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Tuesday, May 25, 2010

The International Committee to Defend ALL NATO/UN Political Prisoners is LAUNCHED with Chris Blacks's response to Prof Kuzmarov's review of Herman & Peterson's 'The Politics of Genocide

25-05-2010

[We kick off the International Defense Committee for ALL Political Prisoners and POWs of NATO/UN*** with one of its founding members, Chris Black’s response to Professor Jeremy Kuzmarov’s Review of Edward S. Herman and David Peterson's “The Politics of Genocide,” foreword by Noam Chomsky (Monthly Review Press, 2010). As the name of the Committee might suggest, the scope of our concerns and intentions is very—perhaps, even too broad. So we’re hoping Maitre Black’s article will help us focus on the effects of a continuing falsification of History by the forces of Fascism. This manufacture of mass lies has been trying to rid our world of all rational experiments in revolutionary socialism or communism since October 1917. It is this anti-intellectual and anti-social pathology against which the Committee seeks to defend all political prisoners of this global military occupation by Western Waste Capital.

There is hope. Recently in Moscow there was a celebration of the 65th Anniversary of the Red Army’s victory over Fascism in the Great Patriotic War—known in the West as WWII. For the first time in recent memory an official contingent of US Marines marched through Red Square in solidarity with, and commemoration of, the more than 20 million Soviet lives that were given in repelling, then vanquishing, the Nazi invaders.
This recognition of the unimaginable sacrifice made by the Slavic, Jewish, Muslim, Orthodox Christian and other Soviet peoples—of all the partisans on the Eastern Front and in Europe—to guarantee (however partially or temporarily) a world free from neo-feudal enslavement to Waste Capitalist anti-Reality, was foreshadowed by the election in 2008 of Barack Obama (a face that just doesn’t look comfortable in Hugo Boss) to captain the flagship of the Fascist fleet, when he invited to his inauguration representatives of the Tuskegee airmen, those Black flyers who defied the US military’s institutional racism to play a major role in the air wars over the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, itself. Burt Lancaster would never have let us forget, in his sadly neglected ‘The Unknown War,’ that it was the Tuskegees who put the lie to the Nazi’s technological (and racial) superiority when they shot down the first two (of a half dozen) operational jet fighter/bombers (Messerschmitt 262s).

To recognize this History is only the beginning; to get it right is the goal of this Committee. For example, the USSR and then Russia have been cajoled by their Fascist interlocutors into admitting to various crimes committed under Josef Stalin’s leadership, thereby creating a sense of authoritarian equivalence between Fascism and Communism. The April-May 1940 massacre of 11,000 Polish Army officers in the Katyn forest is one of the more popular and ludicrous historical manipulations, as Stalin and Beria are credited only with the liquidation of the Polish pows (at a time when the Red Army was fleeing Eastern Poland with the Wehrmacht chomping at their heels and was forced even to abandon its own Soviet citizens to Nazi predations, why would they take time out to spend 11,000 rounds on Polish pows?), while the rest of the million+ Jewish, Ukrainian and Soviet victims are assigned to the Nazi occupation without debate. And recently, Serbia has had to ‘apologize’ or ‘express regret’ for the mass killing in 1995 Bosnia at Srebrenica—a crime (no longer seriously referred to as a genocide) that has never been established on the evidence and which has had to be stipulated to in a number of dodgy ICTY judgments. And as Chris points out so well, the inability of the ICTR over more than a decade to establish that there was any planning or intention on the part of the 1994 Rwandan state, its Army or any of its allies, to carry out any kind of mass slaughter, has become, itself, a crime against Humanity—and, especially, against that part of Humanity that remains imprisoned, persecuted and prosecuted, for this non-event.
To sample Richard Lovelace outta 1648,
Stone walls do not a prison make,
Nor iron bars a cage;
Minds innocent and quiet take
That for a hermitage;
But the Fascists’ falsification of History does create a very real Super-Max lock-up that deprives millions—both those who are imprisoned and those who think they are safe at home—of the freedom to pursue their rightful destinies. The false histories—be they of the Katyn massacre, the Ukrainian genocide famine of 1933, of the various post-Cold War mass-murders that called for even more murderous Humanitarian Interventions—all served one principal purpose: to take political power out of the hands of popular political leaders by judicially vilifying them as inhuman killers, while placing their sovereignties under military occupation for private commercial and financial exploitation in the service of Capitalist Wastage.

It is the Political Prisoners under this sort of confinement—deprived not only of their physical freedom, but of their own History, their own lives’ stories—who are the subjects of this Committee’s attention. For only by eventuating their freedom and advancing the liberation of their homelands, can we, ourselves, ever hope, really, to be free. –mc]

***To take part in The Committee, to join its discussions, go to:

http://intlndefcompppows.blogspot.com/2010/05/international-committee-to-defend.html and post a comment to the blog.

To submit articles for possible posting to The Committee’s site, send them to cirqueminime@gmail.com.

Kuzmarov Review of The Politcs of Genocide (#142972)
by Christopher Charles Black
May 24, 2010 at 5:29 PM

Professor Kuzmarov's generally positive review of this important book by Ed Herman and David Peterson is marred by a misapprehension of the facts of the history of Rwanda and the war that destroyed the country between 1990 and 1994.
He states that though Herman and Peterson's critique is thought provoking, they should "acknowledge the historical injustice faced by the Tutsi..." but fails to point out what injustice, exactly, he is referring to.

