© As International - Community for SurViVors

Tuesday, March 3, 2009

Communiqué de Presse PP/No. 04/Feb/09

RUD-Urunana Urunana rw'Abaharanira Ubumwe na Demokarasi Ralliement pour l'Unité et la DémocratieRally for Unity and DemocracyTel: 001-201-794- 6542 / 001-506-461- 3919 Email: http://us.mc384.mail.yahoo.com/mc/compose?to=urunana%40optonline.net url: www.rud-urunana. org

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Suite au Fiasco D’une Stratégie sans landemain : Le Dialogue Politiquedevient IncontournableOfficiellement, l’opération baptisée « UMOJA WETU » entre les ForcesArmées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) et l’ArméeRwandaise (RDF) vient de prendre fin. Cependant, force est de constaterque contrairement aux informations véhiculées par les intervenants, lebilan de ladite opération est bel et bien très maigre et voire mêmedérisoire.

En effet, l’opération ci-haut mentionnée avait pour but de rapatrier partous les moyens les refugiés rwandais qui sont à l’est de la RDC sousprétexte que ces derniers présenteraient une menace majeure à lasécurité du Rwanda. Il est important de rappeler que ces centaines demilliers de réfugiés constituent le lot de rescapés des massacres àgrande échelle perpétrés contre eux par l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise(APR) et ses alliés en 1996-1997 et 1998.

Cette chasse systématique àl’homme avait été même qualifiée par plusieurs organisationsindépendantes y compris les Nations Unies d’actes de génocide, de crimesde guerre et/ou de crimes contre l’humanité. Les auteurs de cesmassacres sont bien connus et occupent des postes de hauteresponsabilité dans les sphères politiques et militaires du régime deKigali.

Bien que le leadership de l’opération parle de quelques milliers derapatriés et de quelques centaines de morts du côté du camp adverse, ilassure que les pertes dans le camp des coalisés se limiteraientseulement à huit morts et douze blessés auxquels il faut ajouterl’arrestation du général-renégat Laurent Nkunda dont le sort est devenuun casse-tête pour les deux régimes.

Cependant, les informations dignesde foi font état d’un nombre très important de victimes dans les rangsdes forces armées congolaises et rwandaises ainsi que plusieurscentaines de blessés. En effet, des informations émanant d’observateursindépendants indiquent que les hôpitaux de Gisenyi et Kanombe (Kigali)regorgeraient d’un nombre important de blessés de l’armée rwandaise.

En outre, bien qu’une partie du contingent rwandais soit rentrée par lagrande porte de Gisenyi, plusieurs rapports concordants indiquent quedes milliers d’éléments de l’armée rwandaise (RDF) restent déployés auNord-Kivu.

Notre organisation rappelle que c’est au moment où une délégation desréfugiés regroupés à Kasiki (Lubero) venait d'effectuer une visiteexploratoire au Rwanda en vue d'envisager un rapatriement sur baseindividuelle et volontaire conformément aux traités internationaux en lamatière qu’il a été décidé de recourir à la force pour contraindre lesrefugiés rwandais de retourner au Rwanda.

C’est ainsi que, suite à unetentative de rapatriement forcé qui devait être mis en oeuvre par lesarmées rwandaises et congolaises, les réfugiés de Kasiki ont été obligésde quitter précipitamment le centre de regroupement et leur sort restejusqu’à ce jour inconnu.

Nous réitérons notre demande insistante augouvernement congolais, à la MONUC et à la communauté internationalequ’une enquête indépendante soit ouverte afin de s’enquérir du sort deshommes, femmes et enfants qui avaient opté volontairement de faire ducentre de Kasiki le leur.L’échec cinglant de l’opération « UMOJA WETU » démontre les limites del’utilisation de la force comme moyen de résoudre un problème politique.

Le problème des réfugiés rwandais est un problème politique qui requiertune solution politique. En effet, notre organisation est convaincue quela seule voie qui reste pour une solution définitive et durable auproblème des réfugiés rwandais passe par le Dialogue. C'est pour cetteraison que le Congrès National pour la Démocratie (CND), coalitionRUD/RPR, s'était investi de bonne foi dans le Processus de Kisangani.

En outre, comme il a été fait mention lors des travaux d'évaluation quiviennent de se terminer à Rome sous les auspices de la CommunautéSant'Egidio et d'autres observateurs internationaux, notre organisationréitère la demande faite auprès du Secrétaire Général des Nations Uniesde nommer dans les meilleurs délais un Envoyé Spécial chargéspécifiquement de trouver une solution durable au problème des refugiésrwandais établis en RDC et dans la région.

Notre organisation reste cependant disposée à poursuivre toute avenuequi respecte les droits des réfugiés rwandais où qu'ils soient.

Elle lance un appel solennel au régime de Kigali d'entamer un Dialogue avecson opposition afin de trouver de manière durable une solutiondéfinitive au problème politique rwandais qui est la source principaled'instabilité récurrente dans toute la région.26 Février 2009Dr. Augustin D

Dukuze,

Porte-Parole

RUD - Urunana

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Filip Reyntjens, Les risques du métier: trois décennies comme "chercheur-acteur" au Rwanda et au Burundi.Paris, L'Harmattan, 2009; ISBN 978-2-296-05

Bonn, le 2 mars 2009

"Ménager la chèvre et le choux : ainsi pourrait-on caractériser les "mémoires" du professeur belge qui pourtant n'a pas l'âge habituel pour un tel exercice". => Helmut Strizek

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Filip Reyntjens démontre qu'il n'a jamais approuvé l'agression du FPR le 1er octobre 1990 et qu'il n'a jamais "roulé" pour le FPR. Le problème n'est pas là. Peu de personnes ont émis de tels soupçons. Par ce constat il veut faire avaler plus facilement une pilule très amère par le public. Il veut éviter une réponse à la question importante de savoir si son combat sans merci contre le "système Habyarimana" - prolongé plus tard au gouvernement intérimaire - n'a pas contribué à la victoire militaire du FPR.

Sa défense farouche de l'hypothèse de la planification du génocide anti-tutsi par des "extrémistes hutu" exprimé déjà en janvier 1993 avant le départ du Rwanda de la Commission Des Forges et al. et propagé par lui depuis, a sans doute contribué à la consolidation du système Kagame après juillet 1994.

Renytjens défend dans son livre son implication dans "la mise au monde" des informations concernant les "escadrons de la mort". Même aujourd'hui il considère encore crédible le rapport de cette commission publié en mars 1993 qui se fonde dans une large mesure sur ces informations. L'affirmation de l'existence d'un tel système a sauvé le FPR après l'offensive de février 1993. Sans un tel prétexte le risque pour le FPR de perdre le soutien de la communauté international eétait grand.

Reyntjens a toujours fait confiance à son ami Frodouald Karamira quand celui-ci a collaboré avec le FPR et combattu Habyarimana. Mais quand Karamira a dénoncé les vrais objectifs du FPR après l'assassinat de Melchior Ndadaye le 21 octobre 1993, Reyntjens s'est rallié sans hésitation à la propagande répandue par le FPR le qualifiant de raciste pro-hutu. (Reyntjens n'informe même pas ses lecteurs que Karamira a exigé p o w e r pour les partis réunis dans la coalition gouvernementale et non pas pour "les hutu" en général.)

Pendant la guerre de 1994 et de longues années après Reyntjens a agi comme "le procureur contre les 'extrémistes hutu' " au détriment du chercheur sine ira et studio.
Reyntjens reconnaît quelques parti-pris osés de "l'acteur" mais défend en général ses prises de position. Il dit qu'il les a prises sans connaissance des massacres perpétrés par le FPR - pourtant Alain De Brouwer lui avait transmis déjà quelques indications (voir p. 88).

Même si l'on accepte qu'il a cru honnêtement qu'il s'agissait de la propagande relayé par les "extrémistes" il devrait être exclu d'affirmer en 2009 qu'on aurait pu "éviter la reprise des combats par le FPR" en neutralisant les "éléments de l'armée rwandaise et des milices" par la Minuar et d'autres troupes présentes dans la région." Militairement c'est toujours valable mais aujourd'hui on ne peut plus se faire des illusions que l'immolation des tutsi faisait partie intégrante de la stratégie du FPR et des planificateurs de sa victoire militaire.

