© As International - Community for SurViVors: RPF Impunity

Showing posts with label RPF Impunity. Show all posts

Friday, May 27, 2011

WHO ARE KAGAME'S FRIENDS ABROAD?

Don't let idiots rule a country when you could do it a lot better!

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.

So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]

IT IS TIME TO CHOOSE between betraying the country and supporting the Rwandan dictator !

As President Kagame scrambles to re-invent his tarnished image as the ruler who kills innocent Rwandans at home and abroad, a war criminal, corrupt leader and absolute dictator, he is desperately turning to members of the so-called Presidential Advisory Council for help. The million dollar question is: will the foreigners among them remain on board Kagame's sinking ship? Are they innocently, blindly ( or naively) backing Kagame without knowledge of his criminal activities in Rwanda and abroad? What kind of advice do they give a ruler who refuses to account for his crimes, and is surely taking the country to civil war and more bloodshed? Can they now instead champion the interests of the vast majority of the Rwandan people, instead of befriending a corrupt and blood-stained dictator? The choice is theirs.

Here are the members of the Presidential Advisory Council (PAC):

Louise Mushikiwabo (Rwanda) – Minister of Foreign Affairs
James Musoni (Rwanda) – Minister of Local Government
John Rwangombwa (Rwanda) – Minister of Finance
Francois Kanimba (Rwanda) – Minister of Commerce
James Kimonyo (Rwanda) – Ambassador to the United States
Emmanuel Ndahiro (Rwanda) – Kagame's Chief of Intelligence
Francis Gatare (Rwanda) – Principal Private Secretary to President Kagame
Christian Angermayer (Germany) – Investment banker and investor
Tony Blair (UK) – Former UK Prime Minister
Paul Davenport (Canadian) – President, University of Western Ontario

Dale Dawson (USA) – Founder & CEO of Bridge2Rwanda

Michael Fairbanks (USA) – Founder of OTF Group and SEVEN Fund

Scott Ford (USA) – Founder & CEO of Westrock Partners and Rwanda Trading Company

Tom Hunter (UK) – Scottish businessman and philanthropist
Donald Kaberuka (Rwanda) – President of African Development Bank
Sir David King (UK) – Director of Smith School at Oxford

Kaia Miller (USA) – Founder of Aslan Global
Clet Niyikiza (USA/Rwanda) – Senior VP-Development of Merrimack Pharmaceuticals
Michael Porter (USA) – Professor at Harvard Business School, author on competitive
strategy

Michael Roux (Australia) – Chair of Roux International, former Vice-Chairman of
Citigroup
John Rucyahana (Rwanda) – Retired Anglican Bishop, President of National Unity and Reconciliation Commission
Doug Shears (Australia) – Executive Chairman of ICM Australia
Eliane Ubalijoro (Canada/Rwanda) – Professor at McGill University, Developing area studies
Rick Warren (USA) – Pastor at Saddleback Church/PEACE Plan, author of Purpose Driven Life

African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;

ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Tuesday, May 24, 2011

Victoire needs your support - She deserves our support

<><><><><>

Victoire heeft uw steun nodig

Ze verdient onze steun

Geachte landgenoot,

Het proces vindt plaats in een maand.

Ze zal worden geholpen door drie advocaten;twee Brits en een Rwandese.

Geef uw bijdrage aan deze kosten.

Dank u

========================================

Victoire a besoin de ton aide

Elle mérite notre soutien

Ne l’abandonnons pas

Cher compatriote,

Le procès aura lieu dans un mois

Elle sera assistée par trois avocats :deux Britanniques et un rwandais

SVP donnes ta contribution aux frais .
Merci

Victoire akeneye inkunga yawe .

Victoire akwiye inkunga yacu.

Ntitumutererane

Mu rubanza rwe azunganirwa na ba avoka batatu :abongereza babili n’umunyarwanda

Tanga inkunga yawe.Tubaye tugushimiye .
Urakoze.

========================================

Victoire needs your support - She deserves our support

Dear compatriot,

The trial will take place in a month.

She will be assisted by three lawyers: two British and one Rwandan.

Please give your contribution to these costs.

Thank you
Rekeningnummer (compte nr, bank account) : 114031347

Friday, May 6, 2011

POLITICAL PRISONER INGABIRE HELD IN SOLITARY CONFINMENT.

