A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Sunday, February 7, 2010
by Ann Garrison
Réf : L/1du 6 février 2010
Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies
1st Avenue, 46th Street
New York NY 10017
Amnesty International
1 Easton Street
London, WC1X 0DW, UK
Human Rights Watch
64-66, rue de Lausanne
1202 Genève, Suisse
Membres du Corps Diplomatique à Kigali (Tous)
Les ONG
Les médias
Objet :
Note de protestation à la suite de l’agression contre Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Présidente des Forces Démocratiques Unifiées (FDU) et Candidate aux élections présidentielles d’août 2010 au Rwanda.
Mesdames,
Messieurs,
Le 3 février 2010, Madame Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, présidente des Forces démocratiques unifiées et candidate aux élections présidentielles d’août 2010 au Rwanda, a été agressée et dépouillée de ses documents d’identité par des individus dont on peut affirmer, sans se tromper, qu’ils étaient en mission commandée par le pouvoir en place à Kigali.
En effet, sur invitation des autorités locales, Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza s’était rendue au bureau du secteur Kinyinya/Kigali pour retirer des attestations en vue de parachever l’enregistrement de son parti politique. Arrivée sur place en compagnie de son collaborateur, M. Joseph Ntawangundi, elle a été brutalement attaquée par un groupe de gens embusqués à l’intérieur même de l’enclos du bureau municipal. Avec l’aide de son chauffeur, Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza a pu se soustraire des mains de ses agresseurs tandis que son collaborateur a été sauvagement battu et déshabillé.
Nous, Réseau International des Femmes pour la Démocratie et la Paix (RIFDP), avons été d’autant plus choquées par cet acte de barbarie qui s’est déroulé dans un pays où le régime dirigeant se targue d’être le promoteur des droits de la femme. Nous condamnons énergiquement et de vives voix ces pratiques barbares de violence indignes de notre siècle.
Il est très regrettable que le FPR de Paul Kagame n’ait pas encore saisi dans toute sa profondeur le message de la paix que Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza apporte aujourd’hui au Rwanda. Rentrée récemment d’exil, elle a été aussitôt la cible des médias et des organisations proches du pouvoir de Kigali qui l’accusent de négationniste, de divisionniste, d’ethniste et de véhiculer l’idéologie génocidaire. C’est là tout un arsenal destiné à décourager toute voix discordante, quelle qu’elle soit.
Pourtant, la mission de Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza est toute autre et claire. Elle est rentrée dans son pays au nom de la paix, de la démocratie, du dialogue inter-rwandais et de la réconciliation nationale. Telles sont les valeurs, parfaitement louables, qu’elle incarne et véhicule dans tous ses discours. S’attaquer à elle, c’est s’attaquer à ces valeurs ; c’est se tromper d’époque.
La présidente des FDU n’a rien de tout ce que ses détracteurs veulent faire croire. Au contraire elle est pour la vérité et la justice pour tous. Elle est pour le bien-être de tout le peuple rwandais dans toutes ses composantes. C’est d’ailleurs ce qu’elle affirme dans son discours du 16 janvier 2010 à son arrivée à Kigali : « Nous voulons une politique qui protège chaque Rwandais pour que plus personne ne perde sa vie à cause de ses origines, de sa région, de sa religion ou de ses opinions politiques ». Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza invite les Rwandais à une marche de fierté, une marche « tous ensemble » pour construire un Rwanda plus solidaire, plus harmonieux et plus juste.
A l’instar de l’intérêt manifesté par la communauté internationale à l’endroit de l’opposante birmane Aung San Suu Kyi, notre organisation souhaiterait voir ladite communauté réserver les mêmes attentions à Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza puisque les deux leaders politiques mènent des combats en tous les points semblables à savoir la démocratie, la paix et la défense des droits de l’homme.
Convaincues que vous pouvez aider les Rwandais à se sortir d’une situation de « ni guerre ni paix » qui perdure depuis 15 ans, nous vous demandons d’user de toute votre influence pour convaincre les autorités rwandaises à renoncer à des méthodes qui s’apparentent à un terrorisme d’État. Une action rapide dans ce sens s’impose car on ne devrait pas tergiverser devant quiconque voudra plonger une fois encore le Rwanda dans l’horreur. Ce faisant, vous aurez rendu un grand service à son peuple et au monde entier.
