A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Tuesday, July 21, 2009
UK government accused of hypocrisy for failing to act.
Des entreprises européennes et asiatiques, dont la THAISARCO (la filiale basée à Bangkok d’AMC,groupe britannique opérant dans le secteur des métaux), Afrimex, société britannique, et Trademet,entreprise belge, achètent des minerais provenant de la République démocratique du Congo (RDC)qui financent des groupes armés et alimentent le conflit, révèle Global Witness dans un rapport publiéce jour.Le rapport de 115 pages intitulé « Face à un fusil, que peut-on faire ? » décrit la façon dont desentreprises s’approvisionnent auprès de fournisseurs qui font le commerce de minerais émanant desparties belligérantes.
De nombreuses zones minières de l’est de la RDC sont contrôlées par desrebelles et l’armée nationale qui se livrent à une violente exploitation de la population civile afin deconserver leur accès à de précieux minerais, dont la cassitérite (minerai d’étain), le coltan et l’or. Lacassitérite et le coltan entrent notamment dans la fabrication de téléphones mobiles, d’ordinateurs etd’autres appareils électroniques.Global Witness a adressé un courrier à 200 entreprises, et les réponses qu’a reçues l’ONG révèlentque la plupart de ces entreprises ne disposent d’aucune mesure de contrôle permettant d’empêcherque des « minerais du conflit » n’entrent dans leur chaîne d’approvisionnement.
Global Witnessaffirme que des gouvernements, notamment ceux du Royaume-Uni et de la Belgique, en s’abstenantde prendre des mesures rigoureuses à l’égard des entreprises basées dans leur pays, compromettentleurs propres efforts d’aide au développement et de diplomatie visant à mettre un terme au conflit quisévit depuis 12 ans dans l’est de la RDC.S’appuyant sur des enquêtes de terrain et des entretiens menés au Nord et au Sud-Kivu, le rapportrévèle que bien qu’étant des adversaires, l’armée nationale congolaise et les groupes rebelles,notamment les FDLR, coopèrent régulièrement, se partageant les territoires et parfois les butinsamassés grâce à leur activité minière illégale. Le rapport prévient que l’intégration récente d’un autregroupe armé, le CNDP, à l’armée nationale facilitera la tâche des anciens rebelles désireux deprendre part eux aussi à l’exploitation des mines.
« Malgré certains développements politiques et militaires récents, notamment l’apparentrapprochement entre la RDC et le Rwanda, la violence perpétrée à l’encontre de civils non armés sepoursuit et d’innombrables vies sont perdues chaque jour. Toutes les parties belligérantes en RDCrecourent systématiquement au travail forcé et à de violents actes d’extorsion dans les zonesminières », a affirmé Patrick Alley, directeur de Global Witness.
« Il ne suffit pas que les entreprises déclarent n’acheter leurs marchandises qu’à des exportateursagréés, car elles savent pertinemment que leurs intermédiaires s’approvisionnent auprès de groupesarmés. Le fait que les gouvernements n’exigent pas des entreprises qu’elles rendent des comptes,que le Burundi et le Rwanda ne limitent pas les échanges commerciaux qui passent par leursfrontières, et que les bailleurs de fonds et les diplomates ne s’attellent pas explicitement au rôle ducommerce de minerais sont autant d’éléments qui contribuent à la perpétuation d’un conflit qui aentraîné la mort de millions de personnes et le déplacement de millions d’autres. »
L’une des entreprises figurant dans le rapport est la THAISARCO, le cinquième plus gros producteurd’étain au monde, qui fait partie d’AMC, géant britannique du secteur des métaux. Le principalfournisseur de la THAISARCO, le comptoir Panju, basé au Congo, vend de la cassitérite et du coltanprovenant de mines contrôlées par les FDLR.
L’une des autres entreprises citées dans le rapport estAfrimex, société de droit britannique, concernant laquelle le gouvernement britannique a déjà concluen 2008 qu’elle portait atteinte aux Principes directeurs de l’OCDE à l’intention des entreprisesmultinationales pour s’être approvisionnée auprès de fournisseurs qui adressaient des paiements à ungroupe rebelle. Le gouvernement britannique n’a pas encore pris de mesures concrètes sur la basede cette information.
De nombreuses zones minières de l’est de la RDC sont contrôlées par desrebelles et l’armée nationale qui se livrent à une violente exploitation de la population civile afin deconserver leur accès à de précieux minerais, dont la cassitérite (minerai d’étain), le coltan et l’or. Lacassitérite et le coltan entrent notamment dans la fabrication de téléphones mobiles, d’ordinateurs etd’autres appareils électroniques.Global Witness a adressé un courrier à 200 entreprises, et les réponses qu’a reçues l’ONG révèlentque la plupart de ces entreprises ne disposent d’aucune mesure de contrôle permettant d’empêcherque des « minerais du conflit » n’entrent dans leur chaîne d’approvisionnement.
Global Witnessaffirme que des gouvernements, notamment ceux du Royaume-Uni et de la Belgique, en s’abstenantde prendre des mesures rigoureuses à l’égard des entreprises basées dans leur pays, compromettentleurs propres efforts d’aide au développement et de diplomatie visant à mettre un terme au conflit quisévit depuis 12 ans dans l’est de la RDC.S’appuyant sur des enquêtes de terrain et des entretiens menés au Nord et au Sud-Kivu, le rapportrévèle que bien qu’étant des adversaires, l’armée nationale congolaise et les groupes rebelles,notamment les FDLR, coopèrent régulièrement, se partageant les territoires et parfois les butinsamassés grâce à leur activité minière illégale. Le rapport prévient que l’intégration récente d’un autregroupe armé, le CNDP, à l’armée nationale facilitera la tâche des anciens rebelles désireux deprendre part eux aussi à l’exploitation des mines.
« Malgré certains développements politiques et militaires récents, notamment l’apparentrapprochement entre la RDC et le Rwanda, la violence perpétrée à l’encontre de civils non armés sepoursuit et d’innombrables vies sont perdues chaque jour. Toutes les parties belligérantes en RDCrecourent systématiquement au travail forcé et à de violents actes d’extorsion dans les zonesminières », a affirmé Patrick Alley, directeur de Global Witness.
« Il ne suffit pas que les entreprises déclarent n’acheter leurs marchandises qu’à des exportateursagréés, car elles savent pertinemment que leurs intermédiaires s’approvisionnent auprès de groupesarmés. Le fait que les gouvernements n’exigent pas des entreprises qu’elles rendent des comptes,que le Burundi et le Rwanda ne limitent pas les échanges commerciaux qui passent par leursfrontières, et que les bailleurs de fonds et les diplomates ne s’attellent pas explicitement au rôle ducommerce de minerais sont autant d’éléments qui contribuent à la perpétuation d’un conflit qui aentraîné la mort de millions de personnes et le déplacement de millions d’autres. »
L’une des entreprises figurant dans le rapport est la THAISARCO, le cinquième plus gros producteurd’étain au monde, qui fait partie d’AMC, géant britannique du secteur des métaux. Le principalfournisseur de la THAISARCO, le comptoir Panju, basé au Congo, vend de la cassitérite et du coltanprovenant de mines contrôlées par les FDLR.
L’une des autres entreprises citées dans le rapport estAfrimex, société de droit britannique, concernant laquelle le gouvernement britannique a déjà concluen 2008 qu’elle portait atteinte aux Principes directeurs de l’OCDE à l’intention des entreprisesmultinationales pour s’être approvisionnée auprès de fournisseurs qui adressaient des paiements à ungroupe rebelle. Le gouvernement britannique n’a pas encore pris de mesures concrètes sur la basede cette information.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
French version here
Global Witness has reported on the links between the mineral trade and the armed conflict in eastern DRC for several years.
Global Witness investigations in the provinces of North and South Kivu revealed that armed groups and the national army are directly benefiting from the trade in cassiterite (tin ore), gold and other minerals.
For more information, please contact Carina Tertsakian on +44 207 561 6372.
European and Asian companies, including Bangkok-based THAISARCO (a subsidiary of British metals group AMC), UK-based Afrimex, and Belgium-based Trademet have been buying minerals from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) that are funding armed groups and fuelling conflict, said Global Witness in a report published today.
The 110-page report, entitled ‘Faced with a gun, what can you do?’, details how companies are buying from suppliers who trade in minerals from the warring parties.
Many mining areas in eastern DRC are controlled by rebels and the national army, who violently exploit civilians to retain access to valuable minerals, including cassiterite (tin ore), coltan and gold. Cassiterite and coltan are used to make mobile phones, computers and other electronics, among other things.
Global Witness wrote to 200 companies and found that most had no controls in place to stop ‘conflict minerals’ entering their supply chain. It says governments, including the UK and Belgium, are undermining their own development assistance and diplomatic efforts to end the 12-year conflict by failing to crack down on companies based within their borders.
Informed by on-the-ground investigations and interviews in North and South Kivu, the report reveals that despite being on opposing sides, the national Congolese army and rebel groups, in particular the FDLR, regularly cooperate with each other, carving up territory and occasionally sharing the spoils of illegal mining. It warns that the recent integration of another armed group, the CNDP, into the national army will make it easier for the former rebels to get ‘in on the act’ of exploiting the mines.
“Despite recent political and military developments, including the apparent rapprochement between the DRC and Rwanda, violence against unarmed civilians is continuing and countless lives are lost each day. All the warring parties in the DRC are systematically using forced labour and violent extortion in mining areas,” said Patrick Alley, Director of Global Witness.
“It is not good enough for companies to say they buy only from licensed exporters, when they know full well that their middlemen buy from armed groups. The failure of governments to hold companies to account, of Burundi and Rwanda to restrict the trade across their borders, and of donors and diplomats to address explicitly the role of the mineral trade, have all contributed to the continuation of a conflict that has killed millions and displaced many more.”
One of the companies featured in the report is THAISARCO, the world’s fifth-largest tin-producing company, owned by British metals giant, AMC. THAISARCO’s main supplier, Congo-based Panju, sells cassiterite and coltan from mines controlled by the FDLR.
Another company is the UK-based Afrimex, already found by the British government in 2008 to be in breach of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises for buying from suppliers who made payments to a rebel group. The British government has yet to take any concrete action on this information.
Global Witness is calling for the following actions:
· Companies trading in minerals from the DRC should carry out thorough due diligence to ensure that they are not funding warring parties; · The DRC and other governments should cut off warring parties’ access to the mines and to international trade routes and external networks;
Home governments should hold to account their companies for involvement in the illicit mineral trade from DRC. Patrick Alley: “Breaking the link between minerals and violence must be an integral part of the solution – not something that is looked into once the peace is achieved.”
/ Ends
Global Witness has reported on the links between the mineral trade and the armed conflict in eastern DRC for several years.
Global Witness investigations in the provinces of North and South Kivu revealed that armed groups and the national army are directly benefiting from the trade in cassiterite (tin ore), gold and other minerals.
For more information, please contact Carina Tertsakian on +44 207 561 6372.
European and Asian companies, including Bangkok-based THAISARCO (a subsidiary of British metals group AMC), UK-based Afrimex, and Belgium-based Trademet have been buying minerals from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) that are funding armed groups and fuelling conflict, said Global Witness in a report published today.
The 110-page report, entitled ‘Faced with a gun, what can you do?’, details how companies are buying from suppliers who trade in minerals from the warring parties.
Many mining areas in eastern DRC are controlled by rebels and the national army, who violently exploit civilians to retain access to valuable minerals, including cassiterite (tin ore), coltan and gold. Cassiterite and coltan are used to make mobile phones, computers and other electronics, among other things.
Global Witness wrote to 200 companies and found that most had no controls in place to stop ‘conflict minerals’ entering their supply chain. It says governments, including the UK and Belgium, are undermining their own development assistance and diplomatic efforts to end the 12-year conflict by failing to crack down on companies based within their borders.
Informed by on-the-ground investigations and interviews in North and South Kivu, the report reveals that despite being on opposing sides, the national Congolese army and rebel groups, in particular the FDLR, regularly cooperate with each other, carving up territory and occasionally sharing the spoils of illegal mining. It warns that the recent integration of another armed group, the CNDP, into the national army will make it easier for the former rebels to get ‘in on the act’ of exploiting the mines.