Est-ce que le phénomène de la décision du Conseil de Sécurité le 21 avril 1994 n'a jamais des doutes concernant sa conviction d'attribuer tout le mal à "l'akazu"? Il explique ce terme en se référant uniquement à son livre de 1994 sans informer le lecteur sur la connaissance d'aujourd'hui de l'arrière-fond de ce mot. On sait que le concept akazu "fut inventé de toutes pièces et introduit dans le discours politique pars les détracteurs" de la famille Habyarimana (G. Musabyimana, Rwanda, le mythe des mots, Paris, L'Harmattan, 2008, p.5).

Est-ce que Filip Reyntjens ne prend pas au sérieux toutes les informations dont on dispose aujourd'hui qui stipulent que le FPR et ses alliés étaient farouchement déterminés à sa victoire militaire à n'importe quel prix? Est-ce qu'il ne veut pas prendre acte de la détermination de Paul Kagame de ne pas se faire dissuader par les massacres prévisibles contre les tutsi de l'intérieur comme c'était le cas en 1964?

Comme René Lemarchand dans son dernier livre malheureux "The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa" (Philadelphia 2008) Reyntjens n'ose pas aborder le vrai problème de la catastrophe de la région des Grands Lacs Africains à savoir les visées politiques du "réseau Clinton/Albright et Co."

Tous les deux n'ont pas le courage de fouiller ce terrain miné.
A mon avis Reyntjens aurait dû stopper la publication de ce livre après le jugement du TPIR rendu public le 18 décembre 2008 déclarant nul et non avenu la planification du génocide contre les tutsi par des gens désignés par lui comme masterminds de ce crime.

C'est à Alison Des Forges dont le triste décès survenu le 12 février 2009 est douloureusement à regretter, que revient le mérite d'avoir reconnu ce fait sans détour. Sa déclaration faite auprès du New York Times du 19 décembre 2008 a surpis plus d'un et est devenue entre-temps une sorte de testament politique :

„The exclusion of the conspiracy charge against the men is a blow to Rwandan officials, said Alison Desforges of Human Rights Watch, because it undercuts their argument that the genocide was not a one-time event but the inevitable product of an anti-Tutsi atmosphere dating from the colonial era. ‚It brings us back to reality and says this genocide was a discrete historical event related to a specific set of circumstances’ , Ms. Desforges said.“

Reyntjens n'a pas saisi l'occasion d'un tel événement pour réfléchir à nouveau sur ce texte. Il l'a publié tel quel et on est obligé de confirmer son constat: "Je conclus en concédant que j'ai probablement été trop complaisant pour moi-même dans ce petit livre".

Sunday, March 1, 2009

The largest ethnic cleansing campaign in the history of this planet

Genocide charges planed by the autocratic regime in Rwanda are gathered through African Rights, its main criminal organization

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How could you back criminals like Paul Kagame?
Stop the Killers.
Stop the bloodshed in Rwanda
Keep these horror weapons out of RPF fanatics
Rakia Omar and her likes constantly call for our extemination. If we just voice our disapproval, maybe they'll have a change of heart. You are told you MUST believe them and this has been repeated ad nauseum.

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Help the holocaust survivors. Please open your eyes! The Genocide against Hutus is underway in 2009 carried out by those you're supporting: Paul Kagame and his RPF. How can we let our voices be heard? We will never, ever stop asking questions why, and why we are dying. The Tutsi government is exterminating us in your eyes and you keep it shut. Why? Why? Why?

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What is happening in the Congo happened yesterday. The same victims, the same criminals-perpetrators: Paul Kagame and his RPF. 3,500,000 Rwandans most of them Hutus were slaughtered for the same reasons.

Before arrests, imprisonment, assassinations, massacres, hutu ethinic members get multiple incriminating labels that constitute RPF pretext to destroy the majority of the Rwandan population: genocidaire, ex-FAR, Igipinga, French, fugitives, refugees under chains of Interahamwe, hostages of Hutu extremists, Interahamwe, FDLR, RUD, RDR, etc. Every arrest, every killing has already its explanation. How to survive this holocaust of Hutus with the ever razor-sharp propaganda of the fascist Kagame regime? If the world doesn't stop RPF criminals, we have no doubt that any witness will survive.

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http://www.docstoc.com/docs/2919610/DECEMBER-A-WELCOME-EXPRESSION-OF-INTENT-THE-NAIROBI-COMMUNIQUE-AND) and other lobbies working to silence the Hutu ethnic members and cement the Tutsi ethnic group

(http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/mar/chronology.asp?groupId=49009)

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When Nazis and Fascists take over the world, you're going to need to be prepared.

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The most striking thing to all of us Rwandan survivors is the cunningness that Paul Kagame uses to make his agenda appear benign in the eyes of the world community. Therefore some governments assist in the ongoing meticulously planned murderhood, genocide, crimes, terror and repression using criminal organizations like Africa Rights, RCD, CNDP (generals Ntaganda and Nkunda) and their commanders.

How do you call the murder of an ethnicity or the extinction of any human group sharing a genetic or ancestral affinity? What about this is ethnic cleansing we are watching inside and outside Rwanda, we encounter many crimes, Terror, and Repression against the same ethnic group by the same perpetrators and criminals. The tutis minority under the RPF criminal organization has statutorily excluded the Hutu ethnic majority from the political process. We see a buid-up of an undisguised Tutsi minority monopoly over economic power in Rwanda.

To achieve this goal and speed up their extermination, Hutu refugees are often and repeatedly considered guilty by association. RPF has established a system that required a highly repressive state machinery directed against the conquered hutu ethnic members whom the new apartheid rulers regarded as a rightless mass to be held down by force of arms.

The RPF oppression thus finds expression in the palpable form of a number of economic, social and developmental indicators, such as poverty and underdevelopment, the low levels of literacy and numeracy among Hutus. Being blaimed for the genocide and genocide ideology, most of them have the low access to clean water, the non-availability of electricity, their low food consumption, their invariably low incomes, many of them are forcibly working for the governement in enslaving way due to TIG, an organization created ad hoc to organize Hutu prisoners; the poor state of their health, the low levels of skills since 1994, the generally unsafe environment in which Hutus live, etc.

The extremist Tutsi and STILL President of Rwanda Paul Kagame explains: P. Kagame (a Tutsi), said since a major return of the Hutu refugees would further decrease the ratio of Tutsis compared to the total population in Rwanda. Kagame declared “we want the refugees to come back, but not at any cost…

Our concern is that the military operations that led to the massive return of Rwandan refugees from eastern Zaire and now Democratic Republic of the Congo have ultimately sown seeds for a bitter harvest.

Just like before, we mention in the chapter dealing with the extremist Tutsi government that Kagame’s regime shows no flexibility vis-à- vis the return of the refugees, and that its attitude augured badly for the future of the returnees. Actually the RPF regime governs in an exclusive and discriminatory fashion in the country where the ethnic minority has he wherewithal to pursue its genocidal intentions by all means and particularly by intensifying oppressive policies.

Just like before, we also mention that the Rwandan government favors a marginalization of the refugee population (all of them Hutus) upon its return, to avoid any attempt toward power-sharing arrangements. Beyond the security issue inside Rwanda and the concept of voluntary return, we should also consider the concept of “constructive” return.

Such a concept make it difficult to quantify and is subjected to broad interpretation. However, the 1996 military operations offer a good example of an “Unconstructive” return.
The refugees returned in a context of decreasing Hutu influence within the political apparatus of Rwanda. We saw mega massacres throughout the country and many died because they were returnee refugees.

Negotiations between the refugee leadership and the Rwandan regime have always been a non desirable prospect, but dialogue between Kagame regime and representatives of the refugee population would have helped bridge the “perception gap.”

The world community hardliners have never got the will to make pressure on the criminal Paul Kagame even though they do have all proofs he murdered millions of people. This did not happen yet. What we see confirms our feelings that Rwandan survivors have no other choice rather to kneel. Have a look:

The rural population, Hutu in its majority, is at risk of being confined to activities aimed at sustaining the towns inhabited by the majority of the Tutsi population. In that sense, it’s undoubtedly known that economic marginalization is actually inevitable. Political marginalization against Hutu ethnic members has largely increased in recent years.

RPF has no longer decided not to use hutu puppets to blind the world community about their apartheid build-up.
If nothing is done to make pressure on the RPF, the above will be a harbinger of future turmoil. The marginalized segment of the Rwandan society cannot forever remain submissive and accept undivided power by a minority.