Pour le Réseau International des Femmes pour la Démocratie et la Paix (RIFDP)
Perpétue Muramutse,
Pétronille Muhawenimana,
Clémence Uwimana.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Several current legal arrangements in the Rwandan government system are deliberately unjust, discriminatory and oppressive, thus explaining the reasons millions of Rwandan citizens live continuously traumatized and fearful of the regime’s machine of harassment and intimidation, therefore don’t foresee any hope for their future.
Since the return in Rwanda on 16th January 2010 of Mrs Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Chairperson of the United Democratic Forces UDF-Inkingi, and presidential candidate for her party in this year elections, the oppressive and dictatorship practices of Paul Kagame’s regime have been brought up in the spotlight of the international and Rwandan national media, this only because they are presently applied to a high profile personality, while for the rest of the population, such existence is part of the daily routine. They have resigned their own destiny in the hands of their oppressor because they feel powerless in front of the ruthlessness of the system. In recent days, there have been on Rwandan political scene two incidents which remind thoughtful people of the Hithler’s time.
One relates to the beating of Joseph Ntawangundi, assistant of Victoire Ingabire, on Wednesday 03/02/2010 inside the premises of a local authority in Kigali, while security forces were watching, the spectacle being like those scenes of Gestapo modus operandi, showing the oppressed there is nowhere to run for help since the authority meant to protect has become the oppressor.
The other incident is an article published in The News Times, the Rwandan daily newspaper at the service of Kagame’s regime, about the same beaten Joseph already mentioned, which reports in its Friday 5th February 2010 edition on his condemnation in absentia by a Gacaca tribunal. The implied intention of the editor of the paper appears to tell the public, ‘the said victim of Wednesday 03/03/2010 beating is a criminal.’
Surprisingly, the news on his condemnation have come up from nowhere in the limelight after his beating, this to explain or justify why he deserved what happened to him, consequently and practically the article is inviting its readers, Rwandans and others, not to see any wrong doing from the Rwandan authorities who are crashing down any dissent voice or undesirable citizens as long as they are criminals. These practices are thoroughly similar to those of Hitler’s period when Jews where killed in millions while Goebbels’ propaganda machine explained and stressed to the public the reasons why it should legally be so. Ambrose Nzeyimana.
ambromann@hotmail.com
07/02/2010
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, February 6, 2010
Democratic Green Party of Rwanda
Press Release
5 February 2010
Kigali. - On Thursday 4th February 2010, around 15:30 hrs at Hotel Leprentemps in Kimironko, Kigali, I was intimidated and threatened by an unknown man whom I suspect to be a security operative.
I went to the hotel to meet a colleague: Jean Paul MUDAHERANWA aka. Sunday. When I arrived, I observed the presence of two other men. One of them left in about 10 minutes.
Shortly thereafter, the other unknown man who remained behind, well-dressed, presumed to be in his late thirties, brown and tall, suddenly stood up and walked towards me. He said in a rather strong voice, “Frank, why don’t you recruit me in your party?." I responded to him that it was no problem, and asked him his name, but he declined to tell me.
I was disturbed by his abrupt aggressiveness and reference to what I had done two days ago and what I was to do later on Thursday evening. I was very surprised because the two events he referred to were factual.
PRESS RELEASE06.02.2010
KIGALI - read with consternation, the New Times of Saturday, 6th February 2010. The fire spitting media has revealed its true colors. The title on the front page “Ingabire’s assistant a Gacaca fugitive” alleging that Joseph Ntawangundi was sentenced to 19 years in absentia, is pure fabrications of “the last times”.Joseph Ntawangundi left Rwanda in 1986 for studies in Poland (Wroclaw), returned to Rwanda in 1992 and worked in Kigali (CESTRAL). In 1993, he left Rwanda for ICFTU - AFRO (international confederation for free trade unions, African Regional Organisation, NAIROBI, Kenya) as a Research and Training Officer until 2002. During the genocide, Mr. Joseph Ntawangundi was attending, on behalf of the ICFTU – AFRO, a 2-month training course in Sweden (GANGNEF) and returned to Kenya.
