A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Sunday, August 21, 2016
By Anneke Verhoeven
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
 |
In Western
business circles, Rwandan President Paul Kagame is widely regarded as a hero
Na tweeënhalf jaar in voorarrest te hebben gezeten, dreigt Leusdenaar Jean Baptiste Mugimba (56) aan zijn geboorteland Rwanda te worden uitgeleverd. Daar zal hij terechtstaan voor betrokkenheid bij de genocide van 1994.
e recente uitspraak van het Haagse Gerechtshof houdt in dat Mugimba (evenals zijn landgenoot Jean Claude Iyamuremye) elk moment op het vliegtuig kan worden gezet. Dit tot grote teleurstelling van zijn advocaat en familie, die geen enkel vertrouwen hebben in een eerlijk proces en vrezen voor zijn leven. Ze klampen zich vast aan een laatste juridische strohalm: het Committee Against Torture (Comité tegen marteling, een afdeling van het Hoge Commissariaat voor de Mensenrechten). Advocaat Caroline Buisman: ,,Dat comité heeft gevraagd om een vertaling van alle stukken en kan eventueel bewerkstelligen dat de voorgenomen uitlevering wordt uitgesteld." En uitstel biedt dan weer nieuwe kansen, want ,,ook de situatie in Rwanda verandert voortdurend.''
Mugimba vluchtte met gezin naar Nederland en kreeg zonder problemen een verblijfsvergunning. In Leusden zette hij een winkel op in Afrikaanse producten. Bijna twintig jaar na de genocide werd hij beschuldigd van deelname aan het bloedbad. Het staat voor hem vast dat het zijn politieke voorkeur is die hem de das om deed. Opmerkelijk genoeg werd hij namelijk pas aangeklaagd toen hij openlijk steun betuigde aan Victoire Ingabire, oppositiekandidaat voor de presidentsverkiezingen in Rwanda. Zij keerde daartoe vanuit Nederland terug naar haar geboorteland, waar ze inmiddels is gedetineerd voor 15 jaar.
<
DONORDARLING Truus Jonker uit Nijkerk heeft affiniteit met Rwanda en andere Afrikaanse landen. Een jaar lang bood ze een Rwandese vluchteling onderdak. Vanwege haar kennis van de Franse taal werd gevraagd of ze dossiers en brieven in de zaak-Mugimba wilde vertalen. Van het een kwam het ander en inmiddels is ze, informeel, woordvoerder van de familie. Ze is overtuigd van de onschuld van de Rwandees, al is dat niet zozeer het punt. Maar uitlevering aan Rwanda betekent volgens haar vooral dat een eerlijk proces bij voorbaat uitgesloten is. En Nederland is er veel aan gelegen om de relatie met dit land niet aan te tasten. Jonker: ,,Rwanda is een van de donordarlings van Nederland. Ons land stak veel geld en energie in onder meer het verbeteren van de justitiële sector. De afgelopen jaren hebben we gezien dat Nederland veel wil doen voor de goede verstandhouding tussen beide landen. Wij vermoeden dat deze uitlevering in dit kader past."
DONORDARLING Truus Jonker uit Nijkerk heeft affiniteit met Rwanda en andere Afrikaanse landen. Een jaar lang bood ze een Rwandese vluchteling onderdak. Vanwege haar kennis van de Franse taal werd gevraagd of ze dossiers en brieven in de zaak-Mugimba wilde vertalen. Van het een kwam het ander en inmiddels is ze, informeel, woordvoerder van de familie. Ze is overtuigd van de onschuld van de Rwandees, al is dat niet zozeer het punt. Maar uitlevering aan Rwanda betekent volgens haar vooral dat een eerlijk proces bij voorbaat uitgesloten is. En Nederland is er veel aan gelegen om de relatie met dit land niet aan te tasten. Jonker: ,,Rwanda is een van de donordarlings van Nederland. Ons land stak veel geld en energie in onder meer het verbeteren van de justitiële sector. De afgelopen jaren hebben we gezien dat Nederland veel wil doen voor de goede verstandhouding tussen beide landen. Wij vermoeden dat deze uitlevering in dit kader past."
Victor, Mugimba's oudste zoon, gaat elke week op bezoek bij zijn vader in de gevangenis in Almere. Hij is somber gestemd. ,,We zijn helemaal kapot. Als mijn vader aan Rwanda wordt uitgeleverd en hij krijgt daar geen eerlijk proces, dan is het te laat. Hij zegt dat we erin geluisd zijn. Het bewijs klopt niet. De aanklacht is vals, dat is aangetoond, maar dat wordt niet serieus genomen. Advocaten hebben geprobeerd politici ervan te overtuigen dat er fouten zijn gemaakt." Dat leverde niets op. ,,Het lijkt alsof het om iets gaat dat al besloten is."
Evenals zijn moeder en drie broers, van wie de jongste twee gehandicapt zijn, woont Victor in Leusden. Daar heeft de familie goede contacten en ervaren ze ook steun. ,,Mensen die ons kennen, begrijpen het niet. Mijn vader was heel betrokken in de kerkelijke gemeenschap, deed vrijwilligerswerk.''