“Despite recent political and military developments, including the apparent rapprochement between the DRC and Rwanda, violence against unarmed civilians is continuing and countless lives are lost each day. All the warring parties in the DRC are systematically using forced labour and violent extortion in mining areas,” said Patrick Alley, Director of Global Witness.
“It is not good enough for companies to say they buy only from licensed exporters, when they know full well that their middlemen buy from armed groups. The failure of governments to hold companies to account, of Burundi and Rwanda to restrict the trade across their borders, and of donors and diplomats to address explicitly the role of the mineral trade, have all contributed to the continuation of a conflict that has killed millions and displaced many more.”
One of the companies featured in the report is THAISARCO, the world’s fifth-largest tin-producing company, owned by British metals giant, AMC. THAISARCO’s main supplier, Congo-based Panju, sells cassiterite and coltan from mines controlled by the FDLR.
Another company is the UK-based Afrimex, already found by the British government in 2008 to be in breach of the OECD Guidelines for Multinational Enterprises for buying from suppliers who made payments to a rebel group. The British government has yet to take any concrete action on this information.
Global Witness is calling for the following actions:
· Companies trading in minerals from the DRC should carry out thorough due diligence to ensure that they are not funding warring parties; · The DRC and other governments should cut off warring parties’ access to the mines and to international trade routes and external networks;
Home governments should hold to account their companies for involvement in the illicit mineral trade from DRC. Patrick Alley: “Breaking the link between minerals and violence must be an integral part of the solution – not something that is looked into once the peace is achieved.”
/ Ends
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Campaign group Global Witness has identified two British firms as buying minerals that are funding armed groups and fuelling the bloody ongoing conflict that has already killed millions.
One is Amalgamated Metals Corporation (AMC), the parent company of THAISARCO, the world's fifth-largest tin-producing company.
THAISARCO's main supplier is Panju, based in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which sells tin ore, coltan and gold from mines controlled by the main rebel group the FDLR, made up of extremists behind the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
Among the main shareholders of AMC are Victor Herman Sher, Geoffrey Charles Leacroft Rowan and Giles Robbins, all of whom have appeared on the Sunday Times Rich List.
The other British firm identified by Global Witness is Afrimex, a small trading company located in Middlesex.
Campaigners claim Afrimex was found to be in breach of Office for Economic Development guidelines for buying from suppliers who made payments to rebels, but has continued trading with them.
For Global Witness, the report, called 'Faced with a gun, what can you do?', is further evidence that the British government has to clamp down on companies who deal with those involved in the DRC conflict.
It says mine ownership is carved up between the national Congolese army and the FDLR Hutu militia, who share the spoils of the trade.
Director Patrick Alley said: "The British government is the largest bilateral aid donor to the DRC and a key diplomatic player. Its failure to hold British companies to account is undermining its own efforts and allowing one of the main drivers of the conflict to continue unchecked.
"We have asked the government countless times to pay more attention to the role of minerals in fuelling the conflict, and yet it seems that they are more concerned with protecting their companies' economic interests."
Despite a recent UN-backed offensive, the FDLR has been accused of escalating its use of rape, forced labour and torture to subdue the already terrified people of the Eastern Congo jungle.
It controls access to valuable minerals like casserite and coltan, which are used to make mobile phones and computers.
Commenting on the recent increase in violence against civilians blamed on the FDLR, Marcel Stoessel, head of Oxfam in the DRC, said: "The offensive against the FDLR was supposed to bring peace to eastern Congo, but our survey shows people are living in constant fear of violent attack.
"This suffering is not inevitable. It is happening because world leaders have decided that collateral damage is an acceptable price to pay for removing the FDLR. But as the people we met can testify, that price is far too high."
One is Amalgamated Metals Corporation (AMC), the parent company of THAISARCO, the world's fifth-largest tin-producing company.
THAISARCO's main supplier is Panju, based in the Democratic Republic of Congo, which sells tin ore, coltan and gold from mines controlled by the main rebel group the FDLR, made up of extremists behind the 1994 Rwandan genocide.
Among the main shareholders of AMC are Victor Herman Sher, Geoffrey Charles Leacroft Rowan and Giles Robbins, all of whom have appeared on the Sunday Times Rich List.
The other British firm identified by Global Witness is Afrimex, a small trading company located in Middlesex.
Campaigners claim Afrimex was found to be in breach of Office for Economic Development guidelines for buying from suppliers who made payments to rebels, but has continued trading with them.
For Global Witness, the report, called 'Faced with a gun, what can you do?', is further evidence that the British government has to clamp down on companies who deal with those involved in the DRC conflict.
It says mine ownership is carved up between the national Congolese army and the FDLR Hutu militia, who share the spoils of the trade.
Director Patrick Alley said: "The British government is the largest bilateral aid donor to the DRC and a key diplomatic player. Its failure to hold British companies to account is undermining its own efforts and allowing one of the main drivers of the conflict to continue unchecked.
"We have asked the government countless times to pay more attention to the role of minerals in fuelling the conflict, and yet it seems that they are more concerned with protecting their companies' economic interests."
Despite a recent UN-backed offensive, the FDLR has been accused of escalating its use of rape, forced labour and torture to subdue the already terrified people of the Eastern Congo jungle.
It controls access to valuable minerals like casserite and coltan, which are used to make mobile phones and computers.
Commenting on the recent increase in violence against civilians blamed on the FDLR, Marcel Stoessel, head of Oxfam in the DRC, said: "The offensive against the FDLR was supposed to bring peace to eastern Congo, but our survey shows people are living in constant fear of violent attack.
"This suffering is not inevitable. It is happening because world leaders have decided that collateral damage is an acceptable price to pay for removing the FDLR. But as the people we met can testify, that price is far too high."
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Dozens of gorillas and other animals are fleeing the raging fires that are burning large sways of forest on the Rwandan and Uganda sides of the gorilla sanctuary forcing them to flee to the DRC sides for safety, a source confirmed to RNA.
There are up to 260 gorillas that are taken care of by Rwanda wildlife authorities out of an estimated several hundreds living in the mountainous area referred to as the Virungas, which includes Mgahinga Gorilla National Park (Uganda), Volcanoes National Park (Rwanda) and Virunga National Park (Democratic Republic of Congo).
The fired that mysteriously started burning on Saturday are said to have been lit by arsonists but there have not been any arrests. Other indications are pointing to natural
causes as the region continues to experience an unusually dry season.According to the Chief Park Warden, Prosper Uwingeri, the fire was sparked off by a farmer extracting honey at the edge of the volcanoes national park in Cyanika sector, Nyagahinga cell.
The burnt area is 20Km away from the closest gorilla habitat, tourism officials said on Monday in a statement. “The area gutted by the fires is not in proximity of the gorilla habitat so Tourism activities are going on as usual without any interruptions at all”, said Rosette Rugamba, the Deputy CEO in Charge of Tourism at the Rwanda Development Board.
However, media reports from Uganda say officials there have been told that the fire was started deliberately to ‘smoke out’ FDLR/Interahamwe rebels, who had been seen in the mountains. However, Rwanda Defense Forces spokesmen Maj. Jill Rutaremara dismissed the claims as "just rumours"."With interahamwes if the try to come close to our borders, we should them with bullets not fire", he said. "It makes no sense suggesting that we light the fire and again use our helicopters to put it off."He added:
"There is no way we can destroy out environment for a small threat like the interahamwe". The area was previously occupied by rebels loyal to former DR Congo rebel General Laurent Nkunda – whose forces are no more. Concerted efforts are underway involving the Army, Fire brigade; Police used Air force helicopters with aerial water pumping system. Locals in the area also reported to be taking part using anything at their disposal
There are up to 260 gorillas that are taken care of by Rwanda wildlife authorities out of an estimated several hundreds living in the mountainous area referred to as the Virungas, which includes Mgahinga Gorilla National Park (Uganda), Volcanoes National Park (Rwanda) and Virunga National Park (Democratic Republic of Congo).
The fired that mysteriously started burning on Saturday are said to have been lit by arsonists but there have not been any arrests. Other indications are pointing to natural
causes as the region continues to experience an unusually dry season.According to the Chief Park Warden, Prosper Uwingeri, the fire was sparked off by a farmer extracting honey at the edge of the volcanoes national park in Cyanika sector, Nyagahinga cell.The burnt area is 20Km away from the closest gorilla habitat, tourism officials said on Monday in a statement. “The area gutted by the fires is not in proximity of the gorilla habitat so Tourism activities are going on as usual without any interruptions at all”, said Rosette Rugamba, the Deputy CEO in Charge of Tourism at the Rwanda Development Board.
However, media reports from Uganda say officials there have been told that the fire was started deliberately to ‘smoke out’ FDLR/Interahamwe rebels, who had been seen in the mountains. However, Rwanda Defense Forces spokesmen Maj. Jill Rutaremara dismissed the claims as "just rumours"."With interahamwes if the try to come close to our borders, we should them with bullets not fire", he said. "It makes no sense suggesting that we light the fire and again use our helicopters to put it off."He added:
"There is no way we can destroy out environment for a small threat like the interahamwe". The area was previously occupied by rebels loyal to former DR Congo rebel General Laurent Nkunda – whose forces are no more. Concerted efforts are underway involving the Army, Fire brigade; Police used Air force helicopters with aerial water pumping system. Locals in the area also reported to be taking part using anything at their disposal
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
De nombreuses sources concordantes font état de mouvements de troupes des rebelles hutus rwandais vers la frontière du Rwanda.
En effet, les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), désormais alliées avec de nombreux groupes nationalistes congolais, seraient en train de préparer une attaque sur le territoire rwandais. Galvanisé par l’échec des opérations militaires de la Rwanda Defense Force au Kivu, les FDLR seraient désormais prêtes à en découdre pour de bon avec la dictature militaire de Kigali.
Echec de l’opération conjointe et nouvelles alliances
Les choses se seraient accélérées récemment suite à deux événements clés. Il s’agit tout d’abord des multiples opérations de l’armée rwandaise au Congo. Ces opérations qui avaient pour objectif de mettre les FDLR hors services et qui ont mobilisé des dizaines de milliers de soldats rwandais n’ont donné aucun résultat et pire même, elles ont permis au FDLR de constater qu’il était pratiquement impossible à qui que ce soit de venir à bout d’eux. En marge de ce double échec stratégique viens s’ajouter le nombre important de soldats rwandais ayant périt dans cette aventure et le moral des troupes de Kigali qui est au plus bas.
Le deuxième événement clés c’est la récente alliance entre les FDLR et les groupes nationalistes congolais. En effet, depuis peu les patriotes congolais ainsi que les plusieurs groupes Maï-Maï ont décidé de joindre leurs forces avec celles des FDLR pour combattre les forces d’occupation du Congo.
Les nouveaux alliés ont tout d’abord testé leur capacité militaire au cours des nombreuses attaques qu’ils ont menées (séparément puis conjointement) contre les bases et les convois des soldats rwandais au Congo. Une fois, leur puissance de feu éprouvée, ils auraient ensuite décidé de frapper fort et d’envoyer un message clair au dictateur Rwandais en portant les combats sur son propre territoire.
La perspective d’une alliance forte et à long terme entre les nationalistes congolais et les hutus rwandais, comme au temps de Mobutu et Habyarimana, est un véritable cauchemar pour Kagame car cela pourrait à terme représenter un front capable de rivaliser avec celui formé dès les années 80 entre les nationalistes ougandais et les refugiés tutsis en Ouganda. Et surtout ce front pourrait représenter une alternative crédible et intéressante pour les occidentaux s’ils venaient à vouloir miser sur un autre cheval.
Kagame courtise Museveni
Actuellement c’est le bran le bas de combat à Kigali, l’état major et les chefs de renseignement sont continuellement sollicité afin de trouver une parade. Plus que le rapprochement entre Kagame et Kabila (et surtout la mise aux arrêts de Nkunda), c’est le rapprochement entre Kagame et Museveni qui est le plus démonstratif du désespoir de Kigali.