Kigali 06 May 2011

According to various reports, Ms. Ingabire Victoire is punished for her fight.

The Rwandan vile and nauseating hypocrisy.

Ms. Victoire Ingabire is spending her 204th day in captivity in maximum prison today.

More isolation measures are now in force. The party members who visited the prison today were not given a chance to see Ms. Victoire Ingabire, FDU-INKINGI chairperson. The jailers informed that they have orders to follow and that any other questions should be addressed to the Minister in charge of internal Security.

On 29 April 2011 a dozen of FDU-INKINGI party members were chased away by the maximum prison security staff. Security minister Fazil Harelimana told the BBC Kinyarwanda that Madam Victoire Ingabire “must submit in advance herself a list of 5 people prior to the visitation days because the government does not want anybody to disturb prisoners when they are watching TV, reading or enjoying their siesta” . The political prisoner is incommunicado and has no means to pre-screen and shortlist her visitors days before. This is enormously inconvenient and has the direct effect of making visits impossible.

Since January 2011, the defense counsel has not been allowed to take confidential instructions from the client due to continuous and persistent monitoring of their discussions by security operatives. Prompt access has been often denied too. Those persistent violations of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights are seriously compromising all chances for a fair trial in Rwanda.

We call upon President Paul Kagame and his government to consider the humanity of political prisoners and remove all those obstacles.

TAKE ACTION! EMAIL THE ABOVE REPORT TO WORLD POWERS AND THE MEDIA

FDU-Inkingi
African SurViVors International (ASI) is an international nonpartisan charity organization devoted to defending human rights. It’s an organization working to promote democracy and national reconciliation, inside countries of the African Great lakes Region.

ASI centers its work on the twin concepts of freedom of self-determination and freedom from tyranny. These ideals include the belief that all human beings have the rights to speak freely, to associate with those of like mind, and to leave and enter their countries. Individuals in a free society must be accorded equal treatment and due process under law, and must have the opportunity to participate in the governments of their countries;
ASI’s ideals likewise find expression in the conviction that all human beings have the right to be free from arbitrary detainment or exile and from interference and coercion in matters of conscience. ASI does not support nor condone violence.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Wednesday, April 27, 2011

The Rwandan Genocide - U.N. Security Council resolution 955, 8 November 1994

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality: the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization. So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=> ASI]

Why the evil Rwandan dictator attempts to dismiss the importance of
The U.N. Security Council Resolution 955??

***

General Kagame seeking rehabilitation by all means

***

Introduction

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) is the first international court of law established to prosecute high-ranking individuals for massive human rights violations in Africa. The purpose of this court is to prosecute those allegedly responsible for the 1994 Rwandan Genocide.

Background

Following the assassination of Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana on 6 April 1994, the Great Lakes country of Rwanda descended into civil war and genocide. Hutu extremists in the National Republican Movement for Development and Democracy (MRND) and the Rwandan Armed Forces (RAF) launched an extermination campaign against moderate Hutu and the entire Tutsi ethnic minority. By the time the civil war and genocide ended on 19 July 1994, over 800,000 Rwandans had been murdered.

In an effort to punish those responsible for genocide, the United Nations established the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. On 8 November 1994, the United Nations Security Council adopted resolution 955 (1994), which established “an international tribunal for the sole purpose of prosecuting persons responsible for genocide and other serious violations of international humanitarian law committed in the territory of Rwanda and Rwandan citizens responsible for genocide and other such violations committed in the territory of neighboring States, between 1 January 1994 and 31 December 1994.”

As a Chapter VII Security Council resolution, the ICTR asserts primacy over the domestic laws and national courts of third States, and has the ability to force the surrender of an accused, be they a Rwandan citizen or not, located in Rwanda or any third State. As provided in Security Council resolution 977 (1995) of 22 February 1995, the ICTR is headquartered in Arusha, Tanzania, with additional offices located in Kigali, New York and The Hague.
Composition of the ICTR

The ICTR is governed by its Statute, which is annexed to Security Council resolution 955 (1994). The ICTR consists of three major organs: the Chambers, the Office of the Prosecutor and the Registry.