The entire history of Rwanda, from the 11th century on to the present, has been discussed and examined and analysed by expert after expert, by hundreds of witnesses to the events at the war crimes trials at the International War Crimes Tribunal For Rwanda in Arusha, Tanzania. It is in the transcripts of these trials, which have gone on for more than ten years, that one will find the truth, and it is this:

Before the arrival of the Europeans, first the Germans, then the Belgians, in the 1890's, Rwanda was a conglomeration of petty chiefdoms with the Tutsi minority, a cattle-raising people, ruling with an iron fist over the majority Hutu peasants. Over the first decades of the twentieth century, the Tutsis, who were adopted by the European colonisers as the comprador class to rule on their behalf, expanded their control over all the chiefdoms and replaced Hutu leaders with Tutsis. From then until 1959, when the social revolution took place, the Tutsi aristocracy held sway over the Hutu people, by then reduced to serfdom. It was required by law that Hutus work for Tutsi masters several days a week without pay, forced labor. Hutus were not allowed to go to school or to serve in the government administration, and had no political, social or economic power.
In 1959, a small group of Hutus, inspired by the liberation struggles after the second world war, issued a manifesto demanding equal right to education, to serve in the government, for elected democracy, for the abolition of serfdom, abolition of the monarchy, the right to form unions, freedom of the press, freedom of association, freedom from arbitrary arrest and other quite standard democratic ideals. Essentially, it was a call for social, economic and political justice after centuries of minority Tutsi oppression.
The result was a build-up of pressure in the West for democracy in Rwanda, and the Belgians supported this. Elections were held. Hutu candidates swept away the Tutsi bosses, and, for the first time, the majority of Rwandans had control of their destiny. Soon after the elections, a referendum was held on the monarchy, which was abolished by an overwhelming majority. The Tutsi aristocracy, not willing or able to accept a role less than that of overlords, responded by murdering several local mayors, civic officials and other Hutus. The Hutu government called for help, and the Belgians returned with a military force from the Congo to restore order and to pursue and arrest the Tutsis involved. However, as it was the entire Tutsi aristocracy that was involved, instead of facing arrest for murder, they fled the county, most to Uganda. From 1961 until 1973, the Tutsis who had fled staged armed raids into Rwanda, during which they wantonly slaughtered Hutus until they were captured or forced back into Uganda. The UN was called in, and many UN documents at the ICTR as well as press reports fron that time establish beyond question that it was the Tutsis who could not accept the social and democratic revolution and were to blame for the killings and all the violence.

Until 1990, there was no further interference in Rwanda from Uganda. However, the Tutsis were still there, but now as one of the main elements of the Ugandan Army of Yoweri Museveni. Museveni had been picked by the US and UK to oust Milton Obote, the socialist. Many Tutsis joined his forces, and when Museveni took power a third or more of his soldiers were Tutsis and many of them held high rank, as did Paul Kagame.
The collapse of the USSR allowed the US and UK to target two remaining socialist countries, Yugoslavia and Rwanda: Yugoslavia as it was the last strong bastion of working socialism in Europe, and Rwanda as it was a model of socialist development in Africa, even called the "Switzerland of Africa." The US was also tired of Mobutu, as he was beginning to turn towards China, and so they wanted to remove him. Rwandan President Habyarimana had been approached to allow his country to be used as a staging ground for an attack on Zaire (Congo). He refused. This, with their wish to destroy a working example of socialism in Africa, caused the US to look for other agents they could work with and found the Tutsis in Uganda still thirsting for the restoration of their hegemony in Rwanda and, even more, for Hutu blood in revenge. Museveni wanted to be rid of them as he also felt uneasy about the Tutsis in his ranks.

So, with Belgium and the UK, the US supported the invasion of Rwanda by the Ugandan Army on October 1, 1990. One thing must be understood very clearly: This was not an invasion by a Tutsi liberation group, as the RPF has claimed. The RPF was in fact the Ugandan Army operating in Rwanda under that name. All the soldiers in the RPF at that time were, aside from mercenaries, members of the Ugandan Army, carried Ugandan Army id cards, and used Ugandan army equipment, vehicles and communication facilities. The RPF was never a liberation group and was never backed by China. It was, as everyone knows, backed by the United States and Britain, along with Belgium and Canada. The RPF did at one time claim to be a marxist liberation group but that was another of their cynical ploys to sucker in the left in the West to support what was and still is a fascist organisation.
Another thing must be clearly understood: There was no justification for this surprise attack in which thousands of Hutus were slaughtered in the cruelest manner. The RPF claims that it was necessary to solve the refugee problem and that the Habyarimana regime had refused the Tutsi refugees' right of return. This is completely false, a total rewriting of documented history. Before all the judges at the ICTR are all the agreements and minutes of meetings in which the UN, the Rwandan government, the OAU, the RPF and Uganda and Tanzania had all agreed that those Tutsis who wanted to return could do so en masse. Despite what the good profesor says in his review, individual Tutsis had always had the right of return, and many had returned, and the Rwandan government encouraged this, both to reduce the outside threat and to build more harmony. Mass return had been deemed impractical as it was not understood how a small, already densely populated country could take the sudden influx of 500,000 people, when every piece of land was being used, and there were no extra jobs or housing for them. But in September, 1990, a deal was reached between Habyarimana and Museveni, to which the RPF was signatory. The next step was for the RPF to send a team to meet with the Rwandan commission set up to deal with the refugees to discuss logistics. That team was due in Kigali at the end of September. That team never arrived. Instead the RPF wing of the Ugandan Army mounted a surprise attack, thus rupturing the deal for the return of the refugees and revealing that there never was a refugee problem.*

Many witnesses have also described life for Tutsis in Rwanda before 1990. A picture of oppression does not appear; it is, rather, one of privilege. The MRND party (seen as a peoples movement rather than a political party, as such), in charge of the government and and made up of both Hutu and Tutsi members, created an affirmative action program guaranteeing the Tutsis a place in education, government, public service and the army. The RPF claims this was 'a ceiling.' But all witnesses, and I will rely on the Europeans who worked in the systems as being the least biased, confirmed that the percentage guarantees were not a ceiling but a floor, and in the universities, for example, the number of Tutsis often exceeded their 15% (maximum) portion of the population, and in many schools Tutsis exceeded 20% of the total number of students. Outside of the state-owned industries, it was the Tutsis who predominated. The Tutsis were the wealthiest group in Rwanda and controlled most import and export businesses. One has only to read the transcripts of the testimony of the Tutsi prince and son of the last king, Antoine Nyetera, who testified in the Military II trial, where he states that all the RPF claims are pure propaganda and that it was the RPF that committed most of the massacres, both before and during 1994, to see how the world has been taken in by a pretty clumsy propaganda effort by the RPF and the US and its usual allies.