Car, ces derniers temps Kagame courtise littéralement son ennemi d’hier le dirigeant ougandais pour essayer de s’assurer la protection de ce dernier au cas où les congolais se réveilleraient et décideraient véritablement et durablement de travailler avec les rebelles hutus pour chasser l’occupant rwandais.
Une attaque imminente et une explication …douteuse
Alerté en début de semaine, par l’imminence d’une attaque sur son territoire, l’armée rwandaise, paniquée, à décidé de mettre le feu au parc des volcans. Cette tactique n’est pas nouvelle, vers la fin des années 90 lorsque les attaques des FDLR se faisaient de plus en plus nombreuses sur le territoire rwandais, l’armée de Kagame avait fait bruler plus de 90% de la forêt de Gishwati (voir ici) pour empêcher les FDLR de s’y cacher et d’y coordonner une partie de leurs attaques.
Le porte-parole de l’armée, le Major Jill Rutaremara, a bien évidement nié les fait lundi lors d’un point de presse mais l’explication donnée, à savoir qu’un apiculteur imprudent aurait mis le feu à toute la forêt par erreur semble très peu convaincante.
Le parc en feu abrite les derniers spécimens de Gorilles des montagnes au monde, cette espèce en voie de disparition était devenue une des attractions touristiques majeures au Rwanda. Nous sommes donc tentés de croire que la menace des FDLR devait être vraiment sérieuse pour que l’armée rwandaise en vienne à des actes aussi désespérés.
Mais n’oublions pas que le FPR, lors de son offensive contre le Rwanda en octobre 1990 était passé lui aussi par un parc naturel du Rwanda. C’est peut être pour éviter que l’histoire ne se répète que le FPR à décider de bruler le foyer des derniers gorilles des montagnes. L’histoire nous dira si cela suffira à protéger le régime de Kigali des attaques à venir.
En effet, les Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), désormais alliées avec de nombreux groupes nationalistes congolais, seraient en train de préparer une attaque sur le territoire rwandais. Galvanisé par l’échec des opérations militaires de la Rwanda Defense Force au Kivu, les FDLR seraient désormais prêtes à en découdre pour de bon avec la dictature militaire de Kigali.
Echec de l’opération conjointe et nouvelles alliances
Les choses se seraient accélérées récemment suite à deux événements clés. Il s’agit tout d’abord des multiples opérations de l’armée rwandaise au Congo. Ces opérations qui avaient pour objectif de mettre les FDLR hors services et qui ont mobilisé des dizaines de milliers de soldats rwandais n’ont donné aucun résultat et pire même, elles ont permis au FDLR de constater qu’il était pratiquement impossible à qui que ce soit de venir à bout d’eux. En marge de ce double échec stratégique viens s’ajouter le nombre important de soldats rwandais ayant périt dans cette aventure et le moral des troupes de Kigali qui est au plus bas.
Le deuxième événement clés c’est la récente alliance entre les FDLR et les groupes nationalistes congolais. En effet, depuis peu les patriotes congolais ainsi que les plusieurs groupes Maï-Maï ont décidé de joindre leurs forces avec celles des FDLR pour combattre les forces d’occupation du Congo.
Les nouveaux alliés ont tout d’abord testé leur capacité militaire au cours des nombreuses attaques qu’ils ont menées (séparément puis conjointement) contre les bases et les convois des soldats rwandais au Congo. Une fois, leur puissance de feu éprouvée, ils auraient ensuite décidé de frapper fort et d’envoyer un message clair au dictateur Rwandais en portant les combats sur son propre territoire.
La perspective d’une alliance forte et à long terme entre les nationalistes congolais et les hutus rwandais, comme au temps de Mobutu et Habyarimana, est un véritable cauchemar pour Kagame car cela pourrait à terme représenter un front capable de rivaliser avec celui formé dès les années 80 entre les nationalistes ougandais et les refugiés tutsis en Ouganda. Et surtout ce front pourrait représenter une alternative crédible et intéressante pour les occidentaux s’ils venaient à vouloir miser sur un autre cheval.
Kagame courtise Museveni
Actuellement c’est le bran le bas de combat à Kigali, l’état major et les chefs de renseignement sont continuellement sollicité afin de trouver une parade. Plus que le rapprochement entre Kagame et Kabila (et surtout la mise aux arrêts de Nkunda), c’est le rapprochement entre Kagame et Museveni qui est le plus démonstratif du désespoir de Kigali.
Car, ces derniers temps Kagame courtise littéralement son ennemi d’hier le dirigeant ougandais pour essayer de s’assurer la protection de ce dernier au cas où les congolais se réveilleraient et décideraient véritablement et durablement de travailler avec les rebelles hutus pour chasser l’occupant rwandais.
Une attaque imminente et une explication …douteuse
Alerté en début de semaine, par l’imminence d’une attaque sur son territoire, l’armée rwandaise, paniquée, à décidé de mettre le feu au parc des volcans. Cette tactique n’est pas nouvelle, vers la fin des années 90 lorsque les attaques des FDLR se faisaient de plus en plus nombreuses sur le territoire rwandais, l’armée de Kagame avait fait bruler plus de 90% de la forêt de Gishwati (voir ici) pour empêcher les FDLR de s’y cacher et d’y coordonner une partie de leurs attaques.
Le porte-parole de l’armée, le Major Jill Rutaremara, a bien évidement nié les fait lundi lors d’un point de presse mais l’explication donnée, à savoir qu’un apiculteur imprudent aurait mis le feu à toute la forêt par erreur semble très peu convaincante.
Le parc en feu abrite les derniers spécimens de Gorilles des montagnes au monde, cette espèce en voie de disparition était devenue une des attractions touristiques majeures au Rwanda. Nous sommes donc tentés de croire que la menace des FDLR devait être vraiment sérieuse pour que l’armée rwandaise en vienne à des actes aussi désespérés.
Mais n’oublions pas que le FPR, lors de son offensive contre le Rwanda en octobre 1990 était passé lui aussi par un parc naturel du Rwanda. C’est peut être pour éviter que l’histoire ne se répète que le FPR à décider de bruler le foyer des derniers gorilles des montagnes. L’histoire nous dira si cela suffira à protéger le régime de Kigali des attaques à venir.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, July 20, 2009
"Without going through an Inter-Rwandan Dialogue involving all political movements, civil society groups,religious organizations and business, Rwanda will not move forward"=> Nzi-Nink
Best thoughts and comments : Against political Extremism
IngMa
The root causes of the current DRC crisis on April 6th, 1994 the RPF fired two missiles and killed both the Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana and the Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira. This terrorist act achieved two goals: Firstly, by killing the Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira, the RPF halted, at least temporarily, the democratic process in Burundi and stabilized its back-up base in this country. Secondly, by killing the Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana, the RPF triggered the resumption of the Rwandan civil war and at the same time halted the implementation process of the Arusha Peace Agreement.
From 1996 to 1997, the RPF envaded the DRC and continued to track the ex-Rwandan Army Forces (FAR) inside the DRC in order to exterminate them and install its allies in Kinshasa. To achieve this goal, the RPF massacred at least 200,000 Rwandan refugees inside the DRC. It even tried to conceal evidence for these mass killings by burning victim corpses and scattering the ashes away in the forest and/ or in the river.
Such a sinister plan was thwarted when a revolutionary Congolese, the late Laurent-Desire Kabila, took power in the DRC and decided to restore the sovereignty of the land. In August 1998, the RPF launched a new war in DRC aiming at not only completing the installation of its allies in Kinshasa, but also to prevent any international criminal justice inquiry into its role in the DRC, given the extent of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by its army.
Some of these crimes had already been documented by an investigation team established by the UN Secretary-General. This new proxy war in the DRC made it possible for many survivors of the Rwandan refugee massacres of 1996 and 1997 to stand up and defend themselves against this strenuous common enemy. The birth of the FDLR is a direct consequence of the RPF sinister plan in the DRC. That is the origin of the current proxy war in the province of North Kivu. In other words, the origin of the current DRC civil war is in Kigali not in Goma or in Kinshasa. Sooner or later this problem will be solved.
This problem is the result of the RPF refusal to face free democratic elections in Rwanda. It also is the result of the RPF inability to handle the actual state of Hutu-Tutsi problems in Rwanda. The RPF regime has been trying to underestimate and ignore the existence of such Hutu-Tutsi problems in Rwanda. In Rwanda, there are nearly 85% Hutus and 14% Tutsis. Democratic elections in Rwanda would probably give back the power to a "Hutu" movement.
This analysis has always been in the RPF calculations with regard to plausible results of democratic elections in Rwanda. The RPF suggests that such results simply denote "confusion between the ethnic majority and the political majority." Since 1993, the RPF estimates that such results would inexorably relegate it to the opposition for an indefinite period of time.
Nzi-Nink
Any attempt to solve the current DRC crisis must take into account its root causes that are in Rwanda , not in Goma or Kinshasa . In August 1998, the RPF launched in DRC a war aiming at not only completing the installation of its allies in Kinshasa, but also to prevent any international criminal justice inquiry into its role in the DRC, given the extent of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by its army.
Some of these crimes had already been documented by an investigation team established by the UN Secretary-General. This new proxy war in the DRC made it possible for many survivors of the Rwandan refugee massacres of 1996 and 1997 to stand up and defend themselves against this strenuous enemy. The birth of the FDLR is a direct consequence of the RPF sinister plan in the DRC. That is the origin of the current proxy war in the province of North Kivu. Sooner or later this problem will be solved. To do so, a democratic government is urgently needed in Kigali .
In my opinion, it is obvious that a democratically elected government in Kigali would not need to sponsor armed groups in the provinces of North and South Kivu . In addition, such a democratically elected government in Kigali would refuse to offer back-up bases to any Congolese armed groups, including the one belonging to the Tutsi rebel Laurent Nkunda, whose rebellions would shortly die off by themselves.
Concerning the Rwandan armed groups, including the FDLR combatants, a democratically elected government in Kigali would not be afraid to directly discuss with them. Direct talks between these combatants and the democratically elected Rwandan government would set up new relationships under which the armed struggle would be meaningless.
These armed groups would not have any reason to refuse to face justice in Rwanda , should some of their combatants have to respond for their acts, just as any other Rwandan in similar situation would have to, especially the RPF members who are accused of several crimes, including crimes against humanity.
A democratically elected government in Kigali would provide impartial justice for all Rwandans without any discrimination. Therefore, there would be no need for such a democratic government in Kigali to request that these combatants be sent "elsewhere". Their home is in Rwanda . That is where they belong and no where else.
The root causes of the current DRC crisis on April 6th, 1994 the RPF fired two missiles and killed both the Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana and the Burundian president Cyprien Ntaryamira. This terrorist act achieved two goals: Firstly, by killing the Burundian President Cyprien Ntaryamira, the RPF halted, at least temporarily, the democratic process in Burundi and stabilized its back-up base in this country. Secondly, by killing the Rwandan president Juvenal Habyarimana, the RPF triggered the resumption of the Rwandan civil war and at the same time halted the implementation process of the Arusha Peace Agreement.
From 1996 to 1997, the RPF envaded the DRC and continued to track the ex-Rwandan Army Forces (FAR) inside the DRC in order to exterminate them and install its allies in Kinshasa. To achieve this goal, the RPF massacred at least 200,000 Rwandan refugees inside the DRC. It even tried to conceal evidence for these mass killings by burning victim corpses and scattering the ashes away in the forest and/ or in the river.
Such a sinister plan was thwarted when a revolutionary Congolese, the late Laurent-Desire Kabila, took power in the DRC and decided to restore the sovereignty of the land. In August 1998, the RPF launched a new war in DRC aiming at not only completing the installation of its allies in Kinshasa, but also to prevent any international criminal justice inquiry into its role in the DRC, given the extent of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by its army.
Some of these crimes had already been documented by an investigation team established by the UN Secretary-General. This new proxy war in the DRC made it possible for many survivors of the Rwandan refugee massacres of 1996 and 1997 to stand up and defend themselves against this strenuous common enemy. The birth of the FDLR is a direct consequence of the RPF sinister plan in the DRC. That is the origin of the current proxy war in the province of North Kivu. In other words, the origin of the current DRC civil war is in Kigali not in Goma or in Kinshasa. Sooner or later this problem will be solved.