Extremist Tutsi elements will thrive in this context cement the hatred between the two communities. The return of the refugees did not take place in a constructive environment, socioeconomically or politically speaking;

This will further aggravate the situation inside Rwanda. The initiatives discussed in the previous chapters have resulted in a forced return, but in an early phase only and aimed at strengthening the power of the Tutsi extremists.

A certain degree of voluntariness subsists. This meant that the returnees had to be considered as individuals. In late 1996, the refugee population was trapped in Mugunga and was virtually marched down to Gisenyi, after having been shelled and fired and many of them killed by ADFL/RPA/Mai-Mai.
The Rwandan regime had not moved one inch towards the refugee population. On the contrary, although relieved to see an end to the refugee problem, the international community did participate in the return by registering returnees who, after a few months lists were given to the RPF government.

What followed was mass slaughters. Many of them, in their possession of the UNHCR document and thus with the lack of ID cards, were assassinated one by one together with their families and neighbors, and had no substantive voice in it. The returnees were considered by Rwanda as “prima facie culprits.”

To this big issue, no compromise had been reached. It was a “zero-sum” repatriation in which one party (the new regime) maintained its previous inflexible position, and the other was immediately marginalized.
The role of the humanitarian community in the Great Lakes refugee crisis has been repeatedly criticized but no one has tried to politically resolve this issue.

How many phrases or titles of articles, books, websites and blogs like “international intervention: thoughtless responses,” or “The bankruptcy of ‘humanitarian policy’” have we read, concerning the Great Lakes?
Many criticisms, Humanitarian agencies, especially at field level, have underestimated certain elements and some of them undermined the situation to favor the RPF regime when promoting or lobbying for an early return movement.

Nowadays, humanitarian organizations in asylum countries should play a positive role in political issues trying to influence events inside Rwanda, or even sponsoring contacts between the new Rwandan regime and refugees. Whatever weakness humanitarian agencies such as UNHCR may have displayed, they often were the victim of their own success.

We should not forget that, first and foremost, UNHCR and its partners have to deal with the largest humanitarian crisis of recent times but did not accordingly respond to an emergency and a human drama of almost unprecedented scale.

© Survivors Editions

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Friday, February 27, 2009

Plainte contre les personnalités responsables des massacres de réfugiés

23 Février 2009
Son Excellence Mr. Luis Moreno-Ocampo
Procureur Général,
Cour Pénale Internationale
Post Office Box 19519
2500 CM The Hague
The Netherlands
Réference: Plainte contre les personnalités responsables des massacres de réfugiés
rwandais regroupés à Kasiki, Lubero, République Démocratique du Congo (RDC).
A- Plainte contre:
1. Le Général Major John Numbi, inspecteur de police de la République
Démocratique du Congo, commandant second des opérations militaires contre les
réfugiés rwandais.
2. Le Général Kabarebe James, chef d’Etat Major de l’Armée Rwandaise.
3. Monsieur Thambwe Mwamba, Ministre des Affaires Etrangères de la République
Démocratique du Congo.
4. Monsieur Sayinzonga, Fonctionnaire rwandais chargé de la commission de
démobilisation.
B- Les Faits:
 Depuis 1996, la coalition des forces dites « Alliance des Forces Démocratiques
de Libération » et l’Armée Rwandaise ont lancé des attaques sur les camps de
réfugiés rwandais à l’Est du Zaïre. Les organisations de défense des droits de
• FEIDAR
Fédération Internationale des Associations Rwandaises (Asbl loi 1901)
B.P. 36535
45065 Orléans Cedex 2
France
• La Société Civile Rwandaise (SOCIRWA)
Centre de Lutte ontre l'Impunité et l'Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227
1080 BRUXELLES
l’homme parlent de centaines milliers de réfugiés tués et d’autres disparus.

Le rapporteur spécial des Nations unies pour les droits de l'Homme en RDC,
Monsieur Roberto Garreton, chargé d’enquêter sur le massacre des réfugiés
hutu, a dans son rapport préliminaire, établi que « des massacres de caractère
ethnique ont eté commis, dont les victimes sont en grande partie des hutu,
rwandais, burundais et zaïrois » et conclu que « certaines de ces allégations
pourraient constituer des actes de génocide. »
De 1998 jusqu’en 2002, pour la 2eme fois, l’armée Rwandaise a envahi
militairement la République Démocratique du Congo pour renverser le régime
KABILA et pourchasser, les réfugiés rwandais survivants des massacres de
1996 à 1997. Plusieurs milliers réfugiés furent sauvagement tués. Plus de 5
millions de congolais furent massacrés. Il n’y a jamais eu d’enquête et les
auteurs de ces tueries et massacres sont toujours les mêmes.
Le 26 Mai 2008, dans le souci de résoudre le problème des réfugiés rwandais
sur son territoire, la présidence de la République Démocratique du Congo a
organisé à Kisangani une conférence à laquelle des représentants des réfugiés
rwandais ont pris part. Un programme complet d’action convenu entre le
gouvernment de la RDC and le leadership politique du Congres National pour la
Démocratie (CND) ( une coalition entre le Ralliement pour l’Unité et la
Démocratie - RUD-Urunana et le Rassemblement du Peuple Rwandais- RPR)
fût adopté sous l’appellation « Feuille de Route de Kisangani ».
Au courant du mois de Juillet 2008, le leadership politique du Congres National
pour la Démocratie (CND) a rassemblé 158 refugiés sur le site de Kasiki, Nord-
Kivu, apprêté par les autorités congolaises
Le 31 Juillet 2008, une cérémonie de désarmement volontaire des réfugiés
conduite par Le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères et de la Coopération
internationale de la RDC accompagné du vice ministre de l’intérieur, du viceministre
de la défense, du Gouverneur de la province du Nord Kivu et beaucoup
d’autres personnalités du régime de Kinshasa a eu lieu à Kasiki en territoire de
LUBERO en présence d’une délégation des autorités rwandaises, des
représentants de l’ONU et ceux de la communauté internationale.
Le 6 et le 8 Août 2008, la mission des Nations Unies au Congo (MONUC) a
procédé à l’identification de ces réfugiés.
Le 8 Août 2008, les Ambassadeurs britanniques basés en RDC et au Rwanda
ont visité les 158 refugiés désarmes Kasiki
Le 23 Janvier 2009, une délégation de ces réfugiés rassemblés et désarmés
s’est rendue à Kigali dans le but de s’enquérir des conditions de vie qui les
attendent une fois rapatriés au Rwanda. A l’issue de cette mission, la
délégation des réfugiés a rédigé et publié un rapport de visite ad hoc.
Le 20 Janvier 2009, les troupes rwandaises sont entrées sur le territoire de la
RDC suite aux accords signés entre le Rwanda et la RDC. L’objectif principal :
désarmer, neutraliser militairement ou rapatrier de force les réfugiés rwandais
installés en RDC.
Le 27 Janvier 2009, un accord entre le CND (Congres National pour la
Démocratie) et le gouvernement de la RDC fût signé à Rome. D’après ledit
accord, la zone de Kasiki devrait être déclarée Zone de Paix, où les gens qui ne
veulent pas se battre ou qui fuient les combats devaient être accueillis pour
recevoir protection et aide humanitaire.
Dans la nuit du 7 au 8 Février 2009, le site de Kasiki a été attaquée par des
éléments des forces armées congolaises (FARDC) et rwandaises (RDF).
Les 158 réfugiés composés de femmes, d’enfants et d’hommes de tous âges
désarmés et identifiés par la MONUC ont pris fuite et se sont dispersés dans la
forêt. Ils ont été poursuivis et tués un à un par les troupes coalisées de la RDC
et du Rwanda
Le 10 Février 2009, le Ministre Lambert Menge Omalanda reconnaissait devant
les médias congolais que l’attaque avait été organisée à Kinshasa et au Kivu
par des “extrémistes” et “pécheurs en eau trouble qui se mettent en travers de
ce processus de pacification de l’est du pays.”