There are four Chambers in which judges adjudicate trials and motions before the ICTR: three lower Trial Chambers and one Appeals Chamber. Although all three of the lower Trial Chambers are located in Arusha, the ICTR Appeals Chamber also adjudicates for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, and is located in The Hague, Netherlands.

In total, the Chambers consist of 16 permanent judges and 9 ad litem judges, all chosen by the United Nations General Assembly. There are three permanent judges for each of the three Trial Chambers, and seven permanent judges for the Appeals Chamber; however, only five of these seven permanent judges sit on the Appeals Chamber at any given time.

Although 9 ad litem judges serve on the ICTR, they are selected from a pool of 18 ad litem judges. The pool of 18 ad litem judges was created to expedite the judicial process on 14 August 2002 through Security Council resolution 1431 (2002). Originally, only four ad litem judges could serve on the ICTR at any given time, but due to the pressures of the judicial calendar and the Security Council’s desire to close down the Tribunal by 2009, the number of serving ad litem judges was increased to nine on 27 October 2003 through resolution 1512 (2003).

The Office of the Prosecutor is responsible for investigating all crimes under which the ICTR has jurisdiction, prepares indictments, and prosecutes defendants. The Registry is responsible for providing all administrative support to the Chambers and the Prosecutor.

Major Cases before the ICTR

On 9 January 1997, the ICTR held its first trial, one of the most momentous cases in international law: The Prosecutor v. Jean‑Paul Akayesu. During the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, Jean-Paul Akayesu served as the mayor of Taba, a city in which thousands of Tutsis were systematically raped, tortured and murdered. At the start of his trial, Akayesu faced 12 charges of genocide, crimes against humanity and violations of common article 3 of the 1949 Geneva Conventions in the form of murder, torture and cruel treatment. In June 1997, the Prosecutor added “three counts of crimes against humanity and violations of common article 3/Additional Protocol II for rape, inhumane acts and indecent assault” (Report of the ICTR (S/1997/868)). These additional counts marked the first time in the history of international law that rape was considered a component of genocide.

On 2 September 1998, the ICTR found Akayesu guilty of nine counts of genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide and crimes against humanity for extermination, murder, torture, rape and other inhumane acts. The conviction of Akayesu marked “the first in which an international tribunal was called upon to interpret the definition of genocide as defined in the Convention for the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide” (See ICTR Fact Sheet No. 1, The Tribunal at a Glance). According to the Convention, genocide is defined as “the act of committing certain crimes, including the killing of members of the group or causing serious physical or mental harm to members of the group with the intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, racial or religious group, as such” (Genocide Convention, article 2). As well as interpreting the definition of genocide, the ICTR also indicated that the crime of rape was “a physical invasion of a sexual nature, committed on a person under circumstances which are coercive” (The Prosecutor v. Jean Paul Akayesu, para. 598) and underscored that sexual assault constitutes “genocide in the same way as any other act as long as [it was] committed with the specific intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a particular group, targeted as such” (ibid., para. 731). Akayesu is currently serving life imprisonment in Mali.
Christian Davenport - Rethinking Rwanda, 1994 from JamboNewsTV on Vimeo.

In addition to the important jurisprudence generated from the Akayesu trial, the ICTR also set two major precedents in the trial against Jean Kambanda (The Prosecutor v. Jean Kambanda). Kambanda served as Prime Minister of the Interim Government of Rwanda throughout the entire 100 days of genocide. Kambanda was brought before the ICTR in October 1997 and pleaded guilty to six counts of genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, complicity in genocide, and crimes against humanity. Kambanda’s guilty plea and subsequent conviction marked not only the first time in international law that a Head of Government was convicted of genocide, but also that an accused person acknowledged his guilt for genocide before an international criminal tribunal. Like Akayesu, Kambanda is currently serving life imprisonment in Mali.