He has never been in the education sector in Rwanda. How possibly could he be in Sweden and back to Kenya and the same time be a so-called School Director in GITWE (Rwanda) during the genocide? Simply the inflammatory reporters don’t even crosscheck what they write when it comes to character assassination.
Since Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza returned to Rwanda, this media has been recklessly poisoning ahead anyway with all sorts of stories without giving any chance to discuss the accuracy of its propaganda.
Mr. Joseph Ntawangundi is ready to challenge the allegations in a court of law.
We don’t believe Gacaca has fallen this low to condemn an innocent who was not even in Rwanda during the genocide, and for crimes committed in a place he has never been to.
This hate and baseless propaganda is another shame in the press history.
UDF INKINGI
Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
Chairperson.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, February 5, 2010
The new Foreign Affairs minister of Belgium, Steven Vanackere (CD&V), recently visited the great lakes region. On January 25th, Belgium newspaper De Standaard reports:
`Vanackere benadrukt dat hij in Congo, Rwanda en Burundi geen enkel gespreksthema uit de weg is gegaan. ‘Zo heb ik in Congo het hoofd van de militaire justitie erop gewezen dat je geen opleiding nodig hebt om te weten dat je niet moet verkrachten.'En aan de Rwandese president Paul Kagame — voor wie De Gucht altijd een stuk milder was dan voor Kabila — zei Vanackere dat hij bezorgd was over het gebrek aan een oppositiepartij.`
Wednesday, February 3, 2010
Mme Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, Présidente et Candidate des FDU-Inkingi à l’élection présidentielle rwandaise d’août 2010, accompagnée d’un membre de notre équipe, M. Joseph Ntawangundi ont été lynchés ce jour à midi dans l’enceinte de l’administration publique par une horde de malfaiteurs agissant sur commande du pouvoir.Un bref rappel des faits
Tuesday, February 2, 2010
Par Charlotte Van der Vaart et Patrice Aumasson*
PAIX ET FRATERNITE
[L'ACTE CRIMINEL DE COUPER LES TETES EN LES SEPARANT DE LEURS CORPS POUR FAIRE DES ETALAGES. C'EST INACCEPTABLE.
LES RWANDAIS (HUTU, TUTSI ET TWA CONFONDUS) ONT DROIT A L'USAGE DE LA DNA=> ASI]
Certains y voient une plaisanterie de mauvais goût, voire un cynisme poussé à son paroxysme, lorsque le régime FPR décide et impose, malgré l’identité des cadavres qui y reposent, qu’il s’agit d’un haut-lieu pour le génocide des tutsis. Une affirmation exclusive !
Des tutsis interrogés à ce sujet, qui ont préféré garder l’anonymat, sont très gênés et affirment qu’il s’agit d’un jeu politique qui finira avec le temps. Les plus téméraires avouent que Gisozi est une douloureuse épine dans le pied de la réconciliation nationale, qui tarde à venir.
Sunday, January 31, 2010
Colonel Luc MarchalAncien commandant secteur
Kigali/MINUAR
Il est mentionné dans le chapitre sur la méthodologie que le comité a accordé beaucoup d'importance aux témoignages émanant d'officiels de la Mission des Nations Unies pour l'assistance au Rwanda (MINUAR).
Particulièrement ceux des casques bleus de service à l'aéroport de Kanombe la nuit du 6 avril 1994 dont certains occupaient des services-clés, tel la tour de contrôle. En tant que responsable du Secteur Kigali de la MINUAR, je tiens à préciser qu'aucun casque bleu n'occupait la moindre fonction ou présence à l'intérieur de la tour de contrôle.
Lecture dudit rapport terminée, notre interrogation n'est en rien levée, bien au contraire. Nous avons le sentiment d'avoir pris connaissance d'une parodie d'enquête dont le scénario était écrit d'avance. Tout au long des 186 pages du document, nous assistons à un long réquisitoire à sens unique dont le seul exercice est de démontrer la totale innocence du FPR et la machiavélique culpabilité des extrémistes hutu.