This problem is the result of the RPF refusal to face free democratic elections in Rwanda. It also is the result of the RPF inability to handle the actual state of Hutu-Tutsi problems in Rwanda. The RPF regime has been trying to underestimate and ignore the existence of such Hutu-Tutsi problems in Rwanda. In Rwanda, there are nearly 85% Hutus and 14% Tutsis. Democratic elections in Rwanda would probably give back the power to a "Hutu" movement.
This analysis has always been in the RPF calculations with regard to plausible results of democratic elections in Rwanda. The RPF suggests that such results simply denote "confusion between the ethnic majority and the political majority." Since 1993, the RPF estimates that such results would inexorably relegate it to the opposition for an indefinite period of time.
Nzi-Nink
Any attempt to solve the current DRC crisis must take into account its root causes that are in Rwanda , not in Goma or Kinshasa . In August 1998, the RPF launched in DRC a war aiming at not only completing the installation of its allies in Kinshasa, but also to prevent any international criminal justice inquiry into its role in the DRC, given the extent of war crimes and crimes against humanity committed by its army.
Some of these crimes had already been documented by an investigation team established by the UN Secretary-General. This new proxy war in the DRC made it possible for many survivors of the Rwandan refugee massacres of 1996 and 1997 to stand up and defend themselves against this strenuous enemy. The birth of the FDLR is a direct consequence of the RPF sinister plan in the DRC. That is the origin of the current proxy war in the province of North Kivu. Sooner or later this problem will be solved. To do so, a democratic government is urgently needed in Kigali .
In my opinion, it is obvious that a democratically elected government in Kigali would not need to sponsor armed groups in the provinces of North and South Kivu . In addition, such a democratically elected government in Kigali would refuse to offer back-up bases to any Congolese armed groups, including the one belonging to the Tutsi rebel Laurent Nkunda, whose rebellions would shortly die off by themselves.
Concerning the Rwandan armed groups, including the FDLR combatants, a democratically elected government in Kigali would not be afraid to directly discuss with them. Direct talks between these combatants and the democratically elected Rwandan government would set up new relationships under which the armed struggle would be meaningless.
These armed groups would not have any reason to refuse to face justice in Rwanda , should some of their combatants have to respond for their acts, just as any other Rwandan in similar situation would have to, especially the RPF members who are accused of several crimes, including crimes against humanity.
A democratically elected government in Kigali would provide impartial justice for all Rwandans without any discrimination. Therefore, there would be no need for such a democratic government in Kigali to request that these combatants be sent "elsewhere". Their home is in Rwanda . That is where they belong and no where else.
John
The Rwandan crisis in the heart of the current civil war in DRC The United Nations decided yesterday to add 3100 men to its Mission in Congo (MONUC), bringing the size to 25 000 members, including 20 000 soldiers. But the war in eastern Congo is likely to persist with its horrors and looting in the Kivu, and its blockade effects on the rest of the country.
The reason: the Rwandan crisis, in the heart of the war between the rebel Tutsi General Laurent Nkunda and the DRC government in Kinshasa continues to be ignored by the powerful western sponsors of the Kigali regime. Fortunately, yesterday London, the major donor of a Rwanda, urged the regime of General Paul Kagame to "use its influence" on Nkunda to end the fighting in Congo. Mark Malloch-Brown, Secretary of State for Africa, said on his arrival in Kigali, after three days in Congo. "I will ask (Kagame) to use his influence" on Nkunda.
Another sign of pressure on Rwanda: the arrest by Germany of the chief of staff Kagame, Rose Kabuye, and his extradition to Paris for charges related to the destruction of the plane of President Juv�nal Habyarimana of Rwanda, triggering genocide in April 1994. It is a "peace process" that is needed in Rwanda, with a truth and reconciliation process between the RPF and the FDLR, which will ultimately lead to free and fair democratic elections. Otherwise Rwanda will continue to fuel the war in Congo, regardless of the strength of MONUC.
Even though Kagame has managed to draw his legitimacy from the Rwandan genocide, he is threatened by the unprecedented determination of Hutus to return to power in Rwanda. With Nkunda, he is confining the Tutsi-Hutu war on the Congolese territory by desperately asking Kinshasa to disarm the FDLR, and by insisting that the current DRC crisis "is a Congolese, not Rwandan internal affair.
Kagame knows very well that the presence in the DRC of what he calls "Hutu genocidaires" is a direct consequence of the military coup which put the RPF on power in Rwanda. Up to date, the RPF continues to spread lies that its decision to take power by force in Rwanda was directly linked to its willingness and determination to end the Rwandan genocide in 1994.
This baseless argument does not stick at all since every Rwandan knows that the Rwandan genocide of 1994 was not the cause of the Rwandan civil war which began in 1990. Instead, the Rwandan genocide of 1994, triggerred by the assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana on April 6th, 1994, was a direct consequence of the Rwandan civil war which spanned from 1990 to 1994.
For any State to function efficiently it needs to be small (a million or so people) and culturally homogeneous. Only then there could be cohesion, transparency and accountability�. This is exactly what Kagame is trying to accomplish in Rwanda.The Rwandan government develops cities which are safe havens for Tutsis while the same government chases away Hutus from these cities under the umbrella of hygiene clean up, modernization, excessive minimum working capital required to open a small business, etc...
I would love to see the Rwandan government authorize a free tour of foreign delegations and international media in the rural areas without any prior notice, manipulation or conditioning of the population. Peasants that are mainly subsistence farmers are forced to practice industrial agriculture that only remunerates the government while peasants go hungry after being forced to destroy their crops. Paradoxically, that money goes to build cities where the population that contributed to their development is prohibited. What apartheid? What is the fate of a Rwandan peasant, not to mention a Rwandan Hutu?
The actual Hutu is exploited under a highly sophisticated economic system to the benefits of Tutsis. The misery that is imposed to the Hutus will bear its fruits in a long term period because the later will slowly extinct (malnutrition, poor health care, death at very young age, prison, forced contraception, etc...) while the Tutsis will continue their development at a higher speed (economic wealth, education, health care, wellness, longevity, etc...).
And time will finally establish equilibrium! A genocide that is learnedly planned and highly sophisticated to the extent that westerners in general, bearer of knowledge simply acquired from books, may never detect.
I would love to see the Rwandan government authorize a free tour of foreign delegations and international media in the rural areas without any prior notice, manipulation or conditioning of the population. Peasants that are mainly subsistence farmers are forced to practice industrial agriculture that only remunerates the government while peasants go hungry after being forced to destroy their crops. Paradoxically, that money goes to build cities where the population that contributed to their development is prohibited. What apartheid? What is the fate of a Rwandan peasant, not to mention a Rwandan Hutu?
The actual Hutu is exploited under a highly sophisticated economic system to the benefits of Tutsis. The misery that is imposed to the Hutus will bear its fruits in a long term period because the later will slowly extinct (malnutrition, poor health care, death at very young age, prison, forced contraception, etc...) while the Tutsis will continue their development at a higher speed (economic wealth, education, health care, wellness, longevity, etc...).
And time will finally establish equilibrium! A genocide that is learnedly planned and highly sophisticated to the extent that westerners in general, bearer of knowledge simply acquired from books, may never detect.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
The Cedar Valley's Home PageJuly 9, 2009[All Rwandans who think that the enemy they are facing is Kagame....should read this book review: UN Security Council in 2008: "The Dangerous Del Ponte/Hartmann ICTY/ICTR Memoirs Must Be Suppressed, and the Authors Prosecuted!" (Which is Why All "Human Rights" Advocates Must Read Them) by Professor Peter Erlinder.
And realize that the Obama War Crimes Ambassador Steven Rapp was part of the cover-up of RPF crimes at the ICTR.Kagame exists because of:
1. Pentagon support and US need for African troops, so US troops are not necessary in Africa;
2. State Dept cannot admit that it has been complicit in covering up RPF crimes since at least August 1994;
3. If Kagame ever IS prosecuted, he will reveal the deep involvement of US Pentagon in RPF invasion from the early days;
4. Kagame is a convenient front for the Pentagon, and is allowed free rein as long has he is useful to more powerful forces....he is the attack dog on the leash...he is not holding the leash; Obama cannot change the above, but pressure and exposure of RPF crimes may make it embarrassing to continue support of Kagame...like Mobutu in the Congo. But, the focus on Kagame...is only the local expression of a much, much deeper problem...that is difficult to face, because it is so difficult to fight!
And here we go-Steven Rapp is nominated for war crimes tsar-if confirmed-there is no way he will give up himself!!-MK/ HTPJWATERLOO- A Cedar Falls native who also lived in Waterloo was nominated Tuesday to become the next Ambassador at Large for War Crimes Issues for the U.S. Department of State.Stephen J. Rapp was among eight people picked by President Barack Obama for various key administration posts.
Rapp has served as prosecutor for the Special Court for Sierra Leone since January 2007, leading the prosecutions of former Liberian President Charles Taylor and other persons for atrocities during the civil war in Sierra Leone."I am confident that these skilled and dedicated individuals will diligently work to serve the American people, keeping our country safe at home and abroad," President Obama said in a statement. "I look forward to working with them in the future.
"Rapp's new job is dependent on Senate approval. Rapp e-mailed The Courier stating he couldn't comment on the appointment or what he's expected to do in the position."If confirmed, I will leave the position of prosecutor after ensuring a smooth transition to my successor and the availability of personnel and resources to complete the trial of Charles Taylor," Rapp said.Iowa Republican Sen. Charles Grassley said he welcomes Obama's choice of Rapp for the job.
"Steve Rapp has the respect of people around the world, and has been a leader in prosecuting war crimes committed against civilian populations. He is an ideal person for the job."Prior to prosecuting war crimes and crimes against humanity Rapp also helped convict leaders of mass media in Rwanda for the crime of Incitement to Commit Genocide Rapp served as United States Attorney for the Northern District of Iowa from 1993 to 2001. He also was a former Iowa state legislator and Black Hawk County Democratic chairman who ran unsuccessfully for Congress in the 1970s.
Contact the author at matt.wilde@wcfcouri er.com
And realize that the Obama War Crimes Ambassador Steven Rapp was part of the cover-up of RPF crimes at the ICTR.Kagame exists because of:
1. Pentagon support and US need for African troops, so US troops are not necessary in Africa;
2. State Dept cannot admit that it has been complicit in covering up RPF crimes since at least August 1994;
3. If Kagame ever IS prosecuted, he will reveal the deep involvement of US Pentagon in RPF invasion from the early days;
4. Kagame is a convenient front for the Pentagon, and is allowed free rein as long has he is useful to more powerful forces....he is the attack dog on the leash...he is not holding the leash; Obama cannot change the above, but pressure and exposure of RPF crimes may make it embarrassing to continue support of Kagame...like Mobutu in the Congo. But, the focus on Kagame...is only the local expression of a much, much deeper problem...that is difficult to face, because it is so difficult to fight!
And here we go-Steven Rapp is nominated for war crimes tsar-if confirmed-there is no way he will give up himself!!-MK/ HTPJWATERLOO- A Cedar Falls native who also lived in Waterloo was nominated Tuesday to become the next Ambassador at Large for War Crimes Issues for the U.S. Department of State.Stephen J. Rapp was among eight people picked by President Barack Obama for various key administration posts.
Rapp has served as prosecutor for the Special Court for Sierra Leone since January 2007, leading the prosecutions of former Liberian President Charles Taylor and other persons for atrocities during the civil war in Sierra Leone."I am confident that these skilled and dedicated individuals will diligently work to serve the American people, keeping our country safe at home and abroad," President Obama said in a statement. "I look forward to working with them in the future.
"Rapp's new job is dependent on Senate approval. Rapp e-mailed The Courier stating he couldn't comment on the appointment or what he's expected to do in the position."If confirmed, I will leave the position of prosecutor after ensuring a smooth transition to my successor and the availability of personnel and resources to complete the trial of Charles Taylor," Rapp said.Iowa Republican Sen. Charles Grassley said he welcomes Obama's choice of Rapp for the job.