Also noteworthy were the ICTR prosecutions of Ferdinand Nahimana and Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza, leaders of Radio Television Libre Milles Collines (RTLM), and of Hassan Ngeze, the founder and director of Kangura newspaper. The ICTR consolidated the indictments of these three men into a single trial, which is more commonly referred to as “The Media Case” (The Prosecutor v. Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze). This trial was the first time since Nuremberg that the role of the media was examined as a component of international criminal law. In 2003, Nahimana, Barayagwiza and Ngeze were convicted on counts of genocide, conspiracy to commit genocide, direct and public incitement to commit genocide, and crimes against humanity. Originally, Nahimana and Ngeze were sentenced to life imprisonment and Barayagwiza was sentenced to 35 years. Upon appeal, Nahimana’s and Ngeze’s sentences were respectively dropped to 30 and 35 years.

According to Prosecutor Hassan B. Jallow, it is expected that between 1997 and the end of 2008, roughly 86 people will have been tried before the ICTR (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the United Nations Security Council, 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904)).

Completion Strategy and Problems

On 28 August 2003, the Security Council adopted resolution 1503 (2003), ordering the ICTR to “take all possible measure to complete investigations by the end of 2004, to complete all trial activities at first instance by the end of 2008, and to complete all work in 2010”. Since the issuance of resolution 1503 (2003), the ICTR has been involved in an active Completion Strategy campaign to comply with this mandate. In 2002 and 2003, the Security Council increased the number of judges serving on the ICTR, via resolutions 1431 (2002) and 1512 (2003), in order to expedite cases before the Tribunal. In addition to speeding up the trials, the Office of the Prosecutor has tried, where possible, to transfer cases to competent national jurisdictions, particularly in Rwanda. Since November 2007, the Office of the Prosecutor has been training the Rwandan judicial sector “in such areas as international criminal law and practice, prosecution strategies, law on indictments, advocacy, court-related information management and online legal research” so that it may be better able to handle any and all transferred cases from the ICTR (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 60). Currently five case referrals to Rwandan national courts, including the case of one fugitive, are awaiting judicial determination (ibid., para. 50).

Despite these efforts, however, the ICTR faces many challenges in executing its Completion Strategy. According to Prosecutor Jallow in a June 2008 statement before the Security Council, “it is now evident that there will still be pending trial activity at the ICTR by the end of 2008… [and] …the need for a proper completion would be best sustained by permitting the ICTR to continue with trial activity beyond the end of 2008 in order to conclude pending cases” (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 9)

In 2008, three high-level fugitives, Callixte Nsabonimana, Dominque Ntawukuriryayo and Augustin Ngirabatware, were arrested. Due to their leadership roles in the Rwandan Genocide, none of these men can be transferred to national jurisdictions. Although the Office of the Prosecutor has been preparing for these trials, it is highly unlikely that all three cases will be adjudicated by the end of 2008.

In addition to the recent increase in workload due to fugitive apprehensions, the ICTR is also threatened with an increased workload due to the inability and unwillingness of national jurisdictions to accept ICTR case referrals. Despite talking to several African countries about the possibility of transferring cases, the Office of the Prosecutor has managed to secure an agreement with only one African State, Rwanda, to accept case referrals (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 48). Furthermore, merely because Rwanda agrees, in theory, to accept ICTR referrals, does not mean that it will try any cases. Recently, the Trial Chambers rejected the Prosecutor’s request to transfer the case of Yusuf Munyakazi to Rwanda, a ruling that the Prosecutor is appealing (The Prosecutor v. Yussuf Munyakazi). In total, five cases can potentially be transferred to Rwanda. However, if none of these five cases are brought under Rwandan jurisdiction, the ICTR would be faced with additional work in 2009, “given that so far no country other than Rwanda has indicated a desire to receive any of these cases” (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 10). Outside of Africa, only three States have agreed to accept ICTR transfers. To date, only two cases have been successfully transferred, and both were sent to France. Recently, the Netherlands revoked its offer to try ICTR defendant Michel Bagaragaza, thus increasing the ICTR’s judicial calendar and further straining its Completion Strategy.

Finally, the ICTR is experiencing difficulty executing its Completion Strategy due to the existence of 13 indicted fugitives and the unwillingness of third party States to help apprehend these men. Since the ICTR can not try any of the 13 fugitives in absentia, it is imperative that they be caught as soon as possible in order for the ICTR to comply with the timeline set forth by the United Nations Security Council. However, several countries, particularly Kenya and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, have, according to Prosecutor Jallow, done little to catch fugitives known to be within their territory and must “intensify cooperation with and render all necessary assistance to the ICTR in connection with efforts to bring” all indictees to the ICTR (Statement by Mr. Hassan B. Jallow, Prosecutor of the ICTR, to the Security Council on 4 June 2008 (S/PV.5904), p. 10). Of the 13 fugitives, 4 are earmarked for trial at the ICTR and 9 face the possibility of a trial under national jurisdictions, should their cases be accepted for referral. Nevertheless, the ICTR is expecting a substantial increase in the number of cases to be adjudicated, well beyond the current timeline, should any of these fugitives be caught.