LANGE ARM Over de vraag of Mugimba zich schuldig heeft gemaakt aan betrokkenheid bij de genocide, zoals de aanklacht luidt, kan advocaat Buisman inhoudelijk niets zeggen. ,,Maar het blijft heel wrang. Feitelijk bewijs is er niet, er zijn geen getuigenverklaringen. Hij komt uit een bepaald milieu, dat is het vooral." (Mugimba was lid van de CDR, Coalitie voor de Verdediging van de Republiek, een partij waaraan een militie verbonden was die betrokken was bij de genocide).
,,Voor ons houdt het hierna wel zo'n beetje op", aldus Buisman. Zaken om uitlevering van verdachten tegen te houden zijn sowieso moeilijk te winnen. De spreekwoordelijke lange arm van Turkije is inmiddels een begrip. Caroline Buisman wil die twee landen niet met elkaar vergelijken, maar benadrukt dat ook Rwanda een lange arm heeft, zij het dat die minder zichtbaar is. ,,Hoe erg het gesteld is met de dictatuur in Rwanda wordt sterk onderschat. De realiteit is dat de juridische macht er niet onafhankelijk is."
Gerenommeerde kenners van het internationaal recht delen die opvatting; zij hebben eveneens ernstige twijfels over een eerlijke rechtsgang in Rwanda. Ook volgens advocaat Geert-Jan Knoops, die eerder bij de zaak-Mugimba betrokken was, gaat het om een politiek proces. ,,Uitgebreid onderzoek van Nederland voorafgaand aan de verlenging van zijn verblijfsvergunning heeft nooit enige aanwijzing opgeleverd dat Mugimba betrokken is geweest bij genocide. Sterker nog, uit onderzoek van Buitenlandse Zaken bleek dat Mugimba niet betrokken was bij genocide'', zo liet hij tegenover het ANP weten. Volgens hem is er ,,duidelijk sprake van een politieke vervolging."
Gerenommeerde kenners van het internationaal recht delen die opvatting; zij hebben eveneens ernstige twijfels over een eerlijke rechtsgang in Rwanda. Ook volgens advocaat Geert-Jan Knoops, die eerder bij de zaak-Mugimba betrokken was, gaat het om een politiek proces. ,,Uitgebreid onderzoek van Nederland voorafgaand aan de verlenging van zijn verblijfsvergunning heeft nooit enige aanwijzing opgeleverd dat Mugimba betrokken is geweest bij genocide. Sterker nog, uit onderzoek van Buitenlandse Zaken bleek dat Mugimba niet betrokken was bij genocide'', zo liet hij tegenover het ANP weten. Volgens hem is er ,,duidelijk sprake van een politieke vervolging."
POLITIEK COMPLOT Advocaat-generaal Martin Witteveen uit Amersfoort velt een vergelijkbaar oordeel. Van juni 2014 tot juni 2015 werkte hij in Rwanda om daar te assisteren bij de opbouw van het rechtssysteem. Met toestemming van de autoriteiten en betaald door Nederland zocht hij uit of genocide-verdachten die uit het buitenland naar Rwanda werden overgebracht, konden rekenen op een eerlijk proces. Witteveen raakte steeds meer doordrongen van hiaten in het Rwandese rechtssysteem en concludeerde dat die eerlijkheid niet gegarandeerd kon worden. Hij wil desgevraagd niet inhoudelijk ingaan op de zaak-Mugimba, maar laat weten nog steeds achter zijn bevindingen te staan.
In een ultieme poging om zijn eigen zaak te bepleiten schreef Mugimba enkele weken geleden een open brief aan minister Van der Steur van Justitie. Hij noemt zich ,,slachtoffer van een politiek complot", waarvan de beschuldigingen geënsceneerd zijn en waarvan hij de bewijzen ter beschikking heeft. ,,Ik heb niets te verbergen omdat ik 100% onschuldig ben. In Rwanda zal ik, als politieke tegenstander van het huidige regime, nooit een eerlijk proces krijgen.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, July 17, 2016
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
THE NIGGER IN THE WHITE HOUSE
Philip Banks III ablack with dignity
After le abuse in kiling of black children, l’Afro-Américain Philip Banks III devait être promu commissaire divisionnaire lors d’une cérémonie lundi, mais il s’est brusquement retiré à la dernière minute lors d’une réunion surchauffée au siège de la police de New York.
 |
| Philip Banks US police officer |
A la suite des multiples meurtres de noirs par des policiers blancs, Philip Banks a compris qu’il n’était qu’un faire-valoir, ce que Barack Obama n’a jamais compris, grisé par le titre de président américain. Le policier Africain-Américain avait posé sur la table de nombreuses réformes policières que sa hiérarchie avait trappé…
Jim Collier is a straight talking man so when a few months ago he wanted to use the word “nigger” in an article to shock us into accepting that there still are people who believe and use this outrageous word, our editorial staff took collective objection and we did not print it. The editorial staff continues to object. In this article however Jim reminded me that the New York Times avoids using the word which convinced me that WestView should. –George Capsis
Sunday, July 10, 2016
Par Maniragena Valence ©Дизайн, верстка – ООО «КопиСервис», 2016 г
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Friday, July 1, 2016
AS EYE exists to predict, prevent, stop, and punish genocide perpetrators and other forms of mass slaughters.
By Michelle Faul
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
- Massacres de Kisangani : l’accablant rapport du Groupe Lotus au grand complet
- Triