Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes
Rwanda: cartographie des crimes du livre "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF" de Judi Rever
Kagame devra être livré aux Rwandais pour répondre à ses crimes: la meilleure option de réconciliation nationale entre les Hutus et les Tutsis.
Let us remember Our People
Let us remember our people, it is our right
You can't stop thinking
Don't you know
Rwandans are talkin' 'bout a revolution
It sounds like a whisper
The majority Hutus and interior Tutsi are gonna rise up
And get their share
SurViVors are gonna rise up
And take what's theirs.
We're the survivors, yes: the Hutu survivors!
Yes, we're the survivors, like Daniel out of the lions' den
(Hutu survivors) Survivors, survivors!
Get up, stand up, stand up for your rights
et up, stand up, don't give up the fight
“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.”
The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones.
"You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom".
Malcolm X
Welcome to Home Truths
The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Interior Tutsis, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.
Everybody Hurts
“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg
KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE
Paul Kagame admits ordering...
Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Inzira ndende
Search
Hutu Children & their Mums
Rwanda-rebranding
Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents inside and abroad, despite war crimes and repression
Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite. What you see is not what you get: A FAÇADE”
Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
Targeting dissidents abroad
One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives
was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually
incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates
and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques
of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents
overseas.
This should be seen in the context of accusations
that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A
recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan
exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….
Ways To Get Rid of Kagame
How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
- The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
- Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
- Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
- Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
- The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
- The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
- Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Fighting For Our Freedom?
KAGAME VS JUSTICE
Monday, October 11, 2010
Sunday, October 10, 2010
"The majority of the victims were Hutu children, women and elderly people and the sick, who were often undernourished," the report says. It goes on that a '"very high number of Hutus [were] raped, burnt or beaten," and that there were "systematic massacres" by perpetrators wielding hammers.
Join ASI foundation to call on academics and xperienced practitioners around the world to work with and help Rwandan organzations to elucidate the Tragic Rwandan genocide so that the world can fully understand what REALLY happened in Rwanda. Nowhere in the world, the cosmetic economic prosperity of a country should replace human rights and justice.
NEVER STOP QUESTIONING: How president Paul Kagame - the presumably mastermind of the Rwandan genocide and the key destabilizing factor of the region - successfully abused the trust of the international community by manipulating the Rwandan genocide?
Nothing seems plainer than the fact that Paul Kagame has not only orchestrated mass murder of Hutus and Tutsis in Rwandan but also, and most importantly, took part in it.
We do have plenty of proven facts, reliable information, eyewitnesses from both Tutsi and Hutu communities members repeating the cruelty of Paul Kagame, RPF and his advisers. Actual assassinations, assassinations attempt around the world, the use of poison to kill all of who denounce or know better about Kagame's crimes should open the very blind person, organization still supporting Kagame.
Paul Kagame’s War Crimes, Crimes against Humanity, and Crimes of Genocide
There is a Rwandan genocide and the mastermind of it is Paul Kagame (RPF liars, advisers & Kagame's backers). Ilt's bloody clear that Paul Kagame didi it to take power and stay there. While Paul Kagame and his advisers use evil and malicious lies to cover the truth about the Rwanda genocide, they forgot one important thing: They cannot lie all the the time !Read more: Rwanda army carried out genocide in Congo: UN - The Times of India
Rwandans deserve better than a criminal regime, a bloody criminal dictator.
Last thing: Paul Kagame should withdraw Rwandan forces from peacekeeping missions and operations around the world : I've spoken to Mr. Dallaire at that time when he was here in The Netherlands about this issue and he and the entire audience totally agreed with me about this issue regardless years of support of the bloody rebels and criminal RPF leadership.
Colored Opinions
The official Oct. 1 release of the U.N. Report on Human Rights Abuses in the Democratic Republic of Congo, 1993-2003, documenting the Rwandan and Ugandan armies’ massacres of Rwandan Hutu refugees and Congolese Hutus in the Democratic Republic of Congo, should be a defining moment for President Barack Obama. How will the USA’s first African American president respond to the detailed and widely publicized U.N. documentation of genocide in the heart of Africa, committed by the USA’s longstanding military proxies, the armies of Rwandan President Paul Kagame and Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni?
Find out more Here
By FRANK JORDANSGENEVA -- On Nov. 14, 1996, armed men surrounded the Mugunga refugee camp in eastern Zaire and began shooting indiscriminately at its inhabitants as they huddled for safety or tried to flee.