Génocide rwandais : renversement de perspective
Geüpload door realpolitiktv. - De allerlaatste nieuwscontent.

Although the ICTR has already begun to downsize its activities and staff in compliance with the Completion Strategy, ICTR President Dennis Byron requested in the latest ICTR Completion Strategy report to the Security Council that “in light of the new developments due to exceptional circumstances…the Security Council and Member States…consider an extension of the judges’ mandates [which are due to expire by the end of 2008] so that they may complete the cases at trial… [and] that the Tribunal be provided with adequate resources to respond to the new additional workload [because] the Tribunal’s ability to maintain or improve upon its current level of efficiency is largely dependent on the retention of its highly experienced and qualified judges and staff” (Report on the Completion Strategy (S/2008/322), para. 68).

__________________________
* The author expresses appreciation to Melissa Yasinow for her research and drafting assistance.

Related Materials

A. Legal Instruments

Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, New York, 9 December 1948, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 78, p. 277.

Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded and Sick in Armed Forces in the Field, Geneva , 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 31.

Geneva Convention for the Amelioration of the Condition of the Wounded, Sick and Shipwrecked Members of the Armed Forces at Sea, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 85.

Geneva Convention relative to the Treatment of Prisoners of War, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 135.

Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, Geneva, 12 August 1949, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 75, p. 287.

Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the protection of victims of non-international armed conflicts (Protocol II), Geneva, 8 June 1977, United Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 1125, p. 609.

B. Jurisprudence

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Jean-Paul Akayesu (ICTR-96-4-T), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 2 September 1998.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Jean Kambanda (ICTR 97-23-S), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 4 September 1998.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze (ICTR-99-52-T), Judgement of the Trial Chamber of 3 December 2003.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Ferdinand Nahimana, Jean-Bosco Barayagwiza and Hassan Ngeze v. The Prosecutor (ICTR-99-52-A), Judgement of the Appeals Chamber of 28 November 2007.

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, The Prosecutor v. Yussuf Munyakazi (ICTR-97-36-R11bis), Decision of the Trial Chamber of 28 May 2008 on the Prosecutor’s request for referral of case to the Republic of Rwanda.

C. Documents

Report of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Prosecution of Persons Responsible for Genocide and Other Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law Committed in the Territory of Rwanda and Rwandan Citizens Responsible for Genocide and Other Such Violations Committed in the Territory of Neighbouring States Between 1 January and 31 December 1994, 13 November 1997 (A/52/582-S/1997/868).

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: Fact Sheet No. 1, The Tribunal at a Glance.

Report on the Completion Strategy of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, 13 May 2008 (S/2008/322).

D. Doctrine

V. Morris and M. P. Scharf, The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Irvington-on-Hudson, NY, Transnational Publishers, 1998 (volume one contains analysis, volume two contains documents related to the Tribunal).

Monday, March 21, 2011

The Complicity and Conspiracy in Genocide

The Killing of Rwandan Hutu refugees

in J'accuse

7th Edition

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]

In October 1996 Paul Kagame decided to continue the Hutu hunt down across the border into Congo. This killing mission was not limited to Rwandan Hutu citizens only, but included Congolese of Hutu ethnic background.

Léon Kengo wa Dondo
Chairman of the DRC Senate

On October 1, 2010, the UN finally released its report (read it here) about the war crimes, crimes against humanity, major violations of international laws and possibly a genocide committed by Rwandan troops (APR) and its allies, the Rwandan sponsored Congolese rebel group Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL ). The report describes bombings, killing by blows of hammers and hoes, shootings, mass graves, dumping bodies in river, the calling of crowds to fake meetings, shooting and killing them as they gather, tying hands and legs before the killing, burning alive and dismembering of Rwandan refugees and Congolese alike. Could Rwandan President Paul Kagame have done this alone without the help of those who are not named in the report? Neocolonialists are equally to blame for the tragedy in Congo, but they serve as judges, critics and arbitrators and were not named in the report.