Le comité n'a même pas essayé de faire semblant. Les sujets délicats, ceux qui risquaient de mettre à mal son "indépendance", ont été systématiquement évacués d'un revers de la main. Les autorités rwandaises pouvaient bien reprocher au juge Bruguière de ne pas avoir instruit à charge et à décharge. Le comité Mutsinzi n'est certainement pas en reste. Sur base de supputations, d'affirmations qui ne tiennent aucun compte d'années de travail du TPIR, d'hypothèses parfois farfelues, de postulats qui ne sont en rien démontrés, voire de contre-vérités, le tout appuyé par la contribution de témoins dont la liberté d'expression est plus qu'incertaine, le comité élabore au fil des pages une trame qui ne peut que le conduire là où il doit aller.
[ASI Foundation strongly condemns and warns those RPF supporters who actually help Kagame and his RPF to deny, confuse, minimize, puzzle and reject the awful war crimes, crimes against humanity, gendercide,ethnocide and genocide they committed against the Rwandan Hutu and the interior Tutsi. These crimes must be prosecuted and those responsible brought to the the bar of Justice. Not to prosecute Kagame and RPF criminals will indoubtedly lead to non reconciliation and to permanent instability inside Rwanda and wider in the region. Mieux vaut prevenir plutôt que Guérir.]
On 01.15.2009, Human Rights Watch (HRW) released its 500 page "Genocide, War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity: A Digest of the Case Law of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda," which it said had "enriched the law on genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity."
Their press release, however, included this caveat:
Friday, January 29, 2010
27-01-10
[If US foreign policy were really driven, as my President Obama has contended on a number of occasions, by Americans’ love of Freedom, Justice and Democracy, the privatized military adventures that brought death en masse to Yugoslavia and Rwanda would never have taken place. But because the US—and, really, the rest of the NATO-occupied world—has become a sort of nuclear-militarized ‘Bates Motel,’ where a morbid, narcissistic fantasy is being defended from encroachments by a persistent and unforgiving Reality with mass murder that is post facto charged to its victims, the swelling tide of judicial evidence that is breaking against the US/UK/EU/NATO-version of events has called forth ever-more hysterical and mawkishly sentimental apologias for this consensus false-consciousness.
Now Boris Tadic, the comprador president of Serbia, is trying to get his parliament to pass a resolution acknowledging his country’s responsibility for what he would have as the defining event of the Bosnian war: the 1995 Srebrenica genocide of 8,000 Muslim men and boys. In 2007 the International Court of Justice (ICJ) held that Serbia was NOT responsible for this alleged mass crime, which is still legally unproven though all too frequently stipulated to.
And an equally cynical, if slightly less craven, attempt at puttying up the cracks in a steadily disintegrating false history of genocide has been filed by the current Kigali military dictatorship of Paul Kagame and his Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) with their issuing of the Report of the Mutsinzi Commission of Independent Experts on the 6 April 1994 missile strike that took the lives of all aboard the Rwandan president’s Falcon 50 executive jet, including two duly-elected African heads of state, and triggered the so-called genocide of 800,000 Tutsis and ‘moderate’ Hutus in 100 days.
Both these would-be genocides have been the primary concerns of the two UN ad hoc tribunals in The Hague (for Yugoslavia) and Arusha, Tanzania (for Rwanda), which share a single Appeals Chamber. The legal precedents for proving this crime of genocide are dodgy at best (Srebrenica was stipulated to after plea-bargained confessions from alleged collaborators dropped a guilty verdict on the ill-defended Drina Corps Commander, Radislav Kristic), and completely fatuous at worst (as in the ICTR Military 1 trial, where, after acquitting the so-called brains of the Rwandan Tutsi genocide, Col. Théoneste Bagosora, Major Aloys Ntabakuze and Lt-Col. Anatole Nsengiyumva, of any ‘planning or conspiracy’ in the Rwandan genocide, the three FAR officers were convicted of the ‘genocidal crimes of others’ on the basis of a June 2006 Appeals Chamber order to take ‘judicial notice’ of the crime.
That is to say, the trial chamber should consider the Rwandan genocide a ‘natural fact of Jesus,’ so widely believed in as to be beyond any need for evidentiary verification.