The Associated Press
Friday, October 1, 2010; 4:42 PM
Hundreds of men, women and children died over a three-day period, according to eyewitnesses and forensic evidence later gathered from mass graves.
A report published Friday by the U.N. human rights office says the killings at Mugunga may have been one of many instances that qualify as crimes against humanity or even - taken together - genocide by the Rwandan army, which at the time was hunting down Hutu rebels in neighboring Zaire, now called Congo.
The genocide suggestion sparked an angry response from Rwanda, whose President Paul Kagame has basked in international approval for ending the 1994 genocide there, during which more than half a million people, mostly Tutsis but also moderate Hutus, were killed.
Calling the report "flawed and dangerous from start to finish," Rwandan Foreign Affairs Minister Louise Mushikiwabo said it was an attempt to rewrite history.
The Red Cross and other organizations cited in the report refused to comment on it, saying the subject was too sensitive in light of ongoing human rights abuses in the region. The U.N. says more than 500 rapes have been committed in eastern Congo since late July.
Previous reports have described massacres and indiscriminate killings in Congo. But the latest report's depth will make it harder to ignore, experts say.
The report cost $3 million to produce and details 617 incidents from 1993 to 2003, when a five-year civil war that killed millions through disease and neglect ended. It concludes that tens of thousands of people - mostly women and children - were slain in attacks by the many armed groups roving eastern Congo.
U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay stressed in a statement that the report "is not a judicial investigation" and "does not establish individual criminal responsibility."
The aim of the report "was to encourage efforts to break the cycle of impunity and continuing gross violations, by showing the scale and seriousness of the violations of human rights and international humanitarian law," she said.
Martin Nesirky, spokesman for U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon, backed Pillay's statement, saying "it's about helping them to fight impunity and avoid perpetuation of this cycle of violence which we have seen even in the past month."The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Friday, October 8, 2010
Born in South Africa in 1941, Judge Navanethem Pillay has been both a symbol and a standard-bearer for women's rights in her country -
Background
Pillay was born in 1941 in a poor neighbourhood of Durban, South Africa. She is of Tamil descent and her father was a bus driver. She married Gaby Pillay, a lawyer, in January 1965.Supported by her local Indian community with donations, she graduated from the University of Natal with a BA in 1963 and an LLB in 1965. She later attended Harvard Law School, obtaining an LLM in 1982 and a Doctor of Juridical Science degree in 1988.
Legal career
In 1967, Pillay became the first woman to open her own law practice in Natal Province. She says she had no other alternative: "No law firm would employ me because they said they could not have white employees taking instructions from a coloured person". As a non-white lawyer under the Apartheid regime, she was not allowed to enter a judge's chambers.On December 1, 1955 in Montgomery, Alabama, Rosa Parks, age 42, refused to obey bus driver James Blake's order that she give up her seat to make room for a white passenger. Her action was not the first of its kind.
She received her Bachelor of Arts and her Bachelor of Law degrees from Natal University in South Africa and later a Master of Law and Doctor of Juridical Science at Harvard University, U.S.A.
Navanethem Pillay opened her law practice in 1967 – the first woman to do so in Natal Province. As senior partner in the firm, she represented many opponents of apartheid, and became such a threat to the apartheid regime that she was denied a passport for many years. She handled precedent-setting cases to establish the effects of solitary confinement, the right of political prisoners to due process, and the family violence syndrome as a defense.
In 1995 came another first – she was the first black woman attorney appointed acting judge of the Supreme Court of South Africa. On the heels of that appointment, Judge Pillay was elected by the United Nations General Assembly to be a judge on the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, where she served for eight years, including several years as president. During her tenure, the ICTR rendered a judgment against Jean-Paul Akayesu, mayor of Taba commune in Rwanda, finding him guilty of genocide for the use of rape in the “destruction of the spirit, of the will to live and of life itself.”
As Judge Pillay said in an Occasional Paper she delivered in 2002, the jurisprudence on gender issues emanating from the UN criminal tribunals both in Rwanda and in the former Yugoslavia “provides a precedent in the ways in which international and regional bodies view and treat sexual violence.” The evidence coming out of these trials so horrified the world community that in 1998 the Statute for the International Criminal Court became the first international treaty “to recognize a range of acts of sexual and gender violence as among the most serious crimes under international law. Most of these crimes had never before been explicitly articulated as crimes in any international instrument or domestic criminal code.”