The Professor dares to compare Kagame to Castro and Guevara's acting against Batista. No. You have it completely backwards. Kagame is Batista. With the help of the US et al, he overthrew a democratic, coalition government set up under the Arusha Accords to which, again, the RPF was signatory. The Professor prefers to omit from his review the crucial testimony from 2006 of Dr. Alison Des Forges, also in the Military II trial, in which she stated that there was no plan by the government of Rwanda to commit genocide, as it was impossible for a coalition government composed of Hutus and Tutsis and including the RPF and its allied parties, and in which Habyarimana had been reduced to a figurhead, with real power resting with the pro-RPF prime ministers, to conceive such a thing.

He ignores the fact that it was Habyarimana who first got rid of the one-party socialist government and rewrote the constitution in 1991 and agreed to talks with the RPF to stop the war.
The Belgian and US ambassadors, senior Belgian army officers, Tanzanian and UN diplomats all confirm that every time the Rwandan government agreed to a cease-fire, it was the RPF that violated it with more slaughter using a "fight and talk" strategy, and that it was the RPF who did not want free elections and who prepared for their final solution, their final offensive of 6 April 1994 in which they launched another surprise attack, in breach of the Accords, with the connivance of the UN and the direct military support of the US and others.

It is also clear on the evidence that most of those killed in 1994 were Hutus not Tutsis, as the RPF claims in order to justify its seizure of power. RPF officers have testified and written letters to the UN stating that the RPF killed 2 million Hutus in those 12 weeks and then claimed the victim were Tustis.

It is also established beyond doubt that the first massacre of 1994, the murder of all those on the president's plane on 6 April, was committed by the RPF, which blew it out of the sky with help from its western allies. The Professor fails to mention something he must know: that the first body to determine who shot down the plane was the prosecution service of the ICTR in 1997. Michael Hourigan, the Australian lawyer who headed the team investigating the shoot down, reported to Prosecutor Louise Arbour that it was the RPF, that he had met with three members of the shoot down team and that he had the documents to prove it. Arbour quickly called him to The Hague and ordered him off the file and demanded he burn his notes. His notes lead to the CIA. This was revealed first by the National Post newspaper in 2001 and later by other journals. Hourigan left the UN in disgust. His testimony before the tribunal is recorded. So it is not just a French or a Spanish judge who has likewise determined this to be the case. Further, the intercepted radio message of Kagame telling his troops that President Habyarimana had been killed and that the offensive could go ahead were also filed as an exhibit in several trials. Just last June, this writer filed as an exhibit a letter from Paul Kagame to a Tutsi leader in Burundi, dated August 1994, in which he speaks of the thanks he has for the Americans, Belgians and British, for the taking of Kigali and the plans they have next for Zaire and the overthrow of the Hutu regime in Burundi. I am quite willing to share that letter with anyone who wishes to see it. The testimony of the General Augustin Ndindiliyimana, chief of staff of the Rwandan National Gendarmerie, in the Military II case, that US air force C130 Hercules aircraft dropped men and supplies to the RPF after 6 April, is something else to bear in mind in this regard.

I will not get into the charge of Mssrs Herman and Peterson's being too harsh on NGOs in Rwanda. Well, no, I will--they were not too harsh on NGOs. The role of these organizations was always damaging to peace and, as with Human Rights Watch, almost coincidental with the RPF strategy and the role of the Western mass media, was shameful. A slaughter of perhaps millions, certainly hundreds of thousands, of people was covered up and made to look like its opposite: Ethnic cleansing as a war of liberation; Mass slaughter of innocents as revenge for contrived grievances.
The saddest thing for me is the studied indifference to the war crimes trials that have taken place at the ICTR, and are still taking place there, and the shattering evidence that has been revealed to the world about what really happened to Rwanda and Rwandans and what is happening to them now under the fascist RPF military junta now placed in control of the country by the US and the UK. It is as if the most important criminal and political trials of the past century (I say this with all respect to the Nuremberg process, because they were very short and issues were never examined at any length.) have never taken place. Well, they have. They are still taking place. Anyone who is ignorant of the testimony and evidence in those trials has no claim to academic authority about the war in Rwanda. Anyone who claims he has such expertise, based on old saws from ten years ago, has been sadly left behind by time and events, and, to get back in the game, must go to the trials. There lies the reality.

Christopher Black
Barrister,
International Criminal Lawyer
Lead Counsel, International War Crimes Tribunal For Rwanda

Toronto, Canada

*From the irony file: The fact-finding mission that Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni was to send to Rwanda to look into the mass repatriation of Rwandan Tutsi refugees from Uganda was to be led by Ugandan Army Chief of Staff, Major General Fred Rwigema. But, instead, on 1 October 1990, the Ugandan National Resistance Army sent an invasion force into Rwanda. That invasion was led, however briefly, by Ugandan Army Chief of Staff, Major General Fred .

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Sunday, May 23, 2010

ASI call for Action in Preventing Another Genocide in Rwanda

23-05-2010

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), and mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.=>ASIF]

We call on our Dutch government, the European Union, the US and British administrations, Canada, Russia and China for help and to fully support African SurVivors International Foundation on this matter.

Good governance, equality and promotion of the values of democracy remain ASI core values.
African SurViVors Inernational goals are to help, prevent and resolve conflicts, enhence human rights in The African Great Lakes Region,
to promote post-conflict stability and development
and increase peacebuilding capacity in that Region.
Please make the first Step
to help the 1st African organization dealing with
Human Rights issues.

ASI objective: We do think that early warning must begin by scanning and assess short- and long-term risks;
The watch list here below would be important for all of us to determine which situations merit further monitoring, analysis, and communication to world policy makers concerning preventive action in the probable bloodsheds in Rwanda.

We all know that notable challenge of early warning

is that the earlier the warning,

the lower the confidence

that the trends reported are significant.

Early warnings are easy to dismiss as alarmist.

The current situation is seriously alarming. The contempt, the death and humiliation toll are climbing daily. But Rwandans don't speak about it because of fear of the RPF regime and strangers keep it shut because of their interests.
To alert and prevent extreme violence by the RPF government versus Rwandan citizens. In this way, the world community should anticipate all dangers and learn lessons from past experiences, e.g. Rwandan Genocide [1990-1998].

The world community Withdrawal, passivity and worse of that silence on existing unpunished RPF crimes
Which are the decisions made (public) by the International community to prevent another genocide in Rwanda?
Preventing genocide and punishing ALL responsible TO SPEED UP THE RECONCILATION PROCESS among Rwandans.
General Kagame and RPF government, RPF local authorities use the predominantly youthfull participants in fist fights in Kigali, gang fights with grenades attacks in separate incidents in Kigali, vandalism targeting the Hutu property, riots and pogroms against the opposition political leaders and opponent political members.(e.g. aggression against Ms. Ingabire Victoire of FDU, Aggression and attempt to oust Me Bernard Ntaganda of Imberakuli social Party and Aggression against the Rwandan Greens political leader Mr. Frank Habineza).
Identification of the next victims and reasons.
The exterminatory ideology General Kagame and RPF use.
RPF/IBUKA/DMI/CID/LDF organized riots and linchings across the country
Those decisions may be taken for serious while the mastermind of the genocide still runs the country?
Do the RPF and General Kagame the REAL TREAT TO PEACE in Rwanda and the region?
RPF members verbal aggression that would lead to the overt violence
How can these decisions be implemented while perpetrators are worshiped and praised?
UN and World community pressure, vigilence and protection of ordinarily Rwandan citizens should be increased.
Can they meet objectives? Since 1994, did we notice some improvements in policies? Unfortunaltely not. The opposition leaders particularly Ms. Ingabire Victoire are loudly and officially blamed for every conceivable crime, from grenade attacks to conspiracy with the FDLR, the "terrorists".
Were diplomatic, humanitarian and other peaceful methods used to bring peace back to Rwandans ?
Dialogue between the RPF government and different Rwandan armed groups e.g. RUD-RPR, FDLR ?
Problem and necessary conditions of power-sharing in Rwanda? Players must race.
Democratic Space Opening as a guarantee of peace and stability in the country.
The Highlily inclusive Dialogue between disputants in the Rwandan conflict. Necessity of identifying the key players.

Other barriers :

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Lucrative trade of minerals like smuggled gold, coltan in Rwanda; this trend should spell impending violence or conflict between Rwanda and neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo: Victims: Innocent citizens from both countries.
to give a voice to on the ground sources like Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, African SurViVors International, NGOs, and especially Rwandans themselves; the current practice is to look for western defined signs of violence.
When we miss warning signs, preventable clashes arise and resources are wasted on irrelevant goals like :

Praising and inviting the mass-killer Gen. Paul Kagame to visit Western countries;
Granting Kagame and RPF with AWARDS
Financial assistance to unfair, undemocratic elections
investing in the RPF discriminating economic, socio-cultural projects through NGOs,etc.
Training the RPF monoethnic security forces

These are not nearly as necessary as stopping the increasing apartheid in Rwanda or enabling equal redistribution of wealth proceeds to benefit all Rwanda’s citizens.

In the case of Rwanda, Western Administrations allow for very many loopholes and ambiguous statements at the lack of democracy in Rwanda, the RPF intimidation, RPF harassment and imprisonment of the political opponents.

		Stop Genociode It is abundantly clear that General Kagame is the MASTERMIND of the Rwanda genocide. needs your ears and eyes to let us know your suggestions on our conflict resolution project on Rwanda

Stop Genociode

It is abundantly clear that General Kagame is the MASTERMIND of the Rwanda genocide.

needs your ears and eyes to let us know your suggestions on

our conflict resolution project on

Rwanda

Final consequences: Kagame's hate speech. Does General Paul kagame have no idea that his preachment at Amahoro stadium will not issue into the extermination of the 8 millions of Hutu ethnic members in these coming days if the world community doesn't pressure on him?
The incessant Paul Kagame and RPF leadership verbal indoctrination would convince RPF members, RDF and local defences forces and their fellows executioners that Mrs. Ingabire Victoire, Mr.Ntaganda Bernard and Mr. Frank Habineza are in fact to blame for everything (divisionism, genocicide ideology, conspiracy, etc) and they must be arrested and thrown into prison? That is the reason why, under these above-mentioned circumnstances, we somehow witness stepwise progression from verbal aggression (antilocution of name-calling: Interahamwe, Terrorists, hooligan) to violence, from rumor to riots and from gossip to bloodsheds.

We must speak up when we see the makings of genocide.
"Instead of regretting past wrongs, we need to act sooner when violence breaks out in a country, no matter how far from our own borders. Only by coming together will we prevent the ambition, greed, and violence which create genocide".
©

Thursday, May 20, 2010

HITLER n'est pas mort ! Il a changé de peau: 7 millions de mort en 2010 !!!