"Steve Rapp has the respect of people around the world, and has been a leader in prosecuting war crimes committed against civilian populations. He is an ideal person for the job."Prior to prosecuting war crimes and crimes against humanity Rapp also helped convict leaders of mass media in Rwanda for the crime of Incitement to Commit Genocide Rapp served as United States Attorney for the Northern District of Iowa from 1993 to 2001. He also was a former Iowa state legislator and Black Hawk County Democratic chairman who ran unsuccessfully for Congress in the 1970s.
Contact the author at matt.wilde@wcfcouri er.com
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, July 19, 2009
Bien concevoir une idée serait le résultat d'une forte discipline riche en esprit. Cette affirmation fut le leitmotiv de mon grand père Kaburabuza qui m'a légué tant de valeurs morales et culturelles. L'ICG (International Crisis Group) dans son communiqué du 9/7/2009 a fait planer beaucoup de doutes sur sa capacité à aider les acteurs politiques qui dirigent ce monde à trouver une solution équitable dans ce conflit qui ravage la région des grands lacs voilà plus d'un quart de siècle.Autant de contradictions qui laissent aux analystes politiques considérer l'organisation comme un groupe de gens travaillant à la solde du régime de Kigali. Ce qui est développé dans leur communiqué n'a rien de cohérent avec le titre qui s'intitule " Kigali doit négocier avec les FDLR". L'entête aurait été choisi sciemment pour attirer l'attention de plusieurs lecteurs et dans la même foulée avec un but de mener une guerre médiatique en faveur de ces sanguinaires qui tuent et qui accusent les victimes d'être auteurs des exactions que ces soldats rwandais déguisés en soldats de la RDC commettent.
Le ridicule ne tue pas, j'ai préféré relever deux propositions émises dans leur soi-disant communiqué du 9/7/2009, Source/Bruxelles, Nayirobi. Ainsi l'ICG propose l'établissement du mécanisme de gestion stratégique des activités de désarmement, démobilisation des FDLR, composé de personnels militaires et civils" de la Monuc, des responsables congolais et rwandais, des spécialistes issus des pays de la facilitation et des agents de liaison avec l'Interpol, la cour pénale internationale et formuler une nouvelle stratégie de désarment des FDLR.
La deuxième proposition présage des opérations par des forces spéciales rwandaises se concentrant sur le démantèlement des structures de commandement et de contrôle des FDLR. Sans risque de me tromper ce communiqué a été lancé par des partisans du régime de Kigali et il y a lieu de se demander si de telles propositions peuvent contribuer à la paix dans cette région devenue le théâtre des conflits ethniques et la convoitise des intérêts multinationaux et mafieux.
L'ICG semble ignorer que s'il faut parler de négociation, il y a des acteurs principaux. Les vrais responsables du FDLR ne doivent pas être exclus des négociations car le jeu du FPR est de faire un semblant de négociation en écartant toux ceux qui s'opposent à leur dictature. Envisager la force pour désarmer les FDLR c'est ignorer que les combattants du FDLR sont des militaires de carrière qui viennent de passer 15 ans dans le maquis et qui des années durant ont fait face à ces forces spéciales rwandaises.
Le FPR ne doit pas en aucun cas être juge et accusé à la fois. Ces soldats en majorité tutsis ont massacré plus de 10 millions de population rwandaise et congolaise. Le Peuple des grands lacs acteurs politiques congolais continuent à pactiser avec ces militaires sanguinaires alors que les militaires d'origine congolaise se désolidarisent avec ces militaires venus du Rwanda et qui se déclarent congolais.
L'opération Kimia II risque de coucher une souris et plusieurs sources indiquent que les soldats rwandophones envoyés au Sud Kivu viennent de subir une défaite cuisante et sous le feu foudroyant des combattants des FDLR, ces derniers sont en débandade et laissés à leur triste sort par les militaires congolais d'origine.
Le conflit qui commence à prendre une autre ampleur redevient conflit hutu tutsi et on peut se demander à qui profite de cette guerre insensée et pourquoi la communauté internationale n'arrive pas à trouver une solution à ce conflit qui dure 19 ans. Les acteurs politiques ont joué mauvais jeu et on espère qu'avec un changement des dirigeants dans certains pays qui ont soutenu le Rwanda, les dirigeants du régime FPR risquent de répondre de leurs exactions.
Prétendre que seule la minorité peut défendre les intérêts de ces puissances dans la région n'est qu'illusion du passé. Le monde devrait comprendre que la guerre ne profite à personne si ce n'est qu'à un groupuscule mafieux et seule la population paie de leur vie.
L'international Crisis Group si réellement aspire à la paix doit essayer d'être objective dans ses analyses. Tous les congolais ne sont pas dupes. Le communiqué d'UCDP du 15/7/2009 est contre cette diabolisation des combattants du FDLR et s'indigne à la communauté internationale qui accuse faussement les résistants rwandais du FDLR et même les résistants maï- maï des crimes et viols pourtant commis par les rwandais tutsi qui forment le CNDP et habillés en tenus des FARDC sûrement en vue de justifier l'occupation insidieuse du kivu entier sous prétexte de pourchasser des résistants rwandais du FDLR.
Selon le même communiqué, l'état des lieux des forces armées congolaises et de service de sécurité a dévoilé une infiltration massive et un positionnement sur les postes stratégiques dans l'armée des éléments venus du Rwanda se faisant passer pour congolais ou des congolais assujettis au pouvoir rwandais. Comme ce fut le cas au Rwanda, ces soldats d'origine rwandaise avant d'occuper une position, ils nettoient la région en massacrant toute la population qui s'y trouve.
Cet état de choses pousse des soldats congolais à se désolidariser de leur armée pour combattre le CNDP et comme le précise le général Kakule Lafontaine, leader du front des patriotes pour le changement ( FPC en sigle) dans une interview diffusée sur les antennes de la radio Moto du 2 juillet 2009, les FARDC d'origine congolaise seraient entrain de rejoindre le FPC pour combattre ensemble les ex-miliciens du CNDP devenus FARDC après les accords d'Hussi et ce virement de situation fait suite aux exactions que les militaires tutsi ont commises dans la nuit du 30/6/ au 1/7/2007 où plus de 130 maisons ont été incendiées par les militaires rwandais dans la localité de Miriki, à une quarantaine de kilomètre du sud de kaseghe.
Contrairement à ce que croit l'ICG même L'ONG international Human Watch(HRW) a confirmé dans son rapport que les FARDC parlant le Kinyarwanda sont ceux qui avaient non seulement incendié plus de 130 maisons à Miriki mais aussi violé des femmes et pillé systématiquement des boutiques , maisons d'habitation et fermes d'élevage…
Le FPR est aujourd'hui affaibli politiquement et militairement, seuls les irréductibles continuent à propager le mensonge. Il cherche à diviser le peuple du Congo et du Rwanda. A l'intérieur du Rwanda la sécurité est menacée et tout se fait dans un silence absolu car la presse est muselée. Ces derniers temps des emprisonnements arbitraires se sont multipliés et beaucoup d'entre eux sont accusés à tort de collaborer avec les combattants du FDLR.
Cette connotation négative conduit à des situations paradoxales qui poussent certains hutus anciens collaborateurs du FPR à quitter le pays pour sauver leur vie, d'autres sont jetés en prison comme c'est le cas d'Amani. Le plus déplorable c'est que le passé et le présent ne servent pas de leçon à certaines gens mal intentionnées car dans la stratégie d'anéantissement du FDLR, les partisans du FPR envisagent également d'infiltrer les traîtres au sein de la diaspora rwandaise et surtout semer la confusion au sein des combattants du FDLR en commençant par leurs dirigeants. Cela constitue l'une des stratégies adoptées par les partisans de ce régime hors du commun.
Le plus paradoxal est de continuer à pactiser avec un régime qui a décimé tout un peuple tion. A quoi servirait cet argent sale si fin des fins la mort surprend tout un chacun même les plus fortunés. Le comble de malheurs, c'est que le ridicule ne tue pas.
© Kaburabuza.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
After Sudanese strong man Omar Hassan Bashir's indictment by the ICC, Rwandan President, Paul Kagame, within a hair’s breadth of being indicted, has smelled a rat.
He recently manipulated Rwandan parliament to enact a law giving him immunity from prosecution for life! Many wonder. Why should this come after the indictment of Bashir? Is Kagame trying to save his face before the hammer lands on him? Is this going to be a loophole for other African skew-whiff rulers to manipulate their parliaments so as to do away with it?
He who lives by the sword will die by the sword. Nonetheless, Kagame can wrongly rest assured: his ploy will work. His involvement in genocide will never be forgotten. His hands are dripping with blood. His despoilers say. If he jumps this smoking gun, he’ll never do the same to heinous killings and theft he committed in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). DRC sued Rwanda and Uganda and the matter is still sub-judice. We thus can not discuss it.If anything, Kagame and Ugandan dictator, Yoweri Museveni are likely to end up in prison just like Charles Taylor former President of Liberia.
To prove that this move aims at protecting Kagame, many still wonder why this law should come after Rwandan former president Pasteur Bizimungu has already been imprisoned, if at all it aims at protecting former rulers.Will Rwandan authority redress Bizimungu whose offences were framed?
The amendment says that a former president cannot be prosecuted on charges for which he was not put on trial while in office. This clause tells it all.
Being in power and making sure that he won’t be prosecuted, Kagame introduced this clause purposely well aware of his manipulation of Rwandans. This has also been used in Uganda. The pressure is on and high. Judges in France and Spain have accused President Paul Kagame of involvement in killings linked to the 1994 genocide.
Very recently, a Spanish judge said he had evidence that Mr Kagame was linked to the killing of Hutus after the genocide, sparking fury in Rwanda. In 2006, a French judge accused Mr. Kagame of ordering the attack against the plane carrying former President Juvenal Habyarimana - whose death sparked the genocide. President Kagame has always denied the charges and says Mr. Habyarimana, a Hutu, was killed by Hutu extremists and blamed on his Tutsi rebels to provide the pretext for carrying out the genocide.
In another attempt to hoodwink the world, the parliament passed the law saying that the constitution will now refer to the 1994 genocide as a "genocide committed on Tutsis". What of the so-called moderate Hutus that were killed? It’s alleged that RPF brought down presidential jet carrying president Habyarimana Juvenal and Burundian former president the late Ntaryamirwa Cyprien. They all died thereof. Is it a right time that Kagame faces the moment of truth? Shall ICC ignore this, indeed it’ll be tad hypocrisy.
© The African Executive
He recently manipulated Rwandan parliament to enact a law giving him immunity from prosecution for life! Many wonder. Why should this come after the indictment of Bashir? Is Kagame trying to save his face before the hammer lands on him? Is this going to be a loophole for other African skew-whiff rulers to manipulate their parliaments so as to do away with it?
He who lives by the sword will die by the sword. Nonetheless, Kagame can wrongly rest assured: his ploy will work. His involvement in genocide will never be forgotten. His hands are dripping with blood. His despoilers say. If he jumps this smoking gun, he’ll never do the same to heinous killings and theft he committed in Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). DRC sued Rwanda and Uganda and the matter is still sub-judice. We thus can not discuss it.If anything, Kagame and Ugandan dictator, Yoweri Museveni are likely to end up in prison just like Charles Taylor former President of Liberia.
To prove that this move aims at protecting Kagame, many still wonder why this law should come after Rwandan former president Pasteur Bizimungu has already been imprisoned, if at all it aims at protecting former rulers.Will Rwandan authority redress Bizimungu whose offences were framed?
The amendment says that a former president cannot be prosecuted on charges for which he was not put on trial while in office. This clause tells it all.
Being in power and making sure that he won’t be prosecuted, Kagame introduced this clause purposely well aware of his manipulation of Rwandans. This has also been used in Uganda. The pressure is on and high. Judges in France and Spain have accused President Paul Kagame of involvement in killings linked to the 1994 genocide.
Very recently, a Spanish judge said he had evidence that Mr Kagame was linked to the killing of Hutus after the genocide, sparking fury in Rwanda. In 2006, a French judge accused Mr. Kagame of ordering the attack against the plane carrying former President Juvenal Habyarimana - whose death sparked the genocide. President Kagame has always denied the charges and says Mr. Habyarimana, a Hutu, was killed by Hutu extremists and blamed on his Tutsi rebels to provide the pretext for carrying out the genocide.