In February 2003, Judge Pillay was elected by the Assembly of State Parties to the Rome Statute, as one of the 18 Judges of the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Judge Pillay’s commitment to human rights and to women’s issues extends beyond her work on the bench. She is currently honorary chair for Equality Now and serves on the Board of Directors for Nozala Investments, the women’s component of the National Economic Initiative. She has also held key positions with the Women Lawyers Association, the Advice desk for Abused Women, Lawyers for Human Rights, the Women’s National Coalition, Black Lawyers Association and many other groups. She also lectures widely on legal and social issues of equality and human rights.
A Black Woman Who Changed a Nation
Judge Pillay received awards from the IBA for outstanding international woman lawyer, from the National Bar Association for excellence in the pursuit of human rights and was elected honorary member of the American Society of International Law.
A widow, Judge Pillay has two daughters, Isvari Pather and Kamini Pillay. (See the rest on Peter Gruber Foundation).
… It is very difficult to introduce Judge Pillay as she has done so much, and has been the first in so many fields, that it would take up the time that really should go to her, to enumerate them. She has been an attorney for 30 years. She was the first black woman from South Africa to get a doctorate in Law from Harvard. She defended and represented liberationists and activists in South Africa before the changes that happened in that country. She is now sitting on the international – the UN Tribunal for Rwanda – and actually the tribunal is located in Tanzania – the tribunal for Rwanda. She has had an extremely active life with regards to gender and gender issues and women’s activism. She is now the chair of Equality Now, an important women’s human rights organization that brings attention to cases of abuse against women in powerfully effective alerts. I’m also very honored to have her as a member of the advisory group of the Sisterhood is Global Institute. (See the rest of this article on State of the World).
She says: As a child, and even as an adult in South Africa, I never thought that I would see the end of apartheid in my lifetime. And so now I wonder whether children born today in my country will ever really know what apartheid was like for those of us who lived through it. After 300 years, apartheid became history in – relatively- a short period of time. So what I want to look at, in keeping with the theme of the conference, are some of the actions that made a difference in our struggle and some of the other ongoing struggles I’m still engaged in, and how we can apply some of the lessons we have learned to accelerate the pace of social change.
The United Nations compared to The Infamous US Bus
Ban Ki-moon - Pillay's driver
I remember, as a child, being asked to, for instance, pronounce the word ‘water’ at school. And when I did so, properly, then they labeled me, and said, ‘Well, you think you’re a black European.’ Because I said ‘water’ instead of ‘watER’ or something. So the message that came from the community was, ‘Know your place and don’t even try to aspire to be something else. Don’t even try to change.’ So they don’t tell you what your place is and why.
I think, as children, we all start off with the presumption that we are as good as anyone else and then we are trained to be deferential. And in South Africa, we were trained to see ourselves as second class citizens. Those of you who’ve read Nelson Mandela’s book Long Road To Freedom, would see in the first few chapters he said that, for instance, Nelson is not his name. But when he entered school, the teacher assigned them Christian names, and that’s how he was assigned the name Nelson. This is the kind of non-status that we all labored under. Black was a non-person, and you never were proud of being black. For instance, you know, there was a lot of prohibition and banning and one of the things they banned was Black Beauty, because they thought it’s praising black people, and then they realized that this is the name of a horse.
When I was at Harvard, I was there with my children, so my daughter, [Carmony] was ten years old, so she had a year’s schooling at Cambridge, near Harvard. When we went back, I think the school asked her to speak and the teachers called me to say that what she said to the assembly was, “In the United States I was treated as a person, and here I am treated as a thing.” So, this kind of non-status was instilled in the law, but we didn’t know that. We grew up thinking that it was THE way of life to be classified European and non-European – the non-person. And we grew accustomed to accepting that facilities such as park benches, beaches, housing, schools, were reserved for Europeans only. And so we were very amused when some Americans thought, when they visited, that they couldn’t enjoy these European-only facilities.
Feb. 26, 2010 - Navanethem Pillay - 4th World Congress Against the Death Penalty - ECPM from ECPM on Vimeo.
Read on news India-Times online: Durban – A South African Indian woman who has excelled in international law is the country?s candidate for election to the International Criminal Court. Judge Navanethem Pillay is currently the president of the International Criminal Tribunal in Rwanda.