20/05/2010
Publié par M. KALWANGILA

Rwandan and Congolese Freedom is not for sale.

Pourquoi le monde se tait ? Comment certains juifs peuvent-ils soutenir aujourd'hui ce monstre?

utilise le droit pour obtenir le droit.

US awards and decorations are granted to worldwide criminals for assassinations, mass-rape, dirthy services and multiple accomplishments of crimes (massacres, rapes, looting,etc). 11 awards to :

General Paul Kagame, the bloodiest criminal of Africa

Qui dirige les Rwandais et les Congolais aujourd'hui ? Des criminels du FPR et par les transfuges britaniques et américanes. Tout le monde le sait et eux même ne le cachent plus. En retout de leur protection, les EU et la Grande Bretagne en partiluler demandent à Paul Kagame, à son APR/RDF, à la police du FPR, aux services de sécurité du FPR de mater les Rwandais et les Congolais, de les humilier, de voler leurs biens, de les terroriser, de les censurer, de les emprisonner, de les réprimer…de les assassiner, de les masscrer....Et, pourquoi, ils leur demandent tout ça ?
Pour continuer à gouverner le Rwanda et la RDC par des criminels interposés, cela leur permer de prospérer, de voler et dilapider les richesses de la RDC et de l'Afrique des Grands Lacs, de vivre dans le bonheur, avec la sécurité et la luxure, de dominer ceux qui s’opposent à leurs privilèges et biens illicites et mal acquis…

L'invitation de Paul Kagame en France par Sarkozy est une Exposition de la honte et insulte au peuple Rwandais et Congolais.

A tous les niveaux et partout dans les institutions existe encore desCongolais et des Congolaises, des Rwandias et des Rwandaises honnêtes, intègres et sincères mais ils ne peuvent pas s’épanouir dans ce climat nauséabonde de délation, de corruption, de copinage, de mensonge, d’hypocrisie, de fourberie, de ruse et d’impunité pour les criminels du FPR…La démocratie et un Etat de droit réel, seuls sont capables de séparer la bonne graine de l’ivraie et les profiteurs des serviteurs de du Congo et du Rwanda.

l’ONU doit soit se soumettre à Kagame, soit disparaître?

General Paul Kagame, the repeat of Adolf Hitler. The US and British ally has killed more than Hitler.

***
***

Crimes et desastre humanitaire en RD

Taking into account what's happening in Rwanda and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, How the UN can support the bloodiest criminal in history?

There will never be a "Good-bye to Hitler!" Since 1994, Kagame rules by terror, torture and mass-murder.

ASI is not surprised at all. Many of the world's most repressive dictators have been friends of America.

Tyrants, torturers, killers, and sundry dictators and corrupt puppet-presidents have been aided, supported, and rewarded handsomely for their loyalty to US interests. Traditional dictators seize control through force, while constitutional dictators hold office through voting fraud or severely restricted elections, and are frequently puppets and apologists for the military juntas which control the ballot boxes. In any case, none have been democratically elected by the majority of their people in fair and open elections.

They are democratic America's undemocratic allies. They may rise to power through bloody ClA-backed coups and rule by terror and torture. Their troops may receive training or advice from the CIA and other US agencies. US military aid and weapons sales often strengthen their armies and guarantee their hold on power.

Unwavering "anti-communism" and a willingness to provide unhampered access for American business interests to exploit their countries' natural resources and cheap labor are the excuses for their repression, and the primary reason the US government supports them. They may be linked internationalIy to extreme right-wing groups such as the World Anti-Communist League, and some have had strong Nazi affiliations and have offered sanctuary to WWll Nazi war criminals.

They usually grow rich, while their countries' economies deteriorate and the majority of their people live in poverty. US tax dollars and US-backed loans have made billionaires of some, while others are international drug dealers who also collect CIA paychecks. Rarely are they called to account for their crimes. And rarely still, is the US government held responsible for supporting and protecting some of the worst human rights violators in the world.

General Pau Kagame doesen't stop at enslaving his own people though. He also feeds them well, gave them little medical care, carries out large-scale purges and executes millions of them. The net result was killing off approximately 3/5 of the Rwandan population! Kagame's campaign is described as one of the worst mass-murders ever in Africa.General Kagame is even known to have garroted people to death.

CRIMES RELEVANT DE LA COMPÉTENCE DE LA COUR

1. La compétence de la Cour est limitée aux crimes les plus graves qui touchent l’ensemble de la communauté internationale. En vertu du présent Statut, la Cour a compétence à l’égard des crimes suivants :
a) Le crime de génocide ;
b) Les crimes contre l’humanité ;
c) Les crimes de guerre ;
d) Le crime d’agression.
2. La Cour exercera sa compétence à l’égard du crime d’agression quand une disposition aura été adoptée conformément aux articles 121 et 123, qui définira ce crime et fixera les conditions de l’exercice de la compétence de la Cour à son égard.
Cette disposition devra être compatible avec les dispositions pertinentes de la Charte des Nations Unies.

Article 6

CRIME DE GÉNOCIDE

Aux fins du présent Statut, on entend par crime de génocide l’un quelconque des actes ci-après commis dans l’intention de détruire, en tout ou en partie, un groupe national, ethnique, racial ou religieux, comme tel :

a) Meurtre de membres du groupe
b) Atteinte grave à l’intégrité physique ou mentale de membres du groupe ;
c) Soumission intentionnelle du groupe à des conditions d’existence devant entraîner sa destruction physique totale ou partielle ;
d) Mesures visant à entraver les naissances au sein du groupe ;
e) Transfert forcé d’enfants du groupe à un autre groupe.