C- Accusations:

Nous accusons la coalition militaire rwando-congolaise d’avoir planifié, ordonné, et exécuté
l’attaque de Kasiki et le massacre de réfugiés. Cette coalition était sous la direction de:
1. Général Major John NUMBI en sa qualité de commandant adjoint des opérations
chargées de pourchasser tous les réfugiés rwandais sur le territoire de la RDC,
2. Général James KABAREBE en sa qualité de commandant en chef des opérations
chargées de pourchasser tous les réfugiés rwandais se trouvant sur le sol congolais.
3. Le Général Jean Bosco Ntaganda, du CNDP
4. Le Colonel Mugabo de PARECO.
Nous accusons les personnalités ci-dessous d’avoir attisé la haine envers les réfugiés
rassemblés à Kasiki en véhiculant dans les médias un discours de haine, dans le seul but de
justifier des opérations portant atteinte à la vie de ces réfugiés:
1. Monsieur Thambwe Mwamba ayant qualifié, dans les médias, tous les réfugiés rwandais
en RDC, de cancer qu’il faut extirper par tous les moyens.
2. Monsieur Sayinzoga ayant, sur les ondes de la BBC-Kinyarwanda (la date et l’heure?),
traité d’extrémistes « Intagondwa », d’ennemis du pays, et d’empoisonneurs et de
génétiquement criminels, les membres de la délégation ayant effectué la visite exploratoire au
Rwanda.
Nous suspectons les soldats de la coalition rwando-congolaise sous la direction ci-haut citée
d’avoir organisé une chasse à l’homme contre les réfugiés désarmés rassemblés à Kasiki,
lesquels réfugiés avaient, à l’exception de 3 personnes, réaffirmé leur volonté de rentrer
pacifiquement au Rwanda.
Enfin, nous demandons que des enquêtes approfondies contre les personnalités congolaises
et rwandaises mises en cause soient conduites et, le cas échéant, que les criminels soient
traduits en justice conformément aux articles pertinents des statuts de la Cour Pénale
Internationale (CPI).
Dans l’espoir que notre plainte retiendra votre très haute attention, nous vous prions d’agréer,
Monsieur le Procureur général, l’expression de nos sentiments distingués.
Fait à Bruxelles, le 23 février 2009
Joseph MATATA Jean Marie Vianney NDAGIJIMANA
SOCIRWA c/o CLIIR) FEIDAR (Asbl Loi 1901)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227 B.P. 36535 45065
1080 BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE Orleans Cedex 2, FRANCE
Tél/Fax : 32.81.60.11.13 Tel: +33659222780
GSM: 32.476.70.15.69
Email : cliir2004@yahoo.fr
feidar.contact@yahoo.fr
Copie pour information à:
Son Excellence Mr Ban Ki-Moon
Secrétaire Général, Nations Unies
Ms. Navanethem Pillay
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
Palais des Nations
CH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
M. António Guterres
Haut Commissaraire des Nations Unies pour les Refugies
Case postale 2500
1211 Genève 2
Suisse.
His Excellency Mr. Jonas Gahr
Ministre, Affaires Extérieures, Norway
Dr. Susan Rice
Représentente Permanente à l’ONU, USA
Fax: 212-415-4053
H.E. John Sawers
Représentent Permanent à l’ONU, UK
Fax : 212-745-9316
H.E. Mr. Zhang Yesui
Représentent Permanent à l’ONU, Republique Populaire de Chine
Fax: 212-634-0042
H.E. Jean-Maurice Ripert
Représentent Permanent à l’ONU, France
Fax: 212-421 6889
H.E. Vitaly Churkin
Représentent Permanent à l’ONU, Federation Russe
Fax : 212-628-0252
Msgr Kuye Ndondo
ECC
Msgr Matteo Zuppi
Communauté Sant’Egidio
Kåre Lode
SIK - Norway
Kenneth Roth,
Executive Director, Human Rights Watch
350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor
New York, NY 10118-3299 USA
Fondation S’Olivar
Mallorca, Espagne
Amigo Ngonde Funsu
Association Africaine de Défense des Droits de l’Homme (ASADHO)
Tel: +243 998246147 , +243 815181707

Thursday, February 26, 2009

Critic of murderous Kagame regime in Rwanda killed in crash of Continental Flight 3407 (16.02.09)

The evening before Human Rights Watch expert on Rwanda Alison Des Forges’ critical quote on the secret deal worked out between Rwanda’s murderous U.S.-backed President Paul Kagame and Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) President Joseph Kabila appeared in a Washington Post article written by Stephanie McCrummen from Kigali, the Rwandan capital, Des Forges died in a the fiery crash of Continental Flight 3407, en route from Newark to Buffalo, Des Forges’ home town.

Des Forges, an expert on the ethnic violence that has swept Rwanda, Burundi and the eastern DRC, was returning from a trip to Europe on Human Rights Watch business.

Also on Flight 3407 was Beverly Eckert, a 9/11 widow whose husband, Sean Rooney, died on 9/11 while in his Aon Risk Services office in the South Tower of the World Trade Center. On Dec. 19, 2003, Eckert wrote an op ed in USA Today titled “My Silence Cannot be Bought.” She rejected a pay-out offer from the 9/11 victims’ compensation fund and opted for a lawsuit to seek out answers to her many questions about 9/11.

She wrote, “I want to know why two 110-story skyscrapers collapsed in less than two hours and why escape and rescue options were so limited.” She added, “I say to Congress, big business and everyone who conspired to divert attention from government and private-sector failures: My husband’s life was priceless, and I will not let his death be meaningless. My silence cannot be bought.”

Much will be written, undoubtedly, about Beverly Eckert and her suspicions about 9/11. But it was Des Forges who had an enemy in the Kagame regime, which has, in the past, used assassinations in Rwanda and abroad as a tool to silence its critics. One such operation was planned against this editor in Tanzania.

On Dec. 3, 2008, WMR reported: “The Rwandan government, through its political and intelligence network in Washington, applied pressure on the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda in Arusha, Tanzania, to reject this editor’s testimony on two different occasions about the 1994 plane shoot down [of the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi]. On a third occasion, I received word that Kagame’s intelligence team in Arusha would ensure I would “never make it” to my U.N.-arranged guest house on the way from Kilimanjaro International Airport.

Heeding the warning about Kagame’s intentions that were passed on to me by a friendly African intelligence service, I quickly cancelled my trip to Arusha. Members of Rwanda’s regime have been indicted by judges in France and Spain for murder.

Des Forges was quoted in the Post criticizing a deal worked out and signed in Goma, DRC, on Dec. 5, 2008, between Kagame and Kabila that permits Rwandan troops to legally enter the DRC to ostensibly clean out elements of the Rwandan Hutu militia - the Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) - operating in the country. However, the FDLR is seen by both Rwanda and the DRC as a spent force that is an internal DRC problem and not a threat to Rwanda.

In return for allowing Rwandan troops into the DRC, Rwanda “arrested” its Tutsi proxy rebel general, Gen. Laurent Nkunda, after he fled the eastern DRC into Rwanda. Nkunda was the head of the Rwandan-sponsored National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), which replaced the former Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD). The RCD was involved in the 1998 second invasion of the DRC by Rwanda, an invasion supported by the Clinton administration. Rwandan troops first invaded the DRC in 1996 to overthrow the then-Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko.

WMR’s sources in Africa report that Nkunda is not under real arrest in Rwanda because he is not in jail. In addition, Rwanda is ignoring repeated extradition requests from the DRC for Nkunda to be returned, but it appears that these requests are merely “window dressing” attempts by Kabila’s government to show that it is interested in putting the rebel general on trial. Nkunda, a self-declared Christian preacher, is linked to a shadowy U.S.-based Pentecostal group called the “Rebels for Christ.” Nkunda is also an open admirer of George W. Bush.

Kabila, according to WMR’s African sources, is suspected of being an ethnic Burundian Tutsi who was adopted by his father and predecessor as president, Laurent D. Kabila, who was assassinated in 2001, in a plot said to have been engineered by Rwanda with the help of Angolan elements.

Des Forges questioned the Rwandan-DRC pact in her interview with the Post. She said, “Is the FDLR now suddenly on the verge of becoming more militarily powerful? I don’t think we’ve seen that … And if they haven’t, then what you have is Rwanda trotting out an old warhorse of an excuse to go in again. The question is, what is the intent?”

Des Forges obviously knew the answer. With U.S. military forces of the U.S. Africa Command (AFRICOM) now backing a joint Ugandan-DRC offensive in the northeastern DRC to wipe out the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), with hundreds of civilian casualties in the DRC and Uganda, and a secret pact worked out between Kabila and Kagame to permit Rwandan troops to occupy the eastern DRC, the target of both operations is securing the vast territory that is rich in commodities that the United States, Britain and Israel - all allies of Uganda and Rwanda - want badly. Those commodities are gold, diamonds, columbite-tantalite (coltan), platinum and natural gas.
And Des Forges’ criticism of the pact between Kagame and Kabila earned her some powerful enemies ranging from the murderous Kagame, who will not think twice about sending his agents to silence critics abroad, and international interests who want to see nothing prevent them from looting the DRC’s vast mineral and energy resources.