The United Nations appointed her as a judge in 1995. Her tasks involve presiding over the trial of scores of people accused of genocide in the fighting that left thousands dead in Rwanda and Burundi. Pillay, 62, obtained a masters of law and doctorate of juridical science at Harvard University. She was the first Indian woman attorney in South Africa to be appointed as an acting judge. Positions of judges were previously reserved for whites only under apartheid.
Her book: A Society of Mankind, Not States – Law and Policy, Federation Press.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, October 7, 2010
Bill Clinton
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying reality : the Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination with an iron hand, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), mass-arrests and mass-murder by the RPF criminal organization.
Following the publication of the UN report into the killings of Hutu civilians in the DR Congo during the 1990s, the US Department of State has issued a statement that “As we contemplate the contents of the report, it is crucially important that we remain focused on the tens of thousands of victims in the DRC. Accountability is an important step toward ensuring that further such incidents do not occur.”
So long as justice and accountability for RPF past and current crimes are ignored and delayed, Peace and Stability will remain illusive and impossible in Rwanda=>ASIF]
The UN report says some of the attacks could – if proven in court – “be characterised as crimes of genocide” and recommends that the international community seeks to prosecute those responsible.
If, according to Philip J. Crowley, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Public Affairs, the United States “strongly supports accountability for violations of human rights and international humanitarian law around the world, including in the DRC”, then US policy-makers should come clean or be held accountable for its disastrous military and political involvement in African Great Lakes region particularly in DRC, where more than six million people have been killed in the world’s deadliest conflict since World War II.
Talking of accountability, in his much-acclaimed article “Rwanda Crisis Could Expose U.S. Role in Congo Genocide” , Glen Ford, BAR executive editor believes that what is being revealed by the recent UN mapping report is the United States’ role as enabler in the deaths of as many as six million people while Washington’s allies occupied and looted the eastern regions of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Glen is clear; what this damning report put at stake is not only the reputation of Rwandan President Paul Kagame, an alumnus of the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, in Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, but also the larger American strategy for militarization of Africa and exploitation of her riches.
Since year 1990, the United States provided financial support and military training to the army that today stands accused of mass killing of hundreds of thousands of refugees while engaging in illegal mining and looting of Congo natural resources.
Michel Chossudovsky, Professor of economics (emeritus) at the University of Ottawa and Director of the Centre for Research on Globalization (CRG) in his book The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order, confirms that in the run-up to both Congo Wars U.S. Army Special Forces mainly Green Berets from the 3rd Special Forces Group based at Fort Bragg, N.C. trained hundreds of Rwandan troops, which was itself secretly training Zairian rebels.
It must be well understood that the destruction of the refugee camps in Eastern Zaire and the death of hundreds of thousands Rwandan refugees and millions of Congolese was not the principal aim of US involvement in Congo wars. What was at stake in these military operations in the Congo were the extensive mining resources of Eastern and Southern Zaire including strategic reserves of cobalt — of crucial importance for the US defence industry.
According to Helmut, Madeleine Albright, together with her new Assistant Secretary of State, Susan Rice, and Gayle Smith, who was responsible for Africa in the National Security Council, formed a “triumvirate” that prepared a “new African order” [...].
According to Michel, “Once the war [in the Congo] started, the United States provided ‘political assistance’ to Rwanda. An official of the U.S. Embassy in Kigali travelled to eastern Zaire numerous times to liaise with Kabila”.
Michel claims that during the civil war, several months before the downfall of Mobutu, Laurent Desire Kabila based in Goma, Eastern Zaire had renegotiated the mining contracts with several US and British mining companies including American Mineral Fields (AMF), a company headquartered in President Bill Clinton’s hometown of Hope, Arkansas.
Helmut Strizek, a German political scientist, elaborates further on this. In his memoire titled Central Africa: 15 Years After The End Of The Cold War: The International Involvement which appeared in Internationales Afrikaforum, Weltforum-Verlag, Bonn Vol. 40, Issue 3/September 2004, pp. 273-288, Dr Strizek calls the two Congo wars which broke out shortly after President Clinton’s re-election in November 1996, as “Albright wars” because of the Secretary of State’s major involvement in their planning.
La Justice passe par la vérité => Ms. Louise Uwacu
by David O'Brian Posted: Friday, 10/1/2010
Philip J. Crowley
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Public Affairs
Washington, DC
"Well, we strongly support accountability for serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law around the world and in the DRC. We will review carefully the report when it’s released."
Philip J. Crowley
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Public Affairs
Washington, DC
"Well, we strongly support accountability for serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law around the world and in the DRC. We will review carefully the report when it’s released."
