsequent reports on protection of
witnesses and other stuff, with no words at all on the RPF’s own
The work of Omaar and de Waal should have been discredited publicly long ago, but it wasn’t. And the impact of their research has been nothing short of devastating. Their book primed public opinion on the conflict and shaped the way the world saw the RPF as moral victors and Hutus as perpetrators. Their research has been absorbed and regurgitated uncritically by experts and human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch’s seminal account of the genocide, Leave None to Tell the Story was published in 1999 and became the subsequent bible at the ICTR. That book cites Death, Despair and Defiance a record 42 times.
The work of Omaar and de Waal should have been discredited publicly long ago, but it wasn’t. And the impact of their research has been nothing short of devastating. Their book primed public opinion on the conflict and shaped the way the world saw the RPF as moral victors and Hutus as perpetrators. Their research has been absorbed and regurgitated uncritically by experts and human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch’s seminal account of the genocide, Leave None to Tell the Story was published in 1999 and became the subsequent bible at the ICTR. That book cites Death, Despair and Defiance a record 42 times.
Most troubling is how the NGO has fueled RPF impunity over the years.
African Rights categorically denied RPF crimes, helped shield Paul Kagame’s
government from prosecution, and even defended its war of aggression in Congo.
In a separate interview I conducted, a Tutsi survivor
who worked for African Rights on the NGO’s second edition of the book—published
in 1995—told me he collected testimony from Hutu peasants on RPF killings. When
he went to Omaar to discuss incorporating this research, he said she told him
flatly: “now is not the time.” In later years when he was doing research for
African Rights ahead of traditional Gacaca court proceedings, he emphasized the
issue of Hutu accounts of RPF massacres. Again she told him to let it go. “Now
is not the time,” she insisted. The Tutsi survivor was eventually threatened by
the RPF’s chief intelligence enforcer Jack Nziza, and was forced to flee the
country to escape death.
At a minimum, Omar could come clean about what she may
have observed in RPF zones where she traveled with RPF cadres in places such as
Rusumo in May 1994. Aid workers reported that Kagame’s Tutsi forces called Hutu
refugees to a ‘peace meeting’ in Rusumo then proceeded to tie up men, women and
children before stabbing and killing them. The bodies were placed on trucks and
eventually dumped in the Kagera River, according to a UN protection report
released by Refugees International in mid-May. I can imagine that Omaar could fill
another book on the secrets she has kept.
De Waal, for his part, dutifully transcribed Omaar’s
survivor accounts. He now teaches at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy
at Tufts University. He is considered an academic powerhouse for his extensive
work on Rwanda, Sudan and the Horn of Africa, and has long held sway in British
media, having published in The Guardian and the Times Literary Supplement and being regularly cited by the BBC. In his interview with Reydams,
de Waal brazenly takes credit for creating a narrative of the genocide. He
admits he met with senior RPF officials such as Theogene Rudasingwa and Patrick
Mazimpaka in the spring/summer of 1994:
“The dominant narratives in
the media for the first part of April were tribal killing and chaos,” de Waal
told Reydams. “Journalists and quite a number of aid workers were contributing
to this. The point of the ‘Who is killing, who is dying’ report, and an article
I wrote in the Times (‘Rwanda genocide took three [sic] years to plan’) was to
remedy that. I also wrote a piece ‘The genocidal state’ for the Times Literary
Supplement at the same time but they held on to it until July and only
published it then (to my enormous frustration as it was the most serious
piece.) It was quite an uphill struggle, and in order to do it, as you will
see, I decided it was necessary to craft an alternative narrative.
“When I first discussed it with Rwandese in London
(almost all Tutsis; some were RPF and some not) their focus was on the politics
of the interim government and a different set of narratives. One of them was
Mazimpaka: he was flailing. They provided me with documents such as the Hutu
Ten Commandments but said they weren’t that important. When the
genocide-as-conspiracy narrative took off, the RPF took it up, for obvious
reasons.”
As Reydams points out,
Theoneste Bagosora, the Hutu colonel who African Rights named as the architect
of the Rwandan genocide, was acquitted of conspiracy and any direct role in the
genocide by the ICTR, as were three other accused individuals who stood trial
in the Military I case. “No one, for that matter, has been convicted of
conspiracy before April 7, 1994. The genocide-as-conspiracy narrative, which
African Rights helped to propagate, failed to convince the judges,” Reydams
writes.
As though this wasn’t shocking enough, de Waal used
his formidable intellectual skills to critically shape the way the West viewed
Rwandan Hutus and the menace they posed to the Tutsi-led government in Rwanda.
In one of his more rabid essays in November 1996—a few weeks after Rwandan
troops had invaded Zaire—de Waal openly advocated war. In an op-ed in The Guardian titled “No Bloodless Miracle”, de Waal said there could be “no
bloodless political solution” to the conflict in Central Africa. He launched a
passionate plea for an armed attack against refugee camps that housed more than
a million Hutus in eastern Zaire. He claimed that the inhabitants of Mugunga
refugee camp—where some 175,000 Rwandan men, women and children were living—did
not have a well-founded fear of persecution in Rwanda, were not bona fide
refugees, and should not qualify for protection under the Refugee Convention.
The Hutus there, he said, were “fugitives from justice or migrants.”
He argued that peaceful negotiations would be a chimera and that Hutu
extremists in the camps could not be disarmed. “War cannot be stopped,” he
warned. “If we are not prepared to go and destroy the Hutu militias, we should
not stand in the way of the people who are prepared to do so.”
De Waal’s dualist approach to conflict in the Great
Lakes—one side was good and the other was evil—shamefully served to fuel the
violence.
We know how it ended of course. Kagame’s troops
attacked the camps, sending hundreds of thousands of refugees further west into
the Zairean jungle, where Tutsi soldiers eventually hunted them down, hacked
and shot them, and buried them in mass graves. In 2010, the United Nations said
the Rwandan Patriotic Front may have committed genocide against Hutus in Congo.
In June 2016, likely
pre-empting the release of Reydams’ investigation, de Waal wrote a lengthy
essay in the Boston Review titled “Writing Human Rights and Getting It
Wrong”. He
admitted he was wrong about the genocide being planned years in advance, but
said he did not regret his “role in helping to write the genocide narrative for
Rwanda in 1994 or transcribing and publishing survivors’ testimonies. They are
uncooked and authentic.”
What he does regret, he admitted, is his silence in
1997 as the RPF “spun the singular genocide narrative to justify its emergent
dictatorship and its escalating military operations in Zaire/Democratic
Republic of the Congo.”
De Waal’s mea culpa drew immediate praise from his legion of academic
followers. However his words rang hollow to many. His confession was too
little, too late for Kagame’s victims in Rwanda and Congo, whose suffering over
the course of 22 years has been incalculable.
The Truth can be buried and
stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a
seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and
Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It
cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.
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