Article 7

CRIMES CONTRE L’HUMANITÉ

1. Aux fins du présent Statut, on entend par crime contre l’humanité l’un quelconque des actes ci-après lorsqu’il est commis dans le cadre d’une attaque généralisée ou systématique lancée contre toute population civile et en connaissance de cette attaque :
a) Meurtre ;
b) Extermination ;
c) Réduction en esclavage ;
d) Déportation ou transfert forcé de population ;
e) Emprisonnement ou autre forme de privation grave de liberté physique en violation des dispositions fondamentales du droit international ;
f) Torture ;
g) Viol, esclavage sexuel, prostitution forcée, grossesse forcée, stérilisation forcée ou toute autre forme de violence sexuelle de gravité comparable ;
h) Persécution de tout groupe ou de toute collectivité identifiable pour des motifs d’ordre politique, racial, national, ethnique, culturel, religieux ou sexiste au sens du paragraphe 3, ou en fonction d’autres critères universellement reconnus comme inadmissibles en droit international, en corrélation avec tout acte visé dans le présent paragraphe ou tout crime relevant de la compétence de la Cour ;
i) Disparitions forcées de personnes ;
j) Crime d’apartheid ;
k) Autres actes inhumains de caractère analogue causant intentionnellement de grandes souffrances ou des atteintes graves à l’intégrité physique ou à la santé physique ou mentale.
2. Aux fins du paragraphe 1 :

a) Par « attaque lancée contre une population civile », on entend le comportement qui consiste en la commission multiple d’actes visés au paragraphe 1 à l’encontre d’une population civile quelconque, en application ou dans la poursuite de la politique d’un État ou d’une organisation ayant pour but une telle attaque ;
b) Par « extermination », on entend notamment le fait d’imposer intentionnellement des conditions de vie, telles que la privation d’accès à la nourriture et aux médicaments, calculées pour entraîner la destruction d’une partie de la population ;
c) Par « réduction en esclavage », on entend le fait d’exercer sur une personne l’un quelconque ou l’ensemble des pouvoirs liés au droit de propriété, y compris dans le cadre de la traite des être humains, en particulier des femmes et des enfants ;
d) Par « déportation ou transfert forcé de population », on entend le fait de déplacer de force des personnes, en les expulsant ou par d’autres moyens coercitifs, de la région où elles se trouvent légalement, sans motifs admis en droit international ;
e) Par « torture », on entend le fait d’infliger intentionnellement une douleur ou des souffrances aiguës, physiques ou mentales, à une personne se trouvant sous sa garde ou sous son contrôle ; l’acception de ce terme ne s’étend pas à la douleur ou aux souffrances résultant uniquement de sanctions légales, inhérentes à ces sanctions ou occasionnées par elles ;
f) Par « grossesse forcée », on entend la détention illégale d’une femme mise enceinte de force, dans l’intention de modifier la composition ethnique d’une population ou de commettre d’autres violations graves du droit international. Cette définition ne peut en aucune manière s’interpréter comme ayant une incidence sur les lois nationales relatives à la grossesse ;
g) Par « persécution », on entend le déni intentionnel et grave de droits fondamentaux en violation du droit international, pour des motifs liés à l’identité du groupe ou de la collectivité qui en fait l’objet ;
h) Par « crime d’apartheid », on entend des actes inhumains analogues à ceux que vise le paragraphe 1, commis dans le cadre d’un régime institutionnalisé d’oppression systématique et de domination d’un groupe racial sur tout autre groupe racial ou tous autres groupes raciaux et dans l’intention de maintenir ce régime ;
i) Par « disparitions forcées de personnes », on entend les cas où des personnes sont arrêtées, détenues ou enlevées par un État ou une organisation politique ou avec l’autorisation, l’appui ou l’assentiment de cet État ou de cette organisation, qui refuse ensuite d’admettre que ces personnes sont privées de liberté ou de révéler le sort qui leur est réservé ou l’endroit où elles se trouvent, dans l’intention de les soustraire à la protection de la loi pendant une période prolongée.
3. Aux fins du présent Statut, le terme « sexe » s’entend de l’un et l’autre sexes, masculin et féminin, suivant le contexte de la société. Il n’implique aucun autre sens.
Article 8

CRIMES DE GUERRE

1. La Cour a compétence à l’égard des crimes de guerre, en particulier lorsque ces crimes s’inscrivent dans le cadre d’un plan ou d’une politique ou lorsqu’ils font partie d’une série de crimes analogues commis sur une grande échelle.
2. Aux fins du Statut, on entend par « crimes de guerre » :
a) Les infractions graves aux Conventions de Genève du 12 août 1949, à savoir l’un quelconque des actes ci-après lorsqu’ils visent des personnes ou des biens protégés par les dispositions des Conventions de Genève :
i) L’homicide intentionnel;
ii) La torture ou les traitements inhumains, y compris les expériences biologiques ;
iii) Le fait de causer intentionnellement de grandes souffrances ou de porter gravement atteinte à l’intégrité physique ou à la santé ;
iv) La destruction et l’appropriation de biens, non justifiées par des nécessités militaires et exécutées sur une grande échelle de façon illicite et arbitraire ;
v) Le fait de contraindre un prisonnier de guerre ou une personne protégée à servir dans les forces d’une puissance ennemie ;
vi) Le fait de priver intentionnellement un prisonnier de guerre ou toute autre personne protégée de son droit d’être jugé régulièrement et impartialement ;
vii) La déportation ou le transfert illégal ou la détention illégale ;
viii) La prise d’otages ;

b) Les autres violations graves des lois et coutumes applicables aux conflits armés internationaux dans le cadre établi du droit international, à savoir, l’un quelconque des actes ci-après :
i) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre la population civile en tant que telle ou contre des civils qui ne participent pas directement part aux hostilités ;