Wednesday, October 6, 2010
[Global: Africa]
With respect to the United Nations Report officially released October 1, showing the role of the RPF and other parties in genocide against Hutus in the Congo (1993-2003).
I think that the language used in the report is much less important than the pattern of commission of massive crimes against civilians, killing 6 million or more, and the illegal extraction of resources from the eastern Congo which the report confirms, once again.
The same information was contained in reports commissioned by the Security Council in 2001, 2002, 2003 and 2008.
It is this evidence that caused the ICTR to find Gen. Gratien Kabiligi not guilty of all charges, and to find Col Theoneste Bagosora, Col. Anatole Nsengiyumva and Maj. Aloys Ntabakuze not guilty of "conspiracy and long-term planning to commit genocide," which completely rejects the RPF story of the "Rwandan-genocide" and is why I was arrested as a genocide denier by the Kagame regime.
The Past Is The Past..... (talking about genocide against Hutus and recent murders of the RPF before the August elections).
Just Forget It And Move On => In Rwanda
The infamous Rick Warren' statement at Kagame's swearing in ceremony
It was stated more out of cynism and irony than anything else. => simple observation (ASIF)
This does not deny mass violence took place, but the mass violence did not take place as described by the RPF victors in the Rwanda War. Whether the massive RPF crimes in Congo are called "war crimes," "crimes against humanity" or "genocide" the punishment is the same under international law. President Kagame's insistence that the Report's language be changed does not change the fact that ICTR Prosecutor Carla Del Ponte had the evidence to prosecute him and the RPF in 2003 or earlier, and was prevented from doing so by the U.S. State Department. "
Toning down" the language is far from being able to "bury" the entire report, as the U.S. has been able to do with similar reports and even evidence at UN tribunals, up until now.
Now that the RPF/Paul Kagame and Yoweri Museveni crimes are being exposed, U.S.-created "impunity" for the last 20-years of these crimes in the Great Lakes Region begins to verge on U.S "complicity." A complete reversal of U.S. policy is necessary, and soon.
Prof. Peter Erlinder is an American lawyer and teaches at Wm. Mitchell College of Law, St. Paul, MN. He also represented Rwanda opposition politician Ms. Victoire Ingabire, who was prevented from running in the sham elections in August and remains under confinement. Erlinder was arrested in May and held for weeks in Rwanda after he went there to represent Ingabire.
"Speaking Truth To Empower."
Related article
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, October 4, 2010
Action needed to investigate a decade of crimes
01-10-2010 The publication of the UN mapping report documenting gross human rights violations in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is a significant first step, but concrete action is needed to ensure that those responsible are held to account, Amnesty International said today.
Amnesty International urges the Congolese government and the United Nations to urgently develop a long-term, comprehensive plan to end impunity for crimes committed during the decade covered by the report as well as for crimes that continue to be committed on a daily basis.
This detailed and thorough report is a powerful reminder of the scale of the crimes committed in Congo and of the shocking absence of justice. These events can no longer be swept under the carpet. If followed by strong regional and international action, this report could make a major contribution to ending the impunity that lies behind the cycle of atrocities in the Great Lakes region of Africa.
Kenneth Roth, executive director
(New York) - United Nations members should make a concerted international effort to initiate judicial investigations into grave human rights violations in the Democratic Republic of Congo documented by the UN and bring those responsible to justice, Human Rights Watch said today.
International Efforts Needed to Create Mechanisms to Ensure Justice
On October 1, 2010, the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights published the report of its human rights mapping exercise on Congo. The report covers the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed in Congo between March 1993 and June 2003.
"This detailed and thorough report is a powerful reminder of the scale of the crimes committed in Congo and of the shocking absence of justice," said Kenneth Roth, executive director of Human Rights Watch. "These events can no longer be swept under the carpet. If followed by strong regional and international action, this report could make a major contribution to ending the impunity that lies behind the cycle of atrocities in the Great Lakes region of Africa."
The report documents 617 violent incidents, covering all provinces, and describes the role of all the main Congolese and foreign parties responsible - including military or armed groups from Rwanda, Uganda, Burundi, and Angola.
An earlier version of the report was leaked to the news media in August. The Rwandan government, whose troops are accused of some of the most serious crimes documented in the report, reacted angrily, threatening to pull its peacekeepers out of UN missions if the UN published the report.