Here is another refutation of the Mutsinzi Report for you (yeah, you’re welcome.). This one’s from the family of the martyred Rwandan President, Juvénal Habyarimana—from his three sons, Léon, Bernard and Jean-Luc. When one considers the absolute UnReason to which the enemies of Historical Truth and Justice have had to resort—the morally bereft Philip Gourevitch’s racist discounting of the Rwandan revolution under President Habyarimana as a thirty-year (communist) genocide springs to mind here—the future of the thinking world seems truly dank. –mc]
The Habyarimana Family categorically rejects the Mutsinzi Report! (27 Jan. 2010)
Communiqué from the family of the late Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana concerning the recently issued Rwandan Report by “the Committee of independent experts” on the terrorist attack of 6 April 1994.
Following the release of the “Mutsinzi Report” on the 6 April 1994 attack which took the lives of 12 fathers from Rwanda, Burundi and France*; we, the family of Rwandan President Juvénal Habyarimana, feel an obligation to warn the public of the attempted manipulations of and diversions from the reality of this terrorist act that took our father from us. We want first of all to impeach the objectivity of this “Independent Committee of Experts,” whose use of the word ‘independent’ is a mere embellishment for its desperate need to get across.
Everyone knows [or should know—cm/p] that Mr. Jean Mutsinzi, head of the Commission, is a founding member of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF, currently holding state power) and the former Chief Justice of the Rwandan Supreme Court, also under the same RPF regime. His proximity to Paul Kagame is even better known and we do not expect that this Commission he leads is going to cast any suspicion on the party of which he is a founding member or on his colleagues and comrades-in-arms, including Kagame, himself, though they have been found, by international judicial investigations, to be the instigators and commanders of this attack.
We wish to draw the public’s attention to the fact that besides the dubious independence of this Rwandan Commission, it was only conceived in April 2007 and set up by the Rwandan government in November 2007 to begin its work in December of that year, or nearly 14 years after the fact. This is incontrovertible evidence of the indifference of the Rwandan government, since the RPF came to power, on the subject of finding the truth behind this terrorist act. This indifference was even confirmed by Paul Kagame, himself, at the end of 2006 when he stated on the international airwaves (on the BBC’s Hard Talk and on RF1) that he is not at all interested in clearing up the death of President Habyarimana; he said he could not care less about it.
The authorities in Kigali claim to have written to the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) demanding the establishment of an international commission of inquiry and that their demand was never followed up on. We can just imagine the insistence with which the RPF administration must have made this demand! We believe that if the Kigali government had really wanted an international inquiry, that inquiry would have taken place and Paul Kagame would not be talking about how such an investigation into the death of President Habyarimana did not interest him at all. Moreover, out of respect for the Burundian people, whose president, Cyprien Ntaryamira, also died in the attack and, therefore, on Rwandan soil, this same government would normally have had to recognize its duty to see that such an international investigation were initiated.
It is well known that the Rwandan genocide was triggered by the 6 April 1994 attack. For 15 years, Paul Kagame and his forces have been unwilling to shed any light on this terrorist act, without which Rwanda and, doubtlessly, the whole of the Great Lakes region would never have descended into chaos. This paralysis due to the indifference of the Rwandan government has shown that the RPF wants to avoid, at all costs, that its responsibility in the genocide be revealed in any definitive way. Since 1998, a French anti-terrorist court has been investigating this attack.
Thursday, January 28, 2010
Jean-Louis Gergorin et Imad Lahoud ont en revanche été reconnus coupables et condamnés à des peines de prison ferme.
• Dominique de Villepin, accusé de «complicité calomnieuse, complicité d'usage de faux, recel de vol et recel d'abus de confiance», a été relaxé. Le tribunal a estimé que l'ancien premier ministre avait été instrumentalisé par Jean-Louis Gergorin et qu'il n'existait pas de preuve que Dominique de Villepin ait agi de mauvaise foi dans le cadre de cette affaire. Un jugement qui va à l'encontre de la réquisition du parquet, qui réclamait 18 mois de prison avec sursis et 45.000 euros d'amende à son encontre.
«J'ai été blessé par l'image que l'on a voulu donner de la politique, de l'engagement qui a été le mien pendant 30 ans, et c'est vers l'avenir que je veux me tourner pour servir les Français et contribuer, dans un esprit de rassemblement, au redressement de la France», a déclaré Dominique de Villepin, à sa sortie du tribunal. «Je suis fier d'être le citoyen d'un pays, la France, où l'esprit d'indépendance reste vivant. Je n'ai aucune rancoeur, aucune rancune. Je veux tourner la page», a-t-il également assuré.