ii) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre des biens de caractère civil, c’est-à-dire des biens qui ne sont pas des objectifs militaires ;
iii) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre le personnel, les installations, le matériel, les unités ou les véhicules employés dans le cadre d’une mission d’aide humanitaire ou de maintien de la paix conformément à la Charte des Nations Unies, pour autant qu’ils aient droit à la protection que le droit international des conflits armés garantit aux civils et aux biens de caractère civil ;
iv) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement une attaque en sachant qu’elle causera incidemment des pertes en vies humaines dans la population civile, des blessures aux personnes civiles, des dommages aux biens de caractère civil ou des dommages étendus, durables et graves à l’environnement naturel qui seraient manifestement excessifs par rapport à l’ensemble de l’avantage militaire concret et direct attendu ;
v) Le fait d’attaquer ou de bombarder, par quelque moyen que ce soit, des villes, villages, habitations ou bâtiments qui ne sont pas défendus et qui ne sont pas des objectifs militaires ;
vi) Le fait de tuer ou de blesser un combattant qui, ayant déposé les armes ou n’ayant plus de moyens de se défendre, s’est rendu à discrétion ;
vii) Le fait d’utiliser indûment le pavillon parlementaire, le drapeau ou les insignes militaires et l’uniforme de l’ennemi ou de l’Organisation des Nations Unies, ainsi que les signes distinctifs prévus par les Conventions de Genève, et, ce faisant, de causer la perte de vies humaines ou des blessures graves ;
viii) Le transfert, direct ou indirect, par une puissance occupante d’une partie de sa population civile, dans le territoire qu’elle occupe, ou la déportation ou le transfert à l’intérieur ou hors du territoire occupé de la totalité ou d’une partie de la population de ce territoire ;
ix) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre des bâtiments consacrés à la religion, à l’enseignement, à l’art, à la science ou à l’action caritative, des monuments historiques, des hôpitaux et des lieux où des malades ou des blessés sont rassemblés, à condition qu’ils ne soient pas des objectifs militaires ;
x) Le fait de soumettre des personnes d’une partie adverse tombées en son pouvoir à des mutilations ou à des expériences médicales ou scientifiques quelles qu’elles soient qui ne sont ni motivées par un traitement médical, dentaire ou hospitalier, ni effectuées dans l’intérêt de ces personnes, et qui entraînent la mort de celles-ci ou mettent sérieusement en danger leur santé ;
xi) Le fait de tuer ou de blesser par traîtrise des individus appartenant à la nation ou à l’armée ennemie ;
xii) Le fait de déclarer qu’il ne sera pas fait de quartier ;
xiii) Le fait de détruire ou de saisir les biens de l’ennemi, sauf dans les cas où ces destructions ou saisies seraient impérieusement commandées par les nécessités de la guerre ;
xiv) Le fait de déclarer éteints, suspendus ou non recevables en justice les droits et actions des nationaux de la partie adverse ;
xv) Le fait pour un belligérant de contraindre les nationaux de la partie adverse à prendre part aux opérations de guerre dirigées contre leur pays, même s’ils étaient au service de ce belligérant avant le commencement de la guerre ;
xvi) Le pillage d’une ville ou d’une localité, même prise d’assaut ;
xvii) Le fait d’employer du poison ou des armes empoisonnées ;
xviii) Le fait d’employer des gaz asphyxiants, toxiques ou similaires, ainsi que tous liquides, matières ou procédés analogues ;
xix) Le fait d’utiliser des balles qui s’épanouissent ou s’aplatissent facilement dans le corps humain, telles que des balles dont l’enveloppe dure ne recouvre pas entièrement le centre ou est percée d’entailles ;
xx) Le fait d’employer les armes, projectiles, matières et méthodes de guerre de nature à causer des maux superflus ou des souffrances inutiles ou à frapper sans discrimination en violation du droit international des conflits armés, à condition que ces armes, projectiles, matières et méthodes de guerre fassent l’objet d’une
interdiction générale et qu’ils soient inscrits dans une annexe au présent Statut, par voie d’amendement adopté selon les dispositions des articles 121 et 123 ;
xxi) Les atteintes à la dignité de la personne, notamment les traitements humiliants et dégradants ;
xxii) Le viol, l’esclavage sexuel, la prostitution forcée, la grossesse forcée, telle que définie à l’article 7, paragraphe 2, alinéa f), la stérilisation forcée ou toute autre forme de violence sexuelle constituant une infraction grave aux Conventions de Genève ;
xxiii) Le fait d’utiliser la présence d’un civil ou d’une autre personne protégée pour éviter que certains points, zones ou forces militaires ne soient la cible d’opérations militaires ;
xxiv) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre les bâtiments, le matériel, les unités et les moyens de transport sanitaires, et le personnel utilisant, conformément au droit international, les signes distinctifs prévus par les Conventions de Genève ;
xxv) Le fait d’affamer délibérément des civils comme méthode de guerre, en les privant de biens indispensables à leur survie, y compris en empêchant intentionnellement l’envoi des secours prévus par les Conventions de Genève ;
xxvi) Le fait de procéder à la conscription ou à l’enrôlement d’enfants de moins de 15 ans dans les forces armées nationales ou de les faire participer activement à des hostilités ;
President Obama lied to all of us and Africa in particular