"The UN has done the right thing by refusing to give in to these threats and by publishing the report," Roth said. "This information has been stifled for too long. The world has the right to know what happened, and the victims have a right to justice."
The UN had tried to investigate some of the events described in the report, notably in 1997 and 1998, but these investigations were repeatedly blocked by the Congolese government, then headed by Laurent-Désiré Kabila, father of the current president, Joseph Kabila. Despite those efforts, information about massacres, rapes, and other abuses against Rwandan refugees and Congolese citizens in the late 1990s was published at the time by the UN and by human rights organizations. However, no action was taken to hold those responsible to account.
"The time has come to identify and prosecute the people responsible for carrying out and ordering these atrocities, going right up the chain of command," Roth said. "Governments around the world remained silent when hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians were being slaughtered in Congo. They have a responsibility now to ensure that justice is done."
One of the most controversial passages of the report concerns crimes committed by Rwandan troops. The UN report raises the question of whether some might be classified "crimes of genocide". The possible use of the term "genocide" to describe the conduct of the Rwandan army has dominated media coverage of the leaked report.
"Questions of qualification and terminology are important, but should not overshadow the need to act on the content of the report regardless of how the crimes are characterized," Roth said. "At the very least, Rwandan troops and their Congolese allies committed massive war crimes and crimes against humanity, and large numbers of civilians were killed with total impunity. That is what we must remember, and that is what demands concerted action for justice."
The report has received widespread support from Congolese civil society, with 220 Congolese organizations signing a statement welcoming the report and calling for a range of mechanisms to deliver justice.
The mapping exercise has its origins in the UN's earlier investigations into crimes committed in Congo from 1993 to 1997. In September 2005, the UN peacekeeping mission in Congo, MONUC, discovered three mass graves in Rutshuru, in North Kivu province of eastern Congo, relating to crimes committed in 1996 and 1997. The gruesome discovery acted as a trigger to re-open investigations. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, with the support of the UN Secretary-General, initiated the mapping exercise and broadened the mandate to include crimes committed during Congo's second war from 1998 to 2003.
The mapping exercise was conducted with the support of the Congolese government. However, the Congolese justice system has neither the capacity nor sufficient guarantees of independence to adequately ensure justice for these crimes, Human Rights Watch said. The report therefore suggests other options, involving a combination of Congolese, foreign, and international jurisdictions.
These could include a court with both Congolese and international personnel as well as prosecution by other states on the basis of universal jurisdiction. Human Rights Watch supports the establishment of a mixed chamber, with jurisdiction over past and current war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Congo.
Countries in the region whose armies are implicated in the report should carry out their own investigations and initiate action against individuals responsible for crimes, Human Rights Watch said.
The report is both important for highlighting past injustices and relevant to the situation in present-day Congo, Human Rights Watch said.
"This is more than a historical report," Roth said. "Many of the patterns of abuse against civilians documented by the UN team continue in Congo today, fed by a culture of impunity. Creating a justice mechanism to address past and present crimes will be crucial to ending this cycle of impunity and violence."
L’horreur du génocide des Tutsis du Rwanda par les Hutus en 1994 continue de neutraliser tout inventaire supplémentaire de l’apocalypse qui a frappé l’Afrique des Grands Lacs à l’orée du XXIe siècle. A tel point que l’élimination en 1996-1997, cette fois-ci, de centaines de milliers d’Hutus par l’armée tutsie du général Kagamé reste un crime politiquement incorrect qu’il demeure délicat d’évoquer, sous peine de se voir taxer des intentions les plus vicieuses.
Si accablant que puisse être le pré-rapport de l’ONU sur les crimes commis en République démocratique du Congo (RDC) de 1993 à 2003, divulgué par Le Monde, il pourrait faire naître de faux espoirs à ceux qui désespèrent que la tragédie absolue qui a causé la mort de centaines de milliers de personnes dans l’Est du Congo reste à jamais sans sépulture judiciaire. Car le chemin qui reste à parcourir pour conduire les responsables devant un tribunal sera long. Et il est bien possible qu’ils bénéficient encore une fois d’un classement sans suite.
Juillet 1995, Srebrenica, Bosnie : 6 000 à 8 000 morts. Certains des auteurs ont été condamnés. Milosevic a fini ses jours en prison. Karadzic se fait juger. Comment est-il possible, par comparaison, qu’il ait fallu autant d’années avant que ne commence seulement à être esquissée la nécessité de punir des crimes qui sont au minimum contre l’humanité – des milliers de morts – pour ne pas parler de génocide, puisque cela froisse Paul Kagamé ? Le génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda en 1994 a rendu depuis lors le vainqueur, encore au pouvoir à Kigali seize ans après, totalement intouchable.