Tuesday, January 26, 2010
26-01-10
Analyse du rapport Mutsinzi sur l’attentat du 6 avril 1994 contre l’avion présidentiel rwandais[1]
Filip Reyntjens
Résumé
Le rapport de la commission Mutsinzi a pour objet de démontrer que l’avion du président Habyarimana n’a pas été abattu par le FPR, comme l’a conclu l’instruction du juge français Bruguière, mais par des radicaux hutu proches de la principale victime. Le rapport soulève nombre de questions importantes. Le comité Mutsinzi se targue de son impartialité mais tous les commissaires sont membres du FPR, ce qui le rend juge et partie. Ceci est très clair dès les premières pages et se confirme à travers l’esnemble du rapport, puisque l’enquête ne va que dans une seule direction, celle des extrémistes hutu, alors que les données mettant en cause le FPR sont systématiquement ignorées. Le comité dit avoir interrogé des centaines de témoins, mais la crédibilité de leurs déclarations est sujette à caution. Parmi ceux identifiés, des dizaines sont des membres de l’ancienne armée gouvernementale FAR ; entendus dans un contexte de crainte d’arrestation ou pire et sachant très bien ce que ceux au pouvoir voulaient leur entendre dire, leurs témoignages ne sont guère probants. De nombreux exemples dans le rapport montrent que la méthode employée par le comité n’est pas sans soulever de sérieuses réserves: celui-ci présente d’abord des hypothèses non prouvées voire même des contrevérités comme des faits, et l’accumulation de ces « faits » permet ensuite de dégager la « vérité ». La conclusion à laquelle aboutit le comité ne trouve pas de fondement crédible dans les données qui se dégagent de l’enquête. Nous sommes dès lors aujourd’hui confrontés à deux « vérités » sur l’attentat : celle issue de l’instruction Bruguière et celle du rapport Mutsinzi. Les deux indiquent des suspects, même s’ils sont différents, et constatent qu’un crime a été commis. La façon naturelle pour aborder un problème pareil est de mener un débat contradictoire devant une juridiction pénale. Il semble cependant que tant le Rwanda que la France , souhaitant normaliser leurs relations, soient entrainés à sacrifier l’exigence de justice à l’opportunisme politique. Le peuple rwandais mérite mieux.
Le rapport de la commission Mutsinzi a pour objet de démontrer que l’avion du président Habyarimana n’a pas été abattu par le FPR, comme l’a conclu l’instruction du juge français Bruguière, mais par des radicaux hutu proches de la principale victime. Le rapport soulève nombre de questions importantes. Le comité Mutsinzi se targue de son impartialité mais tous les commissaires sont membres du FPR, ce qui le rend juge et partie. Ceci est très clair dès les premières pages et se confirme à travers l’esnemble du rapport, puisque l’enquête ne va que dans une seule direction, celle des extrémistes hutu, alors que les données mettant en cause le FPR sont systématiquement ignorées. Le comité dit avoir interrogé des centaines de témoins, mais la crédibilité de leurs déclarations est sujette à caution. Parmi ceux identifiés, des dizaines sont des membres de l’ancienne armée gouvernementale FAR ; entendus dans un contexte de crainte d’arrestation ou pire et sachant très bien ce que ceux au pouvoir voulaient leur entendre dire, leurs témoignages ne sont guère probants. De nombreux exemples dans le rapport montrent que la méthode employée par le comité n’est pas sans soulever de sérieuses réserves: celui-ci présente d’abord des hypothèses non prouvées voire même des contrevérités comme des faits, et l’accumulation de ces « faits » permet ensuite de dégager la « vérité ». La conclusion à laquelle aboutit le comité ne trouve pas de fondement crédible dans les données qui se dégagent de l’enquête. Nous sommes dès lors aujourd’hui confrontés à deux « vérités » sur l’attentat : celle issue de l’instruction Bruguière et celle du rapport Mutsinzi. Les deux indiquent des suspects, même s’ils sont différents, et constatent qu’un crime a été commis. La façon naturelle pour aborder un problème pareil est de mener un débat contradictoire devant une juridiction pénale. Il semble cependant que tant le Rwanda que la France , souhaitant normaliser leurs relations, soient entrainés à sacrifier l’exigence de justice à l’opportunisme politique. Le peuple rwandais mérite mieux.