Eckert’s criticism of the 9/11 Commission report and her honest skepticism about the events of that day in 2001 also earned her some powerful enemies. The sudden crash of Continental Flight 3407 eliminated two spirited enemies of those who hide in the shadows of government and business around the world.

This story first appeared on WayneMadsenReport.com [4]. Editor Wayne Madsen writes: (T)his online publication tackles the “politically incorrect” and “politically embarrassing” stories and holds government officials accountable for their actions. Contact him at wmreditor@waynemadsenreport.com [5].

[1]
The plane carrying Rwanda President Juvénal Habyarimana and Burundi President Cyprien Ntaryamira was shot down on April 6, 1994, their assassination sparking the Rwandan Genocide.

[2] Continental Airlines Flight 3407 crashed Thursday, Feb. 12, into a house in Clarence Center, N.Y. It dropped 800 feet in 5 seconds. – Photo: David Duprey, AP

[3] Alison Des Forges, Human Rights Watch expert on Rwanda, died Thursday in the crash of Continental Airlines Flight 3407.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Le talent d'un écrivain(Péan)

Les remous qui ont entouré la sortie du livre de Pierre Péan, Le monde selon K, consacré à Bernard Kouchner, boostent ses ventes à un niveau rarement atteint dans l'édition française. Le 6 février, Claude Durand, le PDG de Fayard, révélait à LEXPRESS.fr que le tirage initial, de 65 000 exemplaires, avait été augmenté de deux réimpressions en l'espace de 24 heures, pour être porté à 105 000 exemplaires. Trois jours après sa parution, le livre de Péan s'annonce déjà comme le best seller de l'année.

***

Ecrire c'est un art. L'écrivain n'est pas l'homme politique ou journaliste, il défend les valeurs humaines qui reposent sur une idéale et certains principes qu'il défend corps et âme voire au prix de sa vie.

Son esprit veille nuit et jour car souvent les meilleures idées naissent au milieu de la nuit et se réveille très tôt le matin pour relater ce que l'esprit lui a inspiré. Il est le sculpteur de la vérité et l'ennemi du mensonge ou de l'hypocrisie politicienne. Un bon écrivain à l'exemple de Pierre Péan est considéré comme un messie car ces écrits délivrent toute une nation prise sous le joug de l'oppresseur.

C'est un don qui vient de l'au-delà et une récompense éternelle car même après la mort, les écrits d'un écrivain digne de nom restent gravés dans les mémoires de ceux ou celles qui l'ont lu et se transmettent de génération en génération.

Nul doute qu'au ciel, il sera récompensé par le tout puissant car rien n'est fait ou créé au hasard. Il mène un combat pour le bien contre le mal et s'érige en messie ou prophète en dévoilant l'injustice pratiquée à l'encontre des plus faibles dès l'instant même que l'on persifle sa croyance et sa foi.

Le livre " le monde selon K" de Pierre Péan dévoile toutes ces vérités cachées d'un homme dont la personnalité reste pragmatique. Il révèle ce double face d'un homme que le monde a longtemps considéré comme intègre et qui en réalité s'est substitué en une série de rôles et de fonctions dans le but de défendre seulement la minorité en oppressant la majorité, ce qui est contraire aux principes démocratiques et aux attributions des organisations humanitaires..

J'ai préféré étaler quelques passages du livre en vue de susciter votre intérêt à la lecture du livre. Je vous invite par la même occasion à soutenir l'écrivain en achetant son livre qui ne coûte que 19 euros, pas très cher par rapport à son contenu et le message véhiculaire.

A la page 14-15 du livre, l'auteur commence en ces lignes" son narcissisme aussi exacerbé que décomplexé ne serait faire bon ménage avec les valeurs qui m'ont été autrefois inculquées par ma mère qui me recommandait quand j'étais petit de ne pas "faire l'intéressant" et de "rester à ma place".

Ce sont sans doute ces réminiscences de ma propre éducation qui m'ont fait triquer lorsque, à la fin de l'année 1992, on le voit un sac de riz sur l'épaule poser à Mogadiscio devant les caméras. J'ignorais pourtant qu'il avait répété la scène. M'ont aussi choqué son soutien aux deux guerres d'Irak, celle de 1991, comme celle de 2003 et plus généralement son côté "va-t-en- guerre". Fin de citations!

En joignant l'utile à l'agréable, il m'est arrivé à plusieurs reprises de fustiger ces politiciens chez qui l'orgueil pousse à exhiber spectaculairement leurs ébats lascifs en vantant des prouesses qu'ils n'ont jamais réalisées. Ils font preuve d'un "m'as-tu vu ou entendu" au lieu de laisser l'action parler d'elle-même.

Hypocritement ils s'avouent défenseurs d'un groupe minoritaire pour s'attirer la sympathie alors que ce sont leurs propres intérêts qu'ils défendent au détriment de la majorité qui est sauvagement réprimée. Cet état de choses me rappelle ces derniers temps quand un supposé opposant du régime minoritaire de Kigali déclara qu'il participera aux élections de 2010 au Rwanda. Force est de rappeler que le pouvoir actuel à Kigali est dirigé par les criminels qui privent les rwandais le droit de vivre et d'expression.

Pire encore ils sont poursuivis des massacres, du génocide qu'ils ont commis depuis l'attaque du Rwanda en octobre 1990, la situation s'est détériorée avec l'attentat contre l'avion présidentiel au cours du mois d'avril 1994. Plusieurs sources sans ambiguïté affirment que Kagame et ses acolytes l'auraient planifié et tel fut leur dernier recours car d'autres moyens mis en œuvre pour éliminer les leaders hutus n'ont pas porté de fruits.

L'on se souviendra que le FPR en éliminant le leader du parti CDR Bucyana Martin, voulait provoquer des massacres interethniques pour en fait porter le chapeau aux dirigeants du MRND au pouvoir. Malheureusement le génocide comme leur arme médiatique n'a pas eu lieu et de ce fait, il fallait passer par un autre revirement de la situation qui consistait à éliminer physiquement le père de la nation.

En revenant à mon sujet, l'on ne comprend pas comme ces leaders de l'opposition veulent d'une part faire croire au peuple qu'ils luttent contre un pouvoir dictatorial et de l'autre part ils cautionnent les élections dont ils savent préalablement le vainqueur.

On dirait que le parcours politique de l'ambitieux Twagiramungu Faustin ne leur a pas servi de leçons. Son rôle a été de faire croire que les élections se sont passées dans la transparence, son silence également après ces mascarades de jeux démocratiques a plongé le peuple rwandais dans un étonnement total.

Seulement l'histoire retiendra que c'est un aventurier politicien, partisan du m'as-tu-vu et du m'as-entendu à l'exemple de certains leaders de l'opposition qui jouent vaguement leur rôle de leadership sans nullement se soucier du "qu'en-dira-t-on".

Faut-il croire que ces politiciens ont des agendas cachés ou c'est leur faiblesse d'esprit qui les pousse à agir ainsi. Difficile de se prononcer là-dessus sans risque de se tromper, seul le temps nous donnera la réponse.

Seulement il faudra retenir que dans les pays démocratiques, les vrais politiciens opteraient pour une démission si leur personnalité venait d'être mise en cause. Mais comme pas de règles sans exception, très peu sont ceux qui s'accrochent après le scandale.

Ils ont leurs propres motivations qui souvent ne coïncident pas avec les aspirations patriotiques. Ces derniers trahissent les leurs et ne pensent qu'aux intérêts individuels. Dans la plus part des cas leurs vies finissent mal et dans un regret de "si j'avais su".

Selon l'auteur, Bernard Kouchner a été le plus ardent promoteur du fameux droit d'ingérence dont il reviendra aux historiens d'établir à quel point il a contribué à dégrader l'art de la diplomatie et les chances de paix dans le monde.

Le talent de Pierre Péan réside dans ses qualités d'un homme simple, ses méthodes de travail qui consistent à chercher et parfois à trouver des documents et ou des témoignages susceptibles d'infléchir, voire d'infirmer les vérités officielles sans laisser de doutes à ceux qui ont lu ses livres.