In another attempt to hoodwink the world, the parliament passed the law saying that the constitution will now refer to the 1994 genocide as a "genocide committed on Tutsis". What of the so-called moderate Hutus that were killed? It’s alleged that RPF brought down presidential jet carrying president Habyarimana Juvenal and Burundian former president the late Ntaryamirwa Cyprien. They all died thereof. Is it a right time that Kagame faces the moment of truth? Shall ICC ignore this, indeed it’ll be tad hypocrisy.
© The African Executive
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, July 18, 2009
Rakiya Omaar, de l'organisation "African Rights" se présente comme 
activiste des Droits de l'Homme.Sa neutralité a été mise en cause depuis longtemps. Des documents existent comme quoi elle est payée par le Rwanda pour produire des rapports conformes aux thèses du régime de Paul Kagame.
***
activiste des Droits de l'Homme.Sa neutralité a été mise en cause depuis longtemps. Des documents existent comme quoi elle est payée par le Rwanda pour produire des rapports conformes aux thèses du régime de Paul Kagame.Rakiya Omaar est Directrice d'African Rights, une ONG basée à Londres et qui se dit "défendre" les Droits de l'Homme. Rakiya Omaar a été surtout très active dans le dossier rwandais. Après la prise de pouvoir du FPR en juillet 1994, son ONG a produit un rapport intitulé Rwanda: Dea
th, Despair, Defiance dont l’objectivité laisse à désirer.
th, Despair, Defiance dont l’objectivité laisse à désirer.
***
Critiquant ce rapport, le Professeur Filip Reyntjens souligne que les analyses politiques et historiques faites par African Rights « font preuve d’un parti pris pro-FPR flagrant, qui est incompatible avec la mission et la déontologie de toute association sérieuse de promotion des droits de la personne » (F. Reyntjens, Trois jours qui ont fait basculer l’histoire, L’Harmattan 1995, p.62).
En septembre 1998, African Rights a sorti un autre rapport intitulé Rwanda : The insurgency in the northwest dans lequel Amnesty International est mis en cause. Dans sa « déclaration publique » de mars 1999, Amnesty International trouve que African Rights sert de relais au discours des autorités de Kigali et précise : « Les critiques d’African Rights font écho à plus d’un titre à celles formulées par le gouvernement rwandais et par ses alliés ».
Au sujet de ce second rapport, le Professeur Reyntjens a fait encore remarquer : « Si la recherche menée par African Rights au sujet de ALIR paraît sérieuse dans l’ensemble, il faut déplorer qu’ailleurs dans ce rapport, African Rights fait preuve, une fois de plus, d’un net parti pris en faveur du FPR notamment là où l’organisation tente de minimiser ou d’excuser les crimes commis par l’APR à l’encontre des populations civiles dans le Nord-Ouest ». (F. Reyntjens, La guerre des Grands Lacs. Alliances mouvantes et conflits extraterritoriaux, L’Harmattan 1999, p. 135).
En 2002, Jean Baptiste Mberabahizi, un ancien du FPR, a confirmé la compromission de Rakiya Omar, avec certains membres du FPR. Mberabahizi témoigne que déjà en juin 1994, donc avant la prise de pouvoir par le FPR, cette dame était à Byumba, en compagnie des officiers de l’armée du FPR. A la victoire, elle est entrée dans Kigali avec le FPR. « Elle était alors liée au Major Richard Masozera, le médecin personnel du Général Kagame » et puis aux hauts dirigeants des renseignements extérieurs de l’APR. Pour Mberabahizi, cette dame est « trop proche des services de renseignements du gouvernement rwandais pour accorder un quelconque crédit à ses révélations sur le génocide ».
Quant au Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR) de Joseph Matata, il pointe du doigt Rakiya Omaar comme faisant partie du réseau international de délation mis sur pied par le FPR.
Cette multiple mise en cause de Rakiya Omaar est fondée car aujourd’hui il apparaît clairement que sous la casquette de "défenseur des droits de l’homme", Rakiya Omaar travaille pour le compte du FPR. Elle se fait payer pour produire des documents conformes aux thèses du régime que le FPR brandit dans l’opinion internationale.
La lettre produite ici montre [voir également les lettres en attaché en PDF] à suffisance que pour le document sur Murambi, elle a empoché plus de 100.000 dollars. Ce rapport sera sans doute explosif quand on sait que le 7 avril 2007, le Président Kagame a prononcé, sur ce site, un discours tout aussi incendiaire dans lequel il accuse les militaires français de l’Opération Turquoise d’avoir participé au génocide des Tutsi.
La neutralité de Rakiya Omaar d’African Rights est donc mise à mal et d’autres documents existent montrant sa compromission avec le FPR en vue d’accabler des Hutu en exil. C’est dans ce cadre de la propagande en faveur de Kagame et sa clique qu’en décembre 2008, Rakiya Omaar a pris la casquette de Consultante de la Commission Rwandaise des Démobilisation et de Réintégration et a ''produit'' un document de 320 pages sur les groupes armées FDRL et RUD et leurs "embranchements" à l'étranger. Il s’agit d’un fourre-tout. Rakiya Omaar y fait feu de tout bois.
© SurViVors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
En septembre 1998, African Rights a sorti un autre rapport intitulé Rwanda : The insurgency in the northwest dans lequel Amnesty International est mis en cause. Dans sa « déclaration publique » de mars 1999, Amnesty International trouve que African Rights sert de relais au discours des autorités de Kigali et précise : « Les critiques d’African Rights font écho à plus d’un titre à celles formulées par le gouvernement rwandais et par ses alliés ».
Au sujet de ce second rapport, le Professeur Reyntjens a fait encore remarquer : « Si la recherche menée par African Rights au sujet de ALIR paraît sérieuse dans l’ensemble, il faut déplorer qu’ailleurs dans ce rapport, African Rights fait preuve, une fois de plus, d’un net parti pris en faveur du FPR notamment là où l’organisation tente de minimiser ou d’excuser les crimes commis par l’APR à l’encontre des populations civiles dans le Nord-Ouest ». (F. Reyntjens, La guerre des Grands Lacs. Alliances mouvantes et conflits extraterritoriaux, L’Harmattan 1999, p. 135).
En 2002, Jean Baptiste Mberabahizi, un ancien du FPR, a confirmé la compromission de Rakiya Omar, avec certains membres du FPR. Mberabahizi témoigne que déjà en juin 1994, donc avant la prise de pouvoir par le FPR, cette dame était à Byumba, en compagnie des officiers de l’armée du FPR. A la victoire, elle est entrée dans Kigali avec le FPR. « Elle était alors liée au Major Richard Masozera, le médecin personnel du Général Kagame » et puis aux hauts dirigeants des renseignements extérieurs de l’APR. Pour Mberabahizi, cette dame est « trop proche des services de renseignements du gouvernement rwandais pour accorder un quelconque crédit à ses révélations sur le génocide ».
Quant au Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR) de Joseph Matata, il pointe du doigt Rakiya Omaar comme faisant partie du réseau international de délation mis sur pied par le FPR.
Cette multiple mise en cause de Rakiya Omaar est fondée car aujourd’hui il apparaît clairement que sous la casquette de "défenseur des droits de l’homme", Rakiya Omaar travaille pour le compte du FPR. Elle se fait payer pour produire des documents conformes aux thèses du régime que le FPR brandit dans l’opinion internationale.
La lettre produite ici montre [voir également les lettres en attaché en PDF] à suffisance que pour le document sur Murambi, elle a empoché plus de 100.000 dollars. Ce rapport sera sans doute explosif quand on sait que le 7 avril 2007, le Président Kagame a prononcé, sur ce site, un discours tout aussi incendiaire dans lequel il accuse les militaires français de l’Opération Turquoise d’avoir participé au génocide des Tutsi.
La neutralité de Rakiya Omaar d’African Rights est donc mise à mal et d’autres documents existent montrant sa compromission avec le FPR en vue d’accabler des Hutu en exil. C’est dans ce cadre de la propagande en faveur de Kagame et sa clique qu’en décembre 2008, Rakiya Omaar a pris la casquette de Consultante de la Commission Rwandaise des Démobilisation et de Réintégration et a ''produit'' un document de 320 pages sur les groupes armées FDRL et RUD et leurs "embranchements" à l'étranger. Il s’agit d’un fourre-tout. Rakiya Omaar y fait feu de tout bois.
© SurViVors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, July 17, 2009
Rakiya Omaar est Directrice d'African Rights, une ONG basée à Londres et qui se dit "défendre" les Droits de l'Homme. Rakiya Omaar a été surtout très active dans le dossier rwandais. Après la prise de pouvoir du FPR en juillet 1994, son ONG a produit un rapport intitulé Rwanda: Death, Despair, Defiance dont l’objectivité laisse à désirer.
Critiquant ce rapport, le Professeur Filip Reyntjens souligne que les analyses politiques et historiques faites par African Rights « font preuve d’un par
ti pris pro-FPR flagrant, qui est incompatible avec la mission et la déontologie de toute association sérieuse de promotion des droits de la personne » (F. Reyntjens, 
Trois jours qui ont fait basculer l’histoire, L’Harmattan 1995, p.62).
En septembre 1998, African Rights a sorti un autre rapport intitulé Rwanda : The insurgency in the northwest dans lequel Amnesty International est mis en cause. Dans sa « déclaration publique » de mars 1999, Amnesty International trouve que African Rights sert de relais au discours des autorités de Kigali et précise : « Les critiques d’African Rights font écho à plus d’un titre à celles formulées par le gouvernement rwandais et par ses alliés ».
Au sujet de ce second rapport, le Professeur Reyntjens a fait encore remarquer : « Si la recherche menée par African Rights au sujet de ALIR paraît sérieuse dans l’ensemble, il faut déplorer qu’ailleurs dans ce rapport, African Rights fait preuve, une fois de plus, d’un net parti pris en faveur du FPR notamment là où l’organisation tente de minimiser ou d’excuser les crimes commis par l’APR à l’encontre des populations civiles dans le Nord-Ouest ». (F. Reyntjens, La guerre des Grands Lacs. Alliances mouvantes et conflits extraterritoriaux, L’Harmattan 1999, p. 135).
En 2002, Jean Baptiste Mberabahizi, un ancien du FPR, a confirmé la compromission de Rakiya Omar, avec certains membres du FPR. Mberabahizi témoigne que déjà en juin 1994, donc avant la prise de pouvoir par le FPR, cette dame était à Byumba, en compagnie des officiers de l’armée du FPR. A la victoire, elle est entrée dans Kigali avec le FPR. « Elle était alors liée au Major Richard Masozera, le médecin personnel du Général Kagame » et puis aux hauts dirigeants des renseignements extérieurs de l’APR. Pour Mberabahizi, cette dame est « trop proche des services de renseignements du gouvernement rwandais pour accorder un quelconque crédit à ses révélations sur le génocide ».
Quant au Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR) de Joseph Matata, il pointe du doigt Rakiya Omaar comme faisant partie du réseau international de délation mis sur pied par le FPR.
Cette multiple mise en cause de Rakiya Omaar est fondée car aujourd’hui il apparaît clairement que sous la casquette de "défenseur des droits de l’homme", Rakiya Omaar travaille pour le compte du FPR. Elle se fait payer pour produire des documents conformes aux thèses du régime que le FPR brandit dans l’opinion internationale.
La lettre produite ici montre [voir également les lettres en attaché en PDF] à suffisance que pour le document sur Murambi, elle a empoché plus de 100.000 dollars. Ce rapport sera sans doute explosif quand on sait que le 7 avril 2007, le Président Kagame a prononcé, sur ce site, un discours tout aussi incendiaire dans lequel il accuse les militaires français de l’Opération Turquoise d’avoir participé au génocide des Tutsi.
La neutralité de Rakiya Omaar d’African Rights est donc mise à mal et d’autres documents existent montrant sa compromission avec le FPR en vue d’accabler des Hutu en exil. C’est dans ce cadre de la propagande en faveur de Kagame et sa clique qu’en décembre 2008, Rakiya Omaar a pris la casquette de Consultante de la Commission Rwandaise des Démobilisation et de Réintégration et a ''produit'' un document de 320 pages sur les groupes armées FDRL et RUD et leurs "embranchements" à l'étranger. Il s’agit d’un fourre-tout. Rakiya Omaar y fait feu de tout bois. [voir le rapport ci après en attaché en PDF].