Introduction
Le comité Mutsinzi est créé par arrêté du Premier Ministre le 16 avril 2007, treize ans après l’événement sur lequel il doit enquêter, mais cinq mois après la sortie, le 17 novembre 2006, de l’ordonnance de soit-communiqué du juge Bruguière auquel il doit fournir une réponse. Le rapport du comité, daté 20 avril 2009, est remis au gouvernement rwandais le 7 mai 2009. Un communiqué du conseil des ministres indique qu’il « sera rendu public dans les prochains jours »[2]. Mais la publication tarde, et l’on ne peut qu’émettre une hypothèse sur les raisons de ce retard. En effet, en novembre 2008, la mise en examen par la justice française de Rose Kabuye, une des neuf personnes visées par l’ordonnance, permet au Rwanda d’avoir accès au dossier d’instruction, et il est probable que le rapport a été adapté, voire augmenté à la lumière d’éléments du dossier parisien, qui y est cité à plusieurs reprises. Après une longue attente, la revue Continental Magazine tire profit d’une fuite et publie des extraits du rapport dans sa livraison du 4 décembre 2009, sept mois après le dépôt du texte[3]. Le rapport est disponible sur internet à partir du 7 janvier 2010, mais il n’est officiellement publié par le gouvernement que le 11 janvier.
AFP
26/01/2010
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, une opposante rwandaise rentrée de son exil aux Pays-Bas il y a une dizaine de jours et candidate à l'élection présidentielle en août, a assuré être menacée par le pouvoir, dans un communiqué.
Mme Ingabire, qui est revenue au Rwanda pour faire enregistrer auprès des autorités son parti d'opposition, les Forces démocratiques unifiées (FDU), dénonce une "propagande haineuse orchestrée par ces médias politisés", dans ce communiqué rédigé en français."Ces extrémistes sont en train de mobiliser des associations de survivants du génocide (de 1994), de veuves, et d'autres pour des manifestations demandant au gouvernement de suspendre notre action et de me mettre en prison", poursuit-elle, "prenant à témoin la population rwandaise et la communauté internationale".
Dès son retour à Kigali, elle était allée déposer des gerbes de fleurs au mémorial national du génocide à Gisozi, à Kigali, d'où elle avait appelé à des poursuites judiciaires contre les éléments de l'ancienne rébellion tutsi du FPR (au pouvoir) ayant commis des massacres de Hutu en 1994.
24-01-2010
By Ann Garrison
On 01.20.2010, I published "Rwanda's 1994 genocide and 2010 elections," a Digital Journal report on Victoire Ingabiré Imuhoza's return to Rwanda, from 16 years in exile, to run as the FDU-Inkingi's presidential candidate in Rwanda's 2010 presidential elections. And, on the immediate outcry, in state run Rwandan media, including calls to prosecute and arrest Mrs. Ingabire for challenging the received history of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide.
On 01.23.2009, Mrs. Ingabire and the FDU-Inkingi Party issued a release calling the outcry a "cynical media lynching."
On 01.24.2010, I received this letter from Dr. Peter Erlinder, Lead Defense Council at the International Criminal Tribunal of Rwanda (ICTR):
"Ms. Garrison,
Thanks for the article. As Lead Defense Council at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR), I have had a chance to closely examine the violence associated with the RPF takeover of Rwanda, and have concluded that the "victors" have told the story of the 4-year war, and its aftermath.
During the past 7 years the Prosecutor at the ICTR, with the help of the Kagame government, US and UK have been unable to marshall evidence that the former military or government planned or conspired to kill civilians, much less Tutsi civilians.
In Feb 2009, the Judgment in the Military I (Bagosora) case found that NONE of the top four officers (including Bagosora) were guilty of conspiracy before or after the assassination of President Habyarimana.
In Feb 2009, the former ICTR Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte admitted in her memoirs that she had been ordered to bury evidence of RPF crimes, including Kagame's assassination of Habyarimana which had been known to her office in 1997...by the U.S. State Dept.