Avec des preuves à l'appui, l'auteur s'insurge contre le défenseur pugnace de la démocratie et des droits de l'homme, sérieusement écorné par son comportement pratique en Afrique. D'après Péan, l'action de Bernard Kouchner sur le continent noir suscite peu de comptes rendus, de commentaires et d'analyses. L'Afrique est devenue son jardin secret depuis que l'homme prétend agir sur les grands conflits qui écartèlent le monde.

Les propos de l'auteur sur Bernard Kouchner rappellent aux Rwandais le caractère partial sur la tragédie dont a fait montre l'homme qui était appelé à défendre les droits de l'homme dans ce pays déchiré par une rébellion menée par les extrémistes tutsi. Il a joué le rôle de protectionniste de ceux qui venaient de plonger les rwandais dans la pure atrocité, situation qui est devenue incontrôlable juste après l'attentat contre l'avion où deux présidents du Burundi, du Rwanda et son entourage ont trouvé la mort.

Plusieurs sources affirment que c'est Kagame lui-même qui a ordonné l'ordre d'abattre l'avion présidentiel de Juvénal Habyarimana. Bernard Kouchner semble également ignorer que parmi l'équipage, il y avait des Français à bord. Le peuple rwandais a du mal à comprendre les motivations qui poussent l'actuel ministre des affaires étrangères à s'acharner aux victimes d'une tragédie qui a été conçue et mise en marche par les extrémistes tutsi aujourd'hui au pouvoir à Kigali.

Cette injustice ne peut laisser indifférent aucun français animé d'un sentiment de patriotisme car les Français sont diabolisés par ce régime dirigé par les génocidaires. C'est même à propos du Rwanda et de la nouvelle politique que Bernard Kouchner mène à l'égard du Rwanda depuis son arrivée au Quai d'Orsay que l'auteur s'est intéressé à ce personnage.

Cet amer constat est resté vivace quand en 2007, Bernard Kouchner décida de tendre la main à un Chef d'Etat qui non seulement est le maître d'œuvre de désinformation sur la tragédie rwandaise, mais est considéré par la justice française comme un criminel de guerre et par la justice espagnole comme un génocidaire.

Aux pages 70-71, l'auteur laisse entendre aux lecteurs que le traitement réservé aux serbes pendant la guerre des Balkans ressemblent à maints égards à celui qui serait fait au Rwanda et aux Hutus. Dans un cas comme dans l'autre Bernard Kouchner a joué un rôle important dans la stigmatisation de deux peuples assimilés globalement à des Nazis.

Sans que j'entre dans les détails d'un livre qui égaie tout lecteur bien intentionné et avide de connaître certaines vérités longuement dissimulées dans les méandres d'une politique partisane, je vous laisse découvrir vous-même à travers tout le livre le talent d'un auteur incomparable et dont les mérites resteront gravées dans les mémoires des Rwandais et de chaque citoyen qui lutte pour le triomphe de la vérité à travers le monde.

A la page 203 l'auteur s'est en peu attardé en guise de conclusion sur les liens étroits et anciens entre Kagame et Kouchner. Selon lui chacun est convaincu de pouvoir compter sur l'autre en fortes circonstances. C'est dans un même ordre d'idées que Bernard Kouchner en mars 2006 est ainsi allé à Kigali demander le soutien de son ami pour sa candidature à la tête de l'OMS. L'accord acquis, ce sera à Bernard Kouchner de le secourir s'il est effectivement nommé au Quai d'Orsay comme le laissent entendre les rumeurs de plus en plus insistantes.

Si tel est le cas, dans ce monde tout est mystère mais rien n'est fait au hasard. En tout état de causes, la prétention de l'homme ne devrait pas oublier cet adage selon lequel" l'homme propose et Dieu dispose". Heureux les hommes talentueux qui exploitent leurs talents pour sauver ce monde où le mal cherche désespérément à enterrer une fois pour toute le bien.

© Kaburabuza Mose.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Wednesday, February 25, 2009

The new Rwandan patriotism: a tragic historian phenomenon

RPF or The autocratic regime and the Rwandan genocide architect
Paul Kagame: The real law-maker and law enforcer
**

The autocratic regime and the Rwandan genocide architect is trying to dictate its citizens what to say abroad. In these recent days, the regime and many of this autocratic regime supporters and RPF members as well are involved in hunting down Rwandan refugees, opponents and the likes.

The Rwandan genocide that Paul Kagame wants to be the genocide of Tutsis is Paul Kagame’s last trump card to win support both ethnically (Tutsis extremists) and internationally (corporates and mafia operating in the region).

Paul Kagame, already known as the Rwanda genocide masterminder claims to have stopped IT(!) and is there to fight against Hutu genocidaires and those Hutus that are teaching genocidal ideology. This is another way of justifying uncursions in the Congo, purge of opponents and Hutu intellectuals. Ex: 1994 political assassinations and 1996-97 Maoïst and now Kagamean culture in Rwanda followed by Kagame obscene, hateful and threatening speech of Murambi pledging the spoon policy for ethnic cleansing and the unconditional obedience to Him...

This is done, however, to mainly justify his use of violence and secret police which the international community surprisingly legitimizes at each time murders and mass killings happen.

To reach his goals, Paul Kagame and RPF have created the common enemy: the Genocidaire Hutus no matter how old they are. It’s a recycling phenomenon that will be used indefinetely.

The self-declared patriots are criminals; most of them have participated in rapes, killings of innocent Rwandans and Congolese people. That is patriotism that is getting exported into neighboring countries particularly in the Democratic Republic of The Congo in 1994, 1996, 1997, 1998 then using their envoys, RCD, CNDP and many others through Mutebusi, Bizima karaha, Nyarugabo, Kamanzi, Nkunda, Ntaganda and many others.

Military tracts are already circulating inviting different rebellions to go ahead with crimes in the Congo.

There will be no punishment , the FDLR and Hutu refugees are there to be their first victims and any expedition will be justified. Who doesn’t know what Paul Kagame calls the Tutsi genocide and at the same moment, he declares that a real patriot knows no ethnic differences I n Rwanda.

This is called “football patriotism” particularly when he has to justify his crimes and the illegality of his regime. Kagame manufactures the genocide to protect his regime. It’s undoubtedly a tabloid to denigrate those who are seeking democracy, justice and everlasting peace for all Rwandans.

Their enemies are those who are determined to end the autocracy, despotism and dictatorship. It's bloody obvious that the interest of those Rwandan self-declared patriots is actually to undermine the country and enslave their country men and women. What they do totally negates what they claim to be.

No word can describe the motivations behind the control of the entire telecommunication tools in Rwanda including phone cells and Internet.

Their fight is bitter, tumultuous, bloody, spicy with conspiracies, torture, incarcerations, rapes, betrayals, massacres and ethnic cleansings. After massacring more than 3.5 millions of Rwandans and more that 4 millions of Congolese people;

After terrorizing the whole country, the hated people officially known as "mayibobu" got sent to containers and many others got jailed in different unknown places of imprisonment,

The then Rwandan "heroes" and self-declared patriots (RPF members) have converted their bloody criminal organization into a political party after eliminating the Maoist and now the Rwandan culture revolution that took place in 1995, 1997, 1998 up to 2004 which ended with the imprisonment of the well-experienced Rwandan physicians. Most of them were sentenced to 30 years of imprisonment; the few could escape and flee the country.

Paul Kagame is the hero of the best warlords and every year he's awarded by numerous American and British universities and Colleges. The then self-proclaimed patriots are intimidating the majority of the Rwandans.

Just like the situation was in 2003, elections are nothing else than a "mise en scène". In their desperation, Most of Rwandans declare, "you killed my mom, you killed my pa, you killed my husband and kids, you killed my brothers, you killed my daughter but I will vote for you.

From there, the world is watching how these patriots and crooks are institutionalizing violence as an instrument policy, they are committing crimes, the autocracy has been set, impunity for all protect them. The Rwandan society is already dichotomized into have and have-nots, good and evil. A rampant corruption and a general break down of Rwandan social values are political markers of 15 years Paul Kagame as the Supreme leader just like Caporal Foday Sankon and Charles Taylor.

Actually, Paul Kagame is using Local defense forces (LDF), just like did hunters-kamajors to terrorize the entire nation. Rwanda is actually a country under RPF criminals’ siege. RDF is known to be soldiers by day and unkown killers and terrorists by nights. That’s patriotism. Did you know the notion of patriotism has been used to be tested west Africa before getting fully used in Rwanda?