The Killing of Rwandan Hutu refugees

It is impossible to determine the exact number of Rwandan refugees killed in Congo. To get a sense of what happened, here are selected excerpts from the UN report.:
“On 1 March 1997, AFDL/APR units killed 11 Rwandan Hutu refugees belonging to religious orders on the Kindu road, around twenty kilometres from Kalima, in the Pangi territory. The victims, eight priests and three nuns, had been refugees in South Kivu since 1994. … the soldiers beat them to death with sticks. The bodies of the victims were buried at the scene” (paragraph 238).“Around eight o’clock in the evening on 14 March 1997, after the defeat of the FAZ/ex-FAR/Interahamwe coalition, AFDL/APR soldiers allegedly killed at least 470 refugees in the two camps near Wanie Rukula, in the Ubundu territory. Most of the victims’ bodies were dumped in the Luboya River but some were placed in three mass graves” (paragraph 242).

“It was impossible to determine the number of refugees killed by AFDL/APR soldiers in the attacks on the camps along the Goma to Rutshuru road…. From 2 November to 30 November 1996, the people of Kibumba buried 2,087 bodies. Between 30 November 1996 and 26 January 1997, EUB - Équipe d’urgence de la biodiversité- buried 1,919 bodies in and around the Kibumba camp”.

Targeting Congolese Hutu

If Rwandan Hutus were hunted down by the new Rwandan government forces, why were Congolese Hutu selectively targeted? Here is one of the reasons found in the UN report. “Many witnesses have claimed to have spotted a large number of Tutsi Banyarwanda youths who had left Rutshuru territory between 1990 and 1996 among the AFDL/APR soldiers. According to several witnesses, the AFDL/APR soldiers displayed a clear desire for revenge in their massacres of the Hutu Banyarwanda, targeting villages where Tutsis had been persecuted in the past.”. “The term ‘Banyarwanda’, literally “people from Rwanda”, is used to designate both Hutu and Tutsi populations originating from Rwanda and living in North Kivu. Some are the descendants of peoples of Rwandan origin who settled on the Congolese territory before 1885 and whose Zairian nationality has never been seriously contested. Most Banyarwanda, however, arrived in Congo/Zaire during the colonial era or after the country’s independence” . This footnote explains also in part the killing of Congolese other than Hutu particularly in south Kivu. You are encouraged to read the report here
The Complicity in Crime
A lot has been written about the United States and the United Kingdom connections to the war in Congo through their unconditional support of the Rwanda government. Although some analysts say that their support is out of guilt for not having done enough to top stop the Rwandan genocide, there is more to the story. The French, US and UK competitions for political and economic interests in the region are a big part of the Congo tragedy.
The question at hand is how to expose, oppose and eradicate neocolonialism. We must demand justice for past and present crimes starting by the crimes that continue to take place in Congo. If the US and the UK sign off on the creation of a court to try Kagame and his allies for their crimes in Congo as the UN Report suggests, who else may be exposed in the proceedings?

ENDS

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Saturday, January 8, 2011

You cannot deny what you cannot talk about

Last month, I moderated a panel at Brown University on the topic of whether genocide could ever happen again. The details of the event can be found here:

Panelists include the Rwandan Ambassador to the US, James Kimonyo, as well as two prominent Rwanda human rights activists, Aloys Habimana and Noel Twagiramungu.

The Ambassador spoke aggressively, and did not leave much space for either Aloys or Noel to speak, probably because he knew that he would not agree with what they would have to say. Instead, I had to bring Kimonyo to heel twice as he spoke beyond his allotted time, accusing some of us on the panel of denying the 1994 genocide within his barrage that Rwanda will have another genocide if we (meaning foreigners, I think) continue to deny the genocide. For my part, because Kimonyo mentioned what he sees as my views to the audience, I spoke briefly to say that my position is, has been and always will be a desire to stop the killing by all sides, and to bring justice to the Great Lakes Region. Having similarly denounced Aloys and Noel as individuals whose work also tries to deny the genocide, one of them made the best comment of the panel, asking if the government of Rwanda itself was not denying genocide (by its own definition) in denouncing the UN Mapping Report of 1 October 2010.