'The Great Rwanda Genocide-Coverup' is beginning to unravel....but the US, as you note, is deeply invested in maintaining a Prussian-style military presence in Central Africa. I have posted several articles and the - Rwanda Documents Project - has many of the contemporaneous confirming documents. -Dr. Peter Erlinder"
Dr. Erlinger and I then exchanged contact information, and spoke at some length over the phone, after which I read his essay, "The Great Rwanda Genocide Coverup" on the Global Research website.
Neither Dr. Erlinger nor Mrs. Ingabiré deny that genocidal mass murder occurred in Rwanda in 1994. They dispute only the one-sided history, in which former Hutu government and military are said to have conspired to commit genocide against Tutsis, and in which only Tutsis, not Hutus, were mass murdered.
"On February 9, 2009, the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda issued its written judgment that the top four Hutu military officers were not guilty of conspiring to commit genocide against the Tutsi in 1994," says Dr. Erlinger.
"If a reporter had been there throughout the trial and seen this unfold, they would have understood that the prosecution had been unable to prove the central, received narrative of the 1994 Rwanda Genocide, which is that the Hutu military conspired, with elements of the government, to commit genocide against the Tutsi. The U.S., the UN, and the Rwandan Government did everything they could to prove the charges, but they could not."
However, by the time the received history of the Rwanda Genocide was finally refuted last year, Rwanda's ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front Party had already made it sacrosanct, and vaguely criminalized divergent histories, in Articles 13 and 33 of the 2003 Rwandan Constitution:
Article 13
The crime of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes do not have a period of limitation.
Revisionism, negationism and trivialisation of genocide are punishable by the law.
Article 33
Freedom of thought, opinion, conscience, religion, worship and the public manifestation thereof is guaranteed by the State in accordance with conditions determined by law.
Propagation of ethnic, regional, racial or discrimination or any other form of division is punishable by law.
Members of the RPF are calling for the prosecution and incarceration of FDU-Inkingi leader Victoire Ingabiré Umuhoza for "revisionism," because she dared say that war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed against Rwandan Hutus
However, unlike the Spanish Judge Fernando Andreu, in his indictment of 40 of Paul Kagame's top officers, Mrs. Ingabiré has not used the word "genocide" with regard to crimes against the Hutu, only "war crimes" and "crimes against humanity."
Rwandans both inside and outside her FDU-Inkingi Party marvel that Mrs. Ingabiré remains alive and free in Rwanda, and still speaking out, one week after returning to say what so many Rwandans think of every day but fear to say out loud.
"Something has changed," says J. Nepo Manirarora, the FDU-Inkingi's Representative in the United States. "Anyone who said what Mrs. Ingabiré said, up until now, would have disappeared, never to be seen again."
Manirarora believes that international attention, possibly pressure, must be keeping her safe, for now.
Pressure from who, where, why, and to what end? Manirarora doesn't know, but says "probably the U.S. and the UK, because they have power and influence in Rwanda."
On the morning of 01.21.2009, Mrs. Ingabiré met with Mr Jolke Oppewal, Head of the Development Cooperation at the Kingdom of the Netherlands Embassy in Kigali, and then went on to meet the British High Commissioner to Rwanda, Nicholas Cannon.
Something seems to have changed in Rwanda. It may be at last possible to speak of crimes against humanity and Hutu.
© Colored opinions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, January 24, 2010
Every government is at times tempted to violate human rights. To encourage governments to resist that temptation, the human rights movement seeks to raise the price of abuse—to shift the cost-benefit calculus behind a government’s actions.
The human rights movement’s ability to raise that price has grown substantially in recent years. Today, activists are capable of exposing abuses most anywhere in the world, shining an intense spotlight of shame on those responsible, rallying concerned governments and institutions to use their influence on behalf of victims, and in severe cases, persuading international prosecutors to bring abusers to justice. These are effective tools, and they have retained their power even as certain traditional allies wavered in their support for human rights. That effectiveness has spawned a reaction, and that reaction grew particularly intense in 2009.
Certain abusive governments, sometimes working together, sometimes pursuing parallel tracks, are engaged in an intense round of attacks on human rights defenders, organizations, and institutions. The aim is to silence the messenger, to deflect the pressure, to lessen the cost of committing human rights violations.
Subscribe to:
Posts
(Atom)
AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.