© SurVivors Editions
Critiquant ce rapport, le Professeur Filip Reyntjens souligne que les analyses politiques et historiques faites par African Rights « font preuve d’un par
ti pris pro-FPR flagrant, qui est incompatible avec la mission et la déontologie de toute association sérieuse de promotion des droits de la personne » (F. Reyntjens, 
Trois jours qui ont fait basculer l’histoire, L’Harmattan 1995, p.62).En septembre 1998, African Rights a sorti un autre rapport intitulé Rwanda : The insurgency in the northwest dans lequel Amnesty International est mis en cause. Dans sa « déclaration publique » de mars 1999, Amnesty International trouve que African Rights sert de relais au discours des autorités de Kigali et précise : « Les critiques d’African Rights font écho à plus d’un titre à celles formulées par le gouvernement rwandais et par ses alliés ».
Au sujet de ce second rapport, le Professeur Reyntjens a fait encore remarquer : « Si la recherche menée par African Rights au sujet de ALIR paraît sérieuse dans l’ensemble, il faut déplorer qu’ailleurs dans ce rapport, African Rights fait preuve, une fois de plus, d’un net parti pris en faveur du FPR notamment là où l’organisation tente de minimiser ou d’excuser les crimes commis par l’APR à l’encontre des populations civiles dans le Nord-Ouest ». (F. Reyntjens, La guerre des Grands Lacs. Alliances mouvantes et conflits extraterritoriaux, L’Harmattan 1999, p. 135).
En 2002, Jean Baptiste Mberabahizi, un ancien du FPR, a confirmé la compromission de Rakiya Omar, avec certains membres du FPR. Mberabahizi témoigne que déjà en juin 1994, donc avant la prise de pouvoir par le FPR, cette dame était à Byumba, en compagnie des officiers de l’armée du FPR. A la victoire, elle est entrée dans Kigali avec le FPR. « Elle était alors liée au Major Richard Masozera, le médecin personnel du Général Kagame » et puis aux hauts dirigeants des renseignements extérieurs de l’APR. Pour Mberabahizi, cette dame est « trop proche des services de renseignements du gouvernement rwandais pour accorder un quelconque crédit à ses révélations sur le génocide ».
Quant au Centre de Lutte contre l’Impunité et l’Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR) de Joseph Matata, il pointe du doigt Rakiya Omaar comme faisant partie du réseau international de délation mis sur pied par le FPR.
Cette multiple mise en cause de Rakiya Omaar est fondée car aujourd’hui il apparaît clairement que sous la casquette de "défenseur des droits de l’homme", Rakiya Omaar travaille pour le compte du FPR. Elle se fait payer pour produire des documents conformes aux thèses du régime que le FPR brandit dans l’opinion internationale.
La lettre produite ici montre [voir également les lettres en attaché en PDF] à suffisance que pour le document sur Murambi, elle a empoché plus de 100.000 dollars. Ce rapport sera sans doute explosif quand on sait que le 7 avril 2007, le Président Kagame a prononcé, sur ce site, un discours tout aussi incendiaire dans lequel il accuse les militaires français de l’Opération Turquoise d’avoir participé au génocide des Tutsi.
La neutralité de Rakiya Omaar d’African Rights est donc mise à mal et d’autres documents existent montrant sa compromission avec le FPR en vue d’accabler des Hutu en exil. C’est dans ce cadre de la propagande en faveur de Kagame et sa clique qu’en décembre 2008, Rakiya Omaar a pris la casquette de Consultante de la Commission Rwandaise des Démobilisation et de Réintégration et a ''produit'' un document de 320 pages sur les groupes armées FDRL et RUD et leurs "embranchements" à l'étranger. Il s’agit d’un fourre-tout. Rakiya Omaar y fait feu de tout bois. [voir le rapport ci après en attaché en PDF].
© SurVivors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
by Edward S. Herman
October 26, 2007
RWANDA - A less well-known and less well-understood case of genocide inflation--and possibly even more important, misapprehension of the true source and major direction of the killings-- is that of Rwanda. In the establishment narrative, genocide irrupted suddenly following the April 6, 1994 shooting down of a plane at the Kigali airport that killed the Hutu presidents of both Rwanda (Juvenal Habyarimana) and Burundi (Cyprien Ntaryamira). According to the narrative, the Hutu genocidaires and the Interahamwe militias unleashed a huge pre-planned killing spree against the minority Tutsi population that wiped out some 800,000 to 1.2 million people, mainly Tutsis. In the myth structure, Bill Clinton made a regrettable error in pressing for the withdrawal of UN forces that might have protected civilians, for which he apologized. In a major article of September 2001 in the Atlantic Monthly, Samantha Power and others dubbed the United States “bystanders to genocide,” which is also a myth. [14]
Contrary to the establishment narrative:
(1) The plane was shot down by Paul Kagame and his Tutsi associates, [15] with active or tacit help from the Belgians, UN representative Romeo Dallaire, [16] and possibly the CIA. This act was part of the Kagame-Tutsi final assault to seize power after a four-year war, with the assistance of the U.S.-sponsored Ugandan military. When the chief investigator for the Rwanda Tribunal, Australian Michael Hourigan, reported solid evidence on this locus of responsibility for the April 6th assassination to Chief Prosecutor Louise Arbour in 1997, she immediately closed down the investigation and ordered him to destroy his files. This finding, which does not comport with the idea of a pre-planned Hutu murder program, has been suppressed in the Free Press. [17]
(2) The two leaders whose plane was shot down on April 6, 1994, were Hutus. A third Hutu leader, Melchior Ndadaye, an earlier president of Burundi, was assassinated by his Tutsi military in October 1993, which was followed by an anti-Hutu pogrom that killed tens of thousands and drove hundreds of thousands of Burundian-Hutu refugees into Rwanda.
(3) Clinton and his Western allies (UK, Belgium) sponsored the U.S.-trained Kagame, supported his invasions of Rwanda from Uganda and massive ethnic cleansing prior to April 1994, and via their control of the Security Council refused to allow additional UN troops into Rwanda in April 1994, in fact forcing a reduction of the UNIMIR contingent in Rwanda from 2,500 to 270, not because of caution but because Kagame didn’t want them there to interfere with his conquest of Rwanda, which Clinton and his allies supported.
(4) The Hutu authorities urged more UN troops—and in light of the Kagame/U.S. (etc.) opposition to such civilian-protective assistance, this once again calls into question who it was that did the main killing in Rwanda.
(5) A suppressed 1994 UNCHR (Gersony) Report documented massacres of civilians in Kagame-controlled areas of Rwanda, which was confirmed by contemporaneous Amnesty and HRW reports.
(6) A University of Maryland research team led by Christian Davenport and Allan Stam, sponsored by the Western-organized Rwanda Tribunal, initially found that only about 250,000 civilians had been killed in Rwanda and that two out of three victims were Hutus. This caused a great deal of dismay and the authors have been under attack and in retreat ever since. The 800,000 (and higher) figures have no basis in any other scientific studies but are essentially the Kagame regime’s numbers.
October 26, 2007
RWANDA - A less well-known and less well-understood case of genocide inflation--and possibly even more important, misapprehension of the true source and major direction of the killings-- is that of Rwanda. In the establishment narrative, genocide irrupted suddenly following the April 6, 1994 shooting down of a plane at the Kigali airport that killed the Hutu presidents of both Rwanda (Juvenal Habyarimana) and Burundi (Cyprien Ntaryamira). According to the narrative, the Hutu genocidaires and the Interahamwe militias unleashed a huge pre-planned killing spree against the minority Tutsi population that wiped out some 800,000 to 1.2 million people, mainly Tutsis. In the myth structure, Bill Clinton made a regrettable error in pressing for the withdrawal of UN forces that might have protected civilians, for which he apologized. In a major article of September 2001 in the Atlantic Monthly, Samantha Power and others dubbed the United States “bystanders to genocide,” which is also a myth. [14]
Contrary to the establishment narrative:
(1) The plane was shot down by Paul Kagame and his Tutsi associates, [15] with active or tacit help from the Belgians, UN representative Romeo Dallaire, [16] and possibly the CIA. This act was part of the Kagame-Tutsi final assault to seize power after a four-year war, with the assistance of the U.S.-sponsored Ugandan military. When the chief investigator for the Rwanda Tribunal, Australian Michael Hourigan, reported solid evidence on this locus of responsibility for the April 6th assassination to Chief Prosecutor Louise Arbour in 1997, she immediately closed down the investigation and ordered him to destroy his files. This finding, which does not comport with the idea of a pre-planned Hutu murder program, has been suppressed in the Free Press. [17]
(2) The two leaders whose plane was shot down on April 6, 1994, were Hutus. A third Hutu leader, Melchior Ndadaye, an earlier president of Burundi, was assassinated by his Tutsi military in October 1993, which was followed by an anti-Hutu pogrom that killed tens of thousands and drove hundreds of thousands of Burundian-Hutu refugees into Rwanda.
(3) Clinton and his Western allies (UK, Belgium) sponsored the U.S.-trained Kagame, supported his invasions of Rwanda from Uganda and massive ethnic cleansing prior to April 1994, and via their control of the Security Council refused to allow additional UN troops into Rwanda in April 1994, in fact forcing a reduction of the UNIMIR contingent in Rwanda from 2,500 to 270, not because of caution but because Kagame didn’t want them there to interfere with his conquest of Rwanda, which Clinton and his allies supported.
(4) The Hutu authorities urged more UN troops—and in light of the Kagame/U.S. (etc.) opposition to such civilian-protective assistance, this once again calls into question who it was that did the main killing in Rwanda.
(5) A suppressed 1994 UNCHR (Gersony) Report documented massacres of civilians in Kagame-controlled areas of Rwanda, which was confirmed by contemporaneous Amnesty and HRW reports.
(6) A University of Maryland research team led by Christian Davenport and Allan Stam, sponsored by the Western-organized Rwanda Tribunal, initially found that only about 250,000 civilians had been killed in Rwanda and that two out of three victims were Hutus. This caused a great deal of dismay and the authors have been under attack and in retreat ever since. The 800,000 (and higher) figures have no basis in any other scientific studies but are essentially the Kagame regime’s numbers.
To an amazing degree, the Western media and NGOs swallowed the propaganda line and lies on Rwanda that turned things upside down. They made the prime aggressors and genocidists, who were responsible for the dual assassination of April 6, 1994 that precipitated the mass killing, into heroic defenders against the de facto victims.
The dictator Paul Kagame, one of the great mass murderers of our time, was made into an honored savior deserving and receiving strong Western support. Philip Gourevitch and the New Yorker whipped up sympathy in the West by labeling the Tutsis the “Jews of Africa;” the label stuck, and it garnered even greater support for Western anti-“genocide” intervention. [18] These big lies are now institutionalized and are part of the common (mis)understanding in the West.
Because the Western propaganda machine succeeded so well in making the Hutus the villains and killers, and Paul Kagame the defender/savior of Rwanda, this cleared the ground for Kagame and Yoweri Musevemi--Kagame’s ally and fellow U.S. client and dictator (of Uganda)—to periodically invade and occupy the Eastern Congo (then Zaire) and beyond without “international community” opposition as they were allegedly cleaning out the genocidaires.
The Pentagon very actively supported this on the ground, even more than it supported the Kagame machine’s drive in Kigali. This led to the killing of hundreds of thousands of civilian Hutu refugees in a series of mass slaughters, and also provided cover for a wider Kagame-Musevemi assault in the Congo that has led to the deaths of literally millions.
[19] This was again compatible with Western interests and policy, as it all contributed to the replacement of Mobutu with the more amenable Kabila and the opening up of the Congo to a new surge of ruthless exploitation of its mineral resources by Western companies—a fine illustration of “shock therapy” with murderous human consequences but large gains to a small business and military elite.