As the despotic regime in Rwanda continues to hold sway and the use of arms and other forms of terrorism has become more and more attractive and rewarding. The budding democracy is butchered in face of helpless world where the use of force and violence has become the modus operandi of policy.

****

I have no sympathy for people who make others suffer. Nevertheless, I wonder at the International Criminal Court's pick from the assortment of war criminals? Why not beginning with Paul Kagame, and his 40 co-criminals plus Ntaganda and Nkunda?

Do Rwandans must believe that war crimes are charges fobbed off on people demonized by the Western media? Don't get me wrong. I am about facts. I am about the RPF impunity since 1990, they are accused for war crimes, rape, crimes against humanity and genocide.

*****

NO ONE HAS BEEN BROUGHT TO JUSTICE !

*****

Tuesday, February 24, 2009

Laurent Nkunda’s “Arrest:” Rwanda’s Latest Shell Game in Response to International Pressure

By January 31st, 2009

[Rwandan Soldiers Are Sought For War Crimes, while Paul Kagame STILL immune !]

Is Laurent Nkunda’s arrest a positive development?

We have reasons to doubt that Laurent Nkunda has been arrested. Rwandan Maj. Jill Rutaremara said that Nkunda was in Rwanda but “not in jail.” If Nkunda has in fact been arrested it would be a positive development but not a massive change as some analysts would like you to believe.

A true marker of the veracity of Rwanda’s claims of arresting Nkunda will be the extradition of Nkunda to the Congo where he committed the crimes against the Congolese people. If Nkunda is not extradited to Congo in short order then that will be a clear sign that this is part of the shell game that Rwanda has been playing for the past 12 years, a period during which they replaced one proxy leader with another while they continued to occupy Eastern Congo.

Even if Nkunda were to be arrested, it would be a fundamental flaw in one’s reasoning to believe that Nkunda was the primary cause of the conflict in the east. In essence, what has happened is that Nkunda’s National Congress for the Defense of the People has been replaced by thousands of Rwandan troops. The problem is Rwanda’s and Uganda’s aggression against the Congo backed primarily by the United States and British governments and corporate interests since 1996.If Rwanda did in fact arrest Nkunda, doesn’t this mean that they never supported him as the December 12th UN Report documented?

No, to the contrary, over the past twelve years Rwanda has shuffled different rebel leaders according to its interests. It is in part for this reason there were so many versions of the Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD, former rebel militia backed by Rwanda), which Nkunda was a part of in 1998 – 2002 war.

Nkunda’s apparent replacement, Jean-Bosco Ntaganda, also has an arrest warrant out for him issued by the International Criminal Court; one human rights offender has been replaced by another as Bosco now proclaims to head the CNDP.

A systemic and historical analysis is warranted in order to demystify current events in the Congo and arrive at prescriptions that will lead to lasting peace and stability. Unfortunately, the majority of Great Lakes analysts offer Rwanda-friendly analysis and prescriptions as Rwanda represents the US and British foreign policy interests in Central Africa. These analysts’ job is to provide intellectual and advocacy cover for an otherwise disastrous policy across now two US and British administrations that have led to the deaths of millions of Congolese and the systematic looting of Congo’s wealth to the benefit of U.S. allies Rwanda and Uganda as well as Western corporations.

Isn’t the new collaboration between Congo and Rwanda a good sign on the road to peace and stability in the region?
On December 5th, Rwanda and Congo signed a secret pact in Goma that the Congolese people know nothing about (President Kabila is scheduled to speak to his nation on this issue on Saturday, January 31, 2009).

James Kabarebe, Chief of General Staff of the Rwandan Defense Forces and former private secretary and aide-de-camp of Rwanda’s president Paul Kagame was later dispatched to Kinshasa to consummate a deal with President Kabila. Thus, Rwandan President Paul Kagame, James Kabarebe, and President Kabila worked out a deal that resulted in over 5,000 Rwandan soldiers entering Congo.

These are the same characters that collaborated in 1996 when Congo was first invaded by Rwanda during the Clinton administration. During that period they traversed the Congo slaughtering Hutu man, woman and child and anyone else who was in the way. The United Nations says that the killings were so massive and systematic that they can be considered crimes against humanity and possibly genocide. The United Nations investigation into these crimes against humanity by the Rwandan army, Kabarebe and Kabila was blocked and still remains to be resolved (see the UN investigations). Once a responsible and credible government is in place in Congo all these crimes must be investigated and justice must be delivered so that the Congolese people can be made whole. Find out more about the Kagame, Kabarebe, Kabila connection in our January 20th Blog.

The militarization of the region is not the answer. A robust political path must be established in order to lead to peace and stability in the Great Lakes region.

So are you saying that President Kabila allowing Rwandan troops on Congolese soil to hunt down those responsible for the 1994 genocide is not a good thing?

The logic that allowing Rwandan soldiers on Congolese territory to hunt down Hutu rebels will bring about peace is fundamentally flawed. Below are some factors to consider:

1. The deal allowing Rwandan soldiers on Congolese soil was not between the Congolese government and the Rwandan government. It was between the Congolese president Joseph Kabila, whom many suspect is not even Congolese and the Kagame regime in Kigali. Neither the Congolese parliament nor the Congolese people were either consulted or addressed regarding Rwandan troops entering Congolese territory. In fact some Congolese are calling for the impeachment of Kabila. When it comes to matters in Africa, we tend to drop all critical faculties and common sense.

Can you imagine troops entering US territory without the US Congress knowing about it and the president not even addressing the population to explain why? What is even more farcical is that some Congolese government officials are trying to convince the world that thousands of Rwandan soldiers are coming into the Congo as advisers to the Congolese troops. It has even been stated that the Rwandan troops will be under Congolese command. Will they be under the same compromised command that Nkunda chased out of North Kivu?

2. It is beyond imagination that Rwanda is going to do in a few weeks what it was not able to do or interested in doing when it occupied the Congo from 1996–2002. During this period of the occupation of eastern Congo they did not wipe out the so-called Hutu militia. In fact, the biggest battle they had was with their ally Uganda over mining concessions. Also, during this time they systematically looted Congo of its wealth. (See UN Reports from 2001–2003).

It is this looting of Congo’s wealth that spurred the economic miracle that President Clinton and other Western officials wax eloquently about in Rwanda. You will notice that they never mention the degree to which ill-gotten wealth from the Congo contributed to Rwanda’s “economic miracle.” Former Secretary of State for African Affairs, Herman Cohen says it best when he notes “Having controlled the Kivu provinces for 12 years, Rwanda will not relinquish access to resources that constitute a significant percentage of its gross national product”.

3. What is almost certain is that Rwandan troops on Congolese soil will lead to more suffering of the people of the Congo. Analysts in the West have not fully appreciated the enmity that the average Congolese holds toward Rwanda. Remember, it was the US and British backed Rwandan and Ugandan invasions of 1996 and 1998 that unleashed the deaths of estimated millions of Congolese.

So, for one to say that Rwandan soldiers are now going to make things better for the people of the Congo does not take history into account. One merely has to look at the Congo-Ugandan action against Ugandan rebels inside Congolese territory to see where this latest action is heading. Over 600 Congolese civilians lost their lives as a result of military action against the Lord’s Resistance Army in Congo, which began over a month ago. Moreover, that operation was supposed to take a few weeks and now Uganda is requesting more time on Congo’s soil, while Congo’s gold and timber continue to find its way into Uganda.

What role are great powers playing in what is unfolding in the Congo?

It is key to understand how the game is played to keep Africa dependent and impoverished. Because the West is more powerful than the divided and weak African nations, they have been able to assassinate or systematically sideline leaders who truly serve the interest of the people.

They facilitate the ascension to power of those who demonstrate a proclivity for killing their fellow Africans. Once these feckless leaders are in power and predictably incapable of governing, western diplomats condescendingly intervene on the premise that those they have assisted in acquiring power either through elections or otherwise cannot in fact justly govern. This narrative is buttressed by superficial media coverage of African society, intellectuals for hire by Western powers and the humanitarian industry.

It is in this context that French President Nicolas Sarkozy and former Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Herman Cohen, have proposed the balkanization and economic neutering of the Congo. They have made proposals to reward Rwanda and their Western support structure for the systematic looting of Congo, which has resulted in unmatched death and terror for the Congolese people.