c) En cas de conflit armé ne présentant pas un caractère international, les violations graves de l’article 3 commun aux quatre Conventions de Genève du 12 août 1949, à savoir l’un quelconque des actes ci-après commis à l’encontre de personnes qui ne participent pas directement aux hostilités, y compris les membres de forces armées qui ont déposé les armes et les personnes qui ont été mises hors de combat par maladie, blessure, détention ou par toute autre cause :
i) Les atteintes à la vie et à l’intégrité corporelle, notamment le meurtre sous toutes ses formes, les mutilations, les traitements cruels et la torture ;
ii) Les atteintes à la dignité de la personne, notamment les traitements humiliants et dégradants ;
iii) Les prises d’otages ;
iv) Les condamnations prononcées et les exécutions effectuées sans un jugement préalable, rendu par un tribunal régulièrement constitué, assorti des garanties judiciaires généralement reconnues comme indispensables ;
d) L’alinéa c) du paragraphe 2 s’applique aux conflits armés ne présentant pas un caractère international et ne s’applique donc pas aux situations de troubles et tensions internes telles que les émeutes, les actes isolés et sporadiques de violence ou les actes de nature similaire ;e) Les autres violations graves des lois et coutumes applicables aux conflits armés ne présentant pas un caractère international, dans le cadre établi du droit international, à savoir l’un quelconque des actes ci-après :

i) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre la population civile en tant que telle ou contre des personnes civiles qui ne participent pas directement aux hostilités ;
ii) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre les bâtiments, le matériel, les unités et les moyens de transport sanitaires, et le personnel utilisant, conformément au droit international, les signes distinctifs des Conventions de Genève ;
iii) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre le personnel, les installations, le matériel, les unités ou les véhicules employés dans le cadre d’une mission d’aide humanitaire ou de maintien de la paix conformément à la Charte des Nations Unies, pour autant qu’ils aient droit à la protection que le droit international des conflits armés garantit aux civils et aux biens de caractère civil ;
iv) Le fait de diriger intentionnellement des attaques contre des bâtiments consacrés à la religion, à l’enseignement, à l’art, à la science ou à l’action caritative, des monuments historiques, des hôpitaux et des lieux où des malades et des blessés sont rassemblés, pour autant que ces bâtiments ne soient pas des objectifs militaires ;
v) Le pillage d’une ville ou d’une localité, même prise d’assaut ;
vi) Le viol, l’esclavage sexuel, la prostitution forcée, la grossesse forcée, telle que définie à l’article 7, paragraphe 2, alinéa f), la stérilisation forcée, ou toute autre forme de violence sexuelle constituant une violation grave de l’article 3 commun aux quatre Conventions de Genève ;
vii) Le fait de procéder à la conscription ou à l’enrôlement d’enfants de moins de 15 ans dans les forces armées ou dans des groupes armés ou de les faire participer activement à des hostilités ;
viii) Le fait d’ordonner le déplacement de la population civile pour des raisons ayant trait au conflit, sauf dans les cas où la sécurité des civils ou des impératifs militaires l’exigent ;
ix) Le fait de tuer ou de blesser par traîtrise un adversaire combattant ;
x) Le fait de déclarer qu’il ne sera pas fait de quartier ;
xi) Le fait de soumettre des personnes d’une autre partie au conflit tombées en son pouvoir à des mutilations ou à des expériences médicales ou scientifiques quelles qu’elles soient qui ne sont ni motivées par un traitement médical, dentaire ou hospitalier, ni effectuées dans l’intérêt de ces personnes, et qui entraînent la mort de celles-ci ou mettent sérieusement en danger leur santé ;
xii) Le fait de détruire ou de saisir les biens d’un adversaire, sauf si ces destructions ou saisies sont impérieusement commandées par les nécessités du conflit ;
f) L’alinéa e) du paragraphe 2 s’applique aux conflits armés ne présentant pas un caractère international et ne s’applique donc pas aux situations de troubles et tensions internes telles que les émeutes, les actes isolés et sporadiques de violence ou les actes de nature similaire. Il s’applique aux conflits armés qui opposent de manière prolongée sur le territoire d’un État les autorités du gouvernement de cet État et des groupes armés organisés ou des groupes armés organisés entre eux.
3. Rien dans le paragraphe 2, alinéas c) et e), n’affecte la responsabilité d’un gouvernement de maintenir ou rétablir l’ordre public dans l’État ou de défendre l’unité et l’intégrité territoriale de l’État par tous les moyens légitimes.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Monday, May 17, 2010

New York Times: Grenade Attacks Shake Capital of Rwanda (Video)

May 17,2010
Posted by NY Times

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), and mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.=>ASIF]

KAMPALA, Uganda — Nearly simultaneous grenade attacks in the Rwandan capital, Kigali, killed at least two people and wounded 32 on Saturday evening, the police said Sunday.

The grenades were thrown into crowds at a popular market and the city’s busiest bus station.

The attacks, which occurred within an hour, were the third set to rock Kigali since February. They came as political tension has risenahead of a presidential election in August. The police said they were investigating.

While past grenade attacks have been aimed mainly at genocide survivors or genocide memorials and were often blamed on rebels, the recent ones have struck at commercial areas, creating a new level of tension in the capital. Kigali residents said Sunday that some roads had been closed and that there was an increased army presence there.

In March, President Paul Kagame blamed two senior army officers who fled Rwanda for being behind the attacks. Since then, two high-ranking generals have been
arrested and others dismissed, and security forces have swept the country for arms and ammunition. Two newspapers that reported on a possible coup attempt were suspended. Scholar Gus Martin describes state terrorism as terrorism "committed by governments and quasi-governmental agencies and personnel against perceived enemies," which can be directed against both domestic and external enemies.

[2] The original general meaning of terrorism was of terrorism by the state, as reflected in the 1798 supplement of the Dictionnaire of the Academie Francaise, which described terrorism as systeme, regime de la terreur.

[3] Similarly, a terrorist in the late 18th century was considered any person "who attempted to further his views by a system of coercive intimidation.

"[4] The terms "establishment terrorism," "terrorism from above" (as opposed to "terrorism from below" (terrorism by non-state groups) and "structural terrorism" are sometimes used to denote state terrorism.

In a recent phone interview, one general blamed for the attacks, Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa, said that Mr. Kagame was using security forces to protect his hold on power. “The army, the police, the intelligence, these are personal institutions,” he said. “It cannot be like this forever.”

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