Regardons le Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda (TPIR). Alors que sa mission était également de juger les crimes de masse perpétrés par l’Armée patriotique rwandaise (APR) du général Kagamé, pas un seul accusé n’a été présenté devant une chambre. Le Rwanda a pratiqué le chantage, bloqué le fonctionnement du tribunal pour que finalement après le départ de Carla Del Ponte, le nouveau procureur du TPIR abandonne définitivement toutes velléités de faire juger quiconque du pouvoir rwandais actuel. Aurait-on osé devant l’histoire, s’agissant de l’ex-Yougoslavie, ne poursuivre que des criminels Serbes sans s’intéresser à ce qu’avaient fait les Croates ou les Bosniaques ? Il semble, en effet, que les critères soient différents lorsqu’on touche à l’Afrique et en particulier au Rwanda.
L’élimination organisée et volontaire d’au moins 200 000 Rwandais en 1996-1997 par l’APR est connue et documentée depuis des années. La communauté internationale avait assisté presque en direct à la disparition dans les forêts congolaises des refugiés rwandais. Emma Bonino, Commissaire européen aux droits de l’homme, avait interpellé le Conseil de sécurité sur le danger mortel que courraient des centaines de milliers de personnes. Un projet d’une force internationale était alors évoqué et bientôt sabordé par les soutiens de Kigali qui, de son côté, fermait la zone aux ONG et aux journalistes.
Et une fois de plus, malgré le caractère immense et notoire des massacres, on a tourné la tête, voir nié. Mieux, en ne poursuivant ni les crimes de l’APR en 1994 au Rwanda, ni ceux de 1996-1997, c’est un véritable permis de tuer que l’on a octroyé au pouvoir rwandais. Et depuis lors, son dossier criminel s’est nourri du pillage, avec d’autres, des ressources minières du Kivu et de l’Ituri, de l’entretien de la guerre et de ses chefs comme Laurent Nkunda. Avec pour constante, le martyr des populations vulnérables, dans ces forêts congolaises que certains rescapés surnomment la zone du diable.
DEUX POIDS, DEUX MESURES ?
Voilà seize ans que cela dure. Paul Kagamé vient de faire renouveler à 94 % son mandat de dictateur. Le pouvoir rwandais a réglé à l’intérieur le problème du questionnement de sa responsabilité dans les événements de 1994 qu’il appelle du négationnisme. Le procureur du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda, lui, s’est satisfait d’un déni international de justice. Et le secrétaire général des Nations unies court à Kigali parce qu’on craint que le Rwanda ne retire ses troupes du Darfour : pensez donc, un projet de rapport onusien utilise une qualification – génocide – inapproprié… Et ce n’est pas le moindre des paradoxes non plus que le ministre de la défense rwandais, James Kabarebe, fasse l’objet d’un mandat d’arrêt de la justice espagnole, précisément pour les événements du Congo.
Il faut terriblement ignorer le Rwanda pour penser que l’impunité laissée au vainqueur de 1994 sur les crimes commis contre sa propre population pourra contribuer à solder les comptes de l’horreur. Les braises de la haine ne s’éteindront jamais tant que les crimes de l’APR ne seront pas jugés. L’injustice faite aux victimes Hutus du Congo vient nourrir les excuses que se donnent déjà les anciens tueurs de Tutsis au Rwanda. Loin des trottoirs de Kigali, refaits à neuf avec l’argent des bailleurs de fonds, la rancœur fermente dans les collines.
Alors, maintenant qu’un peu de lumière est à nouveau jetée sur le charnier congolais, la diplomatie de couloir va-t-elle encore une fois réussir à escamoter les responsables ? C’est bien probable. C’est une fosse commune judiciaire que l’on prépare pour enterrer définitivement de véritables excommuniés du droit international. Les faits n’entrent dans la compétence d’aucune des juridictions internationales existantes et l’on ne peut compter sur les dirigeants impliqués pour se mettre en accusation. Si un tribunal spécial pour le Congo n’est pas créé, les assassins ne seront ni poursuivis, ni jugés.