Nearly 125 years since Europe gave Congo to King Leopold II of Belgium as his own personal property, the situation is fundamentally the same whereby the affairs of the Congolese people are not determined by themselves; but rather by external forces.So what can be positively drawn from recent events?

Several things can be looked at positively:

1. It is clear that international pressure works. It has moved Rwanda to at least announce the arrest of Nkunda. As was said, the litmus test for whether Nkunda has actually been arrested is his extradition to Kinshasa, otherwise for all intents and purposes he is vacationing in Rwanda at the behest of Kagame while Rwandan troops roam the hillsides of Eastern Congo with the blessing of Joseph Kabila.

The U.S. is finding it increasingly difficult to defend its proxy, Rwanda, as both French and Spanish courts (the same Spanish court that ruled against Pinochet of Chile ) have arrest warrants out on President Kagame’s top officials for commission of war crimes, one of whom, Rose Kabuye, was arrested in Germany in November 2008.

Despite such repeated damning evidence against the Kagame regime, under the auspices of Donald Rumsfeld’s AFRICOM program, the US sent a shipment of military equipment to Rwanda for peace keeping purposes in Western Sudan in early January 2009, coinciding with Rwandan troops intervention in Congo. The military shipment is supposed to be used for peace keeping in Western Sudan.

Both Sweden and the Netherlands suspended aid to Rwanda and of course the damning December 12th UN Report have made it difficult for anyone to defend Rwanda except for some ideologically- driven humanitarian institutions. Even the New York Times editorial board continues to call for international pressure on Rwanda.

2. Kagame felt a necessity to adjust to the new realities in Washington. He could not necessarily count on President Obama to give him carte blanche as he has received from Presidents Clinton and Bush. Rwanda is certainly still a staunch ally of the U.S. However, Kagame cannot be certain that President Obama will fully support him in spite of some of the old guards (Susan Rice at the UN and Hillary Clinton as Secretary of State) being in the administration.

The Obama administration can hardly present itself as an administration of change with an old policy for the Great Lakes in particular and Africa in general. The new administration would be best served to implement policies that serve the people and not strongmen like Kagame and Kabila.

3. The US and British baked resource war of aggression is being disrobed on a daily basis. The hunt for the Hutu rebels is an attempt to recast the conflict in an ethnic context. The Hutu rebels, otherwise know as the Interahamwe or Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR in French) need to be dealt with, but not in the manner currently underway.

Remember, it has been the Congolese people who have been the primary victims of the presence of the Hutu rebels in the Congo. Nonetheless, what is happening in Central Africa is a high stakes geo-political battle for precious and strategic resources that are vital to the world’s military, aeronautics, electronics and technology industries. This interview with British Foreign Minister David Miliband provides some insight and perspective on the vital corporate interests in Central Africa.

4. The average person is becoming better informed and more engaged about the root causes of the deadliest conflict in the world since World War Two. They are better equipped to demand action from their elected officials and challenge humanitarian institutions that come to their communities peddling warmed over ethnic explanations for the suffering of the people of Congo.

We are confident that with persistent education, organization and mobilization, the people of Congo will be free from the forces that have her sons and daughters living in absolute misery while we in the West benefit from her riches.

Join the global movement in support of the people of the Congo and strike a blow for justice and human dignity.

The Friends of the Congo (FOTC) is a 501 (c) 3 tax-exempt advocacy organization based in Washington, DC. The FOTC was established at the behest of Congolese human rights and grassroots institutions in 2004, to work together to bring about peaceful and lasting change in the Democratic Republic of Congo, formerly Zaire.

FOTC can be contacted at: http://ca.mc502.mail.yahoo.com/mc/compose?to=info@friendsofthecongo.org. Read other articles by Friends, or visit Friends's website.
This article was posted on Saturday, January 31st, 2009 at 9:00am and is filed under Democratic Rep. Congo, Imperialism, Rwanda, Uganda.

Monday, February 23, 2009

PRESS RELEASE N ° 07/SE/CD/FEBRUARY/2009 OF THE FDLR

The FDLR deny the lies propagated by the spokespersons of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and the Congolese Armed Forces (FARDC) reporting the withdrawal of Rwandan troops from DRC.

The Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) inform the public and the media that the information spread by the coalition RPA/FARDC in the media these last days about the war that it waged in eastern DRC are false and declare the following:

1. The FDLR condemn once again the war initiated by the armed coalition of RPA and FARDC, with the support of MONUC against Rwandan refugees in DRC, the FDLR and the Congolese people of eastern DRC.

2. The FDLR reaffirm once again that this war is dirty, unnecessary, unjust and counter-productive and therefore it must be stopped.

3. The FDLR have never committed any violation of human rights in this unjust war that was imposed by the coalition of RPA and FARDC. However, as we mentioned it in our previous releases, the FDLR have evidence that the coalition of RPA and FARDC supported by MONUC was guilty of serious crimes against humanity against both Rwandan refugees in DRC and against the Congolese peoples accused of being sympathizers of the FDLR.

4. Since 20 January 2009, during this insane, unfair and unnecessary war that the armed coalition of RPA and FARDC has imposed to the FDLR, our Organization deplores five (5) missing, 6 captured by the coalition of RPA and FARDC including two mentally ill persons, 4 brave Abacunguzi fighters who have fallen on the field of honour, and only two dozen of deserters who surrendered either to MONUC or to the warmongers. The number of dependents of Abacunguzi combatants who have returned to Rwanda does not exceed two hundred (200) in the Kivu region. Moreover, the FDLR have counted at least seventy bodies of the armed coalition of RPA and FARDC soldiers, including several officers, who died in the fighting that took place recently in Masisi and Rutshuru territories.

5. In order to inflate the statistics and to lie to the media, the international community and the public particularly to the Congolese people, some elements of the RPA who are members of various militias that the regime of Kigali has put into place in Kivu were presented to the public and to MONUC by the RPA/FARDC coalition as FDLR members returning to Rwanda voluntarily or captured in the fighting.

6. The FDLR have very reliable information that civilians were transported from Rwanda in military trucks to be introduced in North Kivu as dependents of the FDLR members. In addition, Congolese members of the CNDP were used in this misleading campaign and presented to the public as members of the FDLR captured in the DRC; they were sent to Rwanda through the border post of Goma and returned the next day in the DRC through Kibumba.

7. In addition, during the week of 16 to 22 February 2009, Rwanda has infiltrated more than one brigade in Rutshuru via the rwando-Congolese border. That brigade continued its advance northward along the ugando-Congolese border near Lake Edward .

8. The Kigali regime must stop lying to the public that it will withdraw its military from the Kivu region. The reality is that the Kigali regime has brought to the east of the DRC more than 12,000 soldiers including more than 6,000 that are hidden within the CNDP while it officially says to have sent only 2,500 soldiers in the DRC.

9. The largely publicised announcement by the RPA/FARDC coalition of the withdrawal of Rwandan troops from 25 February 2009 is a farce designed to calm the anger of the Congolese people and their representatives who are tired of the abuses committed by elements of the RPA on their territory. Furthermore, Rwanda fears the popular discontent that rises every day within the country against oppression by the RPF-Inkotanyi and its machine i.e. the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) and Rwandese Defence Forces (RDF).

10. To prove its good faith, Rwanda must withdraw at least 12,000 of its soldiers from the DRC under the supervision of neutral international observers, failing to which the statements of the RPA/FARDC armed coalition should be regarded as a masquerade.

11. The FDLR wish to inform the public that mixed Rwando-Congolese structures have been created by some Congolese associated with the Kigali regime and are already operational since 20 January 2009 for the exploitation of immense wealth in the Walikale and Masisi territories. Mixed military units from RPA (CNDP) and FARDC have been created and installed for this purpose to protect holdings in the Kivu region.

12. The FDLR call upon the Congolese people to be vigilant and not be fooled by the statements of the hegemonic Kigali regime and some of their corrupt military officers and politicians who have already mortgaged the Kivu region to operate in connivance with some RPF-Inkotanyi members.
13. The FDLR remain convinced that the Rwandan problem can be solved only on a negotiating table and call upon all peace-loving people to condemn the current war and to favour the holding of an inter-Rwandan dialogue as soon as possible.

Done in Paris on February 23, 2009

Callixte Mbarushimana

Executive Secretary of the FDLR

(Sé)

protect email

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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