Most interesting was the Ambassador's lack of knowledge about the opinions of his fellow panelists. He accused me and Aloys of being genocide deniers (his understanding of my views is from my blog, not my opinion pieces or academic writing; I am not sure where he gets his information on Aloys' ideas). His failure of logic is that you cannot deny what you cannot talk about. No thinking person denies that there was genocide in Rwanda in 1994 - what some of us argue is that the genocide occurred in a broader context of civil war in which Rwandans of all ethnicities were caught up in the violence. It is a shame that the current government of Rwanda cannot understand that. It is the lack of understanding, combined with intra-RPF conflict that will push Rwanda to another round of violence....

© Democracy Watch

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Saturday, December 18, 2010

Rethinking Rwanda, 1994

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]


Christian Davemport Porfessor of Peace Studies, political science, and sociology KROC

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Christian Davenport's "Rethinking Rwanda, 1994" at the Kroc Institute - University of Notre Dame (April 8, 2010).

Sixteen years ago, the world watched as Rwanda descended into large-scale violence that left up to a million people dead. This was followed by massive out-migration (nearly half the country), untold amounts of internal displacement, and a deluge of articles, TV news features, movies, and commentary from human rights activists, political leaders, and ordinary people from around the world. Christian Davenport - Rethinking Rwanda, 1994 from JamboNewsTV on Vimeo.

Sixteen years ago, the world watched as Rwanda descended into large-scale violence that left up to a million people dead. This was followed by massive out-migration (nearly half the country), untold amounts of internal displacement, and a deluge of articles, TV news features, movies, and commentary from human rights activists, political leaders, and ordinary people from around the world.

Génocide rwandais : renversement de perspective
Geüpload door realpolitiktv. - De allerlaatste nieuwscontent.

Exactly what happened during Rwanda’s hundred days of horror? Christian Davenport has spent more than a decade researching this question. His answer takes all the elements of what has become the conventional story — civil war, genocide, ethnic conflict, refugees, French UN missions, Tutsi rebels, the Hutu army — and combines them in unexpected ways. His research turns on its head the way we understand Rwanda, political violence, intervention, and the study of conflict itself.

Christian Davenport is a scholar of political conflict, from genocide to domestic spying. He directs two research and action projects: the Radical Information Project and Stop Our States. He is the author or editor of four books: State Repression and the Domestic Democratic Peace, Media Bias, Perspective and State Repression, Repression and Mobilization, and Paths to State Repression.
Free and open to the public.

A light lunch will be available before the lecture.

Related articles:

Thursday, December 16, 2010

Kamer wordt ingelicht over spullen Ingabire

DEN HAAG (ANP) – De Tweede Kamer zal eerst worden ingelicht voordat Nederland mogelijk de in beslag genomen documenten van oppositieleidster Victoire Ingabire overdraagt aan Rwanda. De rechtbank in Rotterdam moet nu een besluit nemen over de toelaatbaarheid van de overhandiging, maar dat valt niet voor de tweede helft van januari te verwachten.

Dat zei minister Uri Rosenthal van Buitenlandse Zaken aan het eind van het debat over zijn begroting voor 2011, dat woensdag begon en tot in de nacht uitliep. Als de rechtbank in Rotterdam bepaalt dat de stukken aan Rwanda kunnen worden overhandigd, gaan ze eerst naar staatssecretaris Fred Teeven van Justitie. Die zal voordat hij een besluit neemt over de doorgeleiding, eerst advies inwinnen bij Rosenthal, meldde de minister.

De minister had de gang van zaken op verzoek van de Tweede Kamer nog tijdens het overleg nagevraagd bij Teeven. Met name de ChristenUnie en D66 drongen daar op aan.

De spullen zijn begin deze week in beslag genomen tijdens een huiszoeking van de nationale recherche in de woning van Ingabire, die in Zevenhuizen woont. Zij zelf is gevangen genomen in Rwanda nadat ze in januari was teruggekeerd om mee te doen met de verkiezingen. De huiszoeking gebeurde op verzoek van het regime in Rwanda.

Bron

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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