Après l’attentat ayant coûté la vie au Liban à Rafic Hariri, l’émotion de la communauté internationale et l’action des diplomates avaient poussé les Nations unies à instituer un tribunal spécial pour juger de l’assassinat d’un seul homme. L’élimination de certains groupes entiers d’êtres humains a-t-il moins d’importance ? L’ONU fait-elle deux poids, deux mesures ? Il est encore temps pour le Conseil de sécurité et le Secrétaire général des Nations unies de nous prouver le contraire.
Vincent Courcelle-Labrousse, avocat au Barreau de Paris
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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I am Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, an Economist, Content Manager, and EDI Expert, driven by a passion for human rights activism. With a deep commitment to advancing human rights in Africa, particularly in the Great Lakes region, I established this blog following firsthand experiences with human rights violations in Rwanda and in the DRC (formerly Zaïre) as well. My journey began with collaborations with Amnesty International in Utrecht, the Netherlands, and with human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and a conference in Helsinki, Finland, where I was a panelist with other activists from various countries.
My mission is to uncover the untold truth about the ongoing genocide in Rwanda and the DRC. As a dedicated voice for the voiceless, I strive to raise awareness about the tragic consequences of these events and work tirelessly to bring an end to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)'s impunity.
This blog is a platform for Truth and Justice, not a space for hate. I am vigilant against hate speech or ignorant comments, moderating all discussions to ensure a respectful and informed dialogue at African Survivors International Blog.
Genocide masterminded by RPF
Finally the well-known Truth Comes Out.
After suffering THE LONG years, telling the world that Kagame and his RPF criminal organization masterminded the Rwandan genocide that they later recalled Genocide against Tutsis. Our lives were nothing but suffering these last 32 years beginning from October 1st, 1990 onwards. We are calling the United States of America, United Kingdom, Japan, and Great Britain in particular, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Germany to return to hidden classified archives and support Honorable Tito Rutaremara's recent statement about What really happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994 across the country and how methodically the Rwandan Genocide has been masterminded by Paul Kagame, the Rwandan Hitler. Above all, Mr. Tito Rutaremara, one of the RPF leaders has given details about RPF infiltration methods in Habyarimana's all instances, how assassinations, disappearances, mass-slaughters across Rwanda have been carried out from the local autority to the government,fabricated lies that have been used by Gacaca courts as weapon, the ICTR in which RPF had infiltrators like Joseph Ngarambe, an International court biased judgments & condemnations targeting Hutu ethnic members in contraversal strategy compared to the ICTR establishment to pursue in justice those accountable for crimes between 1993 to 2003 and Mapping Report ignored and classified to protect the Rwandan Nazis under the RPF embrella . NOTHING LASTS FOREVER.
Human and Civil Rights
Human Rights, Mutual Respect and Dignity
For all Rwandans :
Hutus - Tutsis - Twas
Rwanda: A mapping of crimes
Rwanda: A mapping of crimes in the book "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF by Judi Rever
Be the last to know: This video talks about unspeakable Kagame's crimes committed against Hutu, before, during and after the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda.
The mastermind of both genocide is still at large: Paul Kagame
KIBEHO: Rwandan Auschwitz
Kibeho Concetration Camp.
Mass murderers C. Sankara
Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.
Prof. Allan C. Stam
The Unstoppable Truth
Prof. Christian Davenport
The Unstoppable Truth
Prof. Christian Davenport Michigan University & Faculty Associate at the Center for Political Studies
The killing Fields - Part 1
The Unstoppable Truth
The killing Fields - Part II
The Unstoppable Truth
Daily bread for Rwandans
The Unstoppable Truth
The killing Fields - Part III
The Unstoppable Truth
Time has come: Regime change
Drame rwandais- justice impartiale
Carla Del Ponte, Ancien Procureur au TPIR:"Le drame rwandais mérite une justice impartiale" - et réponse de Gerald Gahima
Sheltering 2,5 million refugees
Credible reports camps sheltering 2,500 million refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.
The UN refugee agency says it has credible reports camps sheltering 2,5 milion refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.
Latest videos
Peter Erlinder comments on the BBC documentary "Rwanda's Untold Story
Madam Victoire Ingabire,THE RWANDAN AUNG SAN SUU KYI
Rwanda's Untold Story
Rwanda, un génocide en questions
Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en... par BernardLugan Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en questions"
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Everything happens for a reason
Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.
Hutus didn't plan Tutsi Genocide
Kagame, the mastermind of Rwandan Genocide (Hutu & tutsi)