[19] This was again compatible with Western interests and policy, as it all contributed to the replacement of Mobutu with the more amenable Kabila and the opening up of the Congo to a new surge of ruthless exploitation of its mineral resources by Western companies—a fine illustration of “shock therapy” with murderous human consequences but large gains to a small business and military elite.
[20] In sum, Rwanda offers an outstanding illustration of how genocide inflation and lies can have immense, even catastrophic, human consequences. Thus, not only did the West fail to intervene to prevent “genocide,” it intervened both before April 6th and after to ensure that the right killers took over and in support of genocide. This also ensured preferential treatment in both Rwanda and the Congo for the killers’ sponsors in the West.
This history also shows how magnificently the Western media and NGOs can adapt even in the grossest cases to serve Western political-economic interests. With media and NGO help genocide claims now function as a tool of U.S. expansionism, appropriately labeled “genocidalism,” [21] regularly applied to virtually any target and helping clear the ground for bombing attacks, invasions, occupations and regime change by the United States itself or one of it proxies or clients"
Notes:
1. This was the conclusion of a conference at Brandeis University in 1983 on “The Jews in Modern France”--see “Decline Seen in French Anti-Semitism,” Reuters, Boston Globe, April 20, 1983.
2. See John Mearsheimer and Stanley Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007); James Petras, The Power of Israel in the United States (Clarity Press, 2006; also Petras,
***
This history also shows how magnificently the Western media and NGOs can adapt even in the grossest cases to serve Western political-economic interests. With media and NGO help genocide claims now function as a tool of U.S. expansionism, appropriately labeled “genocidalism,” [21] regularly applied to virtually any target and helping clear the ground for bombing attacks, invasions, occupations and regime change by the United States itself or one of it proxies or clients"
Notes:
1. This was the conclusion of a conference at Brandeis University in 1983 on “The Jews in Modern France”--see “Decline Seen in French Anti-Semitism,” Reuters, Boston Globe, April 20, 1983.
2. See John Mearsheimer and Stanley Walt, The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy (Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2007); James Petras, The Power of Israel in the United States (Clarity Press, 2006; also Petras,
***
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, July 16, 2009
Susannah Moran July 17, 2009
Article from: The Australian
Sham loan in Rwanda mystery
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Article from: The Australian
Sham loan in Rwanda mystery
THE former Australian head of Swiss commodities trader Glencore has been caught up in a multi-million-dollar fraud case involving mysterious Rwandan mine ventures and Jordanian bank investments.
Sydney-based Vaughan Blank recently lost a court bid to keep confidential details of a
$US6 million loan he made to a Swiss company, Greencart.
The partial repayment of the Greencart loan is said to be linked to a separate, sham loan.
According to court documents, global financial company Fortis Business Holdings made a $USS5.2m loan to Swiss-based Hirsch & Cie last year.
It was ostensibly for an investment in a Rwandan mine, but the funds ended up in the Commonwealth Bank account of a company, STM123 Pty Ltd, of which Mr Blank is the sole shareholder and director.
Fortis believes the funds are no longer in the account and documents relating to the Greencart loan are said to be crucial to a case brought by Fortis in England's High Court.
Fortis claims the loan to invest in Rwanda was a sham and the money was always intended to be paid to Mr Blank, who was owed money by Hirsch & Cie's Robert Hirsch.
The dealings between Mr Blank's company STM123 and Greencart may provide an "essential missing piece of the jigsaw" of evidence in the English proceedings, the Victorian Supreme Court recently ruled.
Fortis chairman Louis Kestenbaum, a self-described "successful businessman with a property portfolio worth several hundreds of millions of dollars", gave evidence in the case.
The court heard that Mr Blank was contacted by the CBA this year but would not agree to the return of the funds, saying they were legitimate.
A few days later, Mr Blank was again contacted by the bank, and was told Fortis was claiming it was the beneficial owner of the funds. Mr Blank said he found the situation "confusing and messy" and was seeking further information.
Loan agreement documents were provided by Mr Blank to the CBA that showed his STM123 (No5) company had loaned $US6m to Greencart by way of a promissory note on September 5 2008.
That was the same date Fortis had first received instructions about where to pay the Rwandan loan monies.
Fortis told the Victorian courts it wanted the loan documents held by CBA to help in its bid to continue asset freezing orders against Mr Linde and others.
Mr Blank's lawyers argued it was not fair that his client, who had done nothing wrong, should be caught up in the English proceedings. If the Rwandan loan was a sham it had nothing to do with his client, and the loan documents would not assist the English courts. There were no allegations that the Greencart loan was a sham.
$US6 million loan he made to a Swiss company, Greencart.
The partial repayment of the Greencart loan is said to be linked to a separate, sham loan.According to court documents, global financial company Fortis Business Holdings made a $USS5.2m loan to Swiss-based Hirsch & Cie last year.
It was ostensibly for an investment in a Rwandan mine, but the funds ended up in the Commonwealth Bank account of a company, STM123 Pty Ltd, of which Mr Blank is the sole shareholder and director.
Fortis believes the funds are no longer in the account and documents relating to the Greencart loan are said to be crucial to a case brought by Fortis in England's High Court.
Fortis claims the loan to invest in Rwanda was a sham and the money was always intended to be paid to Mr Blank, who was owed money by Hirsch & Cie's Robert Hirsch.
The dealings between Mr Blank's company STM123 and Greencart may provide an "essential missing piece of the jigsaw" of evidence in the English proceedings, the Victorian Supreme Court recently ruled.
Fortis chairman Louis Kestenbaum, a self-described "successful businessman with a property portfolio worth several hundreds of millions of dollars", gave evidence in the case.
The court heard that Mr Blank was contacted by the CBA this year but would not agree to the return of the funds, saying they were legitimate.
A few days later, Mr Blank was again contacted by the bank, and was told Fortis was claiming it was the beneficial owner of the funds. Mr Blank said he found the situation "confusing and messy" and was seeking further information.
Loan agreement documents were provided by Mr Blank to the CBA that showed his STM123 (No5) company had loaned $US6m to Greencart by way of a promissory note on September 5 2008.
That was the same date Fortis had first received instructions about where to pay the Rwandan loan monies.
Fortis told the Victorian courts it wanted the loan documents held by CBA to help in its bid to continue asset freezing orders against Mr Linde and others.
Mr Blank's lawyers argued it was not fair that his client, who had done nothing wrong, should be caught up in the English proceedings. If the Rwandan loan was a sham it had nothing to do with his client, and the loan documents would not assist the English courts. There were no allegations that the Greencart loan was a sham.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
STOCKHOLM —Sweden has delayed plans to extradite a Rwandan genocide suspected following an appeal by the European Court of Human Rights to review the case.
Sweden to extradite genocide suspect (9 Jul 09)
Prosecutor urges genocide suspect's extradition to Rwanda (11 Mar 09)
Rwandan genocide suspect remanded in custody (18 Jul 08)"The court has decided to indicate to the Swedish government that Mr. (Sylvere) Ahorugeze should not be extradited to Rwanda until further notice," Cecilia Riddselius, the Swedish justice ministry official in charge of the case, told AFP.
"The Swedish government considers that this decision of the court will be respected," she added.Ahorugeze is suspected of having been one of the leaders of the Hutu extremists involved in the genocide.He also stands accused of murdering 28 Tutsis in a suburb of the Rwandan capital Kigali on April 7th, 1994.Sweden's Justice Minister Beatrice Ask said last week that Ahorugeze, a 53-year-old former director of Rwanda's civil aviation authority, would be extradited.
Ahorugeze was arrested in July 2008 after being recognized at the Rwandan embassy in Sweden while a refugee in neigbouring Denmark. Rwanda requested his extradition a month later.The country's Supreme Court ruled on May 27th that Ahorugeze could return home to stand trial, saying there was nothing in Swedish or European law that prevented someone suspected of genocide from being extradited.
But the European court has said it wants more time to review the case before Sweden goes ahead with the extradition.Many nations, including Switzerland, have been reluctant to extradite genocide suspects to Rwanda, citing concerns over the central African nation's rights record and the independence of its judiciary.
AFP/The Local (news@thelocal.se)
***
Sweden stops extradition of Rwanda genocide suspect
STOCKHOLM — Sweden has suspended the extradition of a Rwandan suspected of genocide following a request by the European Court of Human Rights, a government official said Thursday.
"The court has decided to indicate to the Swedish government that Mr (Sylvere) Ahorugeze should not be extradited to Rwanda until further notice," said Cecilia Riddselius, the justice ministry in charge of the case told AFP.
"The Swedish government considers that this decision of the court will be respected," she added.
Ahorugeze is suspected of having been one of the leaders of the Hutu extremists involved in the genocide.
He also stands accused of murdering 28 Tutsis in a suburb of the Rwandan capital Kigali on April 7, 1994.
Sweden's Justice Minister Beatrice Ask said last week that Ahorugeze, a 53-year-old former director of Rwanda's civil aviation authority, would be extradited.
Ahorugeze was arrested in July 2008 after being recognised at the Rwandan embassy in Sweden while a refugee in neigbouring Denmark. Rwanda requested his extradition a month later.
The country's Supreme Court ruled on May 27 that Ahorugeze could return home to stand trial, saying there was nothing in Swedish or European law that prevented someone suspected of genocide from being extradited.
Many nations, including Switzerland, have been reluctant to extradite genocide suspects to Rwanda, citing concerns over the central African nation's rights record and the independence of its judiciary.
Copyright © 2009 AFP. All rights reserved
Sweden to extradite genocide suspect (9 Jul 09)
Prosecutor urges genocide suspect's extradition to Rwanda (11 Mar 09)
Rwandan genocide suspect remanded in custody (18 Jul 08)"The court has decided to indicate to the Swedish government that Mr. (Sylvere) Ahorugeze should not be extradited to Rwanda until further notice," Cecilia Riddselius, the Swedish justice ministry official in charge of the case, told AFP.
"The Swedish government considers that this decision of the court will be respected," she added.Ahorugeze is suspected of having been one of the leaders of the Hutu extremists involved in the genocide.He also stands accused of murdering 28 Tutsis in a suburb of the Rwandan capital Kigali on April 7th, 1994.Sweden's Justice Minister Beatrice Ask said last week that Ahorugeze, a 53-year-old former director of Rwanda's civil aviation authority, would be extradited.
Ahorugeze was arrested in July 2008 after being recognized at the Rwandan embassy in Sweden while a refugee in neigbouring Denmark. Rwanda requested his extradition a month later.The country's Supreme Court ruled on May 27th that Ahorugeze could return home to stand trial, saying there was nothing in Swedish or European law that prevented someone suspected of genocide from being extradited.
But the European court has said it wants more time to review the case before Sweden goes ahead with the extradition.Many nations, including Switzerland, have been reluctant to extradite genocide suspects to Rwanda, citing concerns over the central African nation's rights record and the independence of its judiciary.
AFP/The Local (news@thelocal.se)
***
Sweden stops extradition of Rwanda genocide suspect
STOCKHOLM — Sweden has suspended the extradition of a Rwandan suspected of genocide following a request by the European Court of Human Rights, a government official said Thursday.
"The court has decided to indicate to the Swedish government that Mr (Sylvere) Ahorugeze should not be extradited to Rwanda until further notice," said Cecilia Riddselius, the justice ministry in charge of the case told AFP.
"The Swedish government considers that this decision of the court will be respected," she added.
Ahorugeze is suspected of having been one of the leaders of the Hutu extremists involved in the genocide.
He also stands accused of murdering 28 Tutsis in a suburb of the Rwandan capital Kigali on April 7, 1994.
Sweden's Justice Minister Beatrice Ask said last week that Ahorugeze, a 53-year-old former director of Rwanda's civil aviation authority, would be extradited.
Ahorugeze was arrested in July 2008 after being recognised at the Rwandan embassy in Sweden while a refugee in neigbouring Denmark. Rwanda requested his extradition a month later.
The country's Supreme Court ruled on May 27 that Ahorugeze could return home to stand trial, saying there was nothing in Swedish or European law that prevented someone suspected of genocide from being extradited.
Many nations, including Switzerland, have been reluctant to extradite genocide suspects to Rwanda, citing concerns over the central African nation's rights record and the independence of its judiciary.
Copyright © 2009 AFP. All rights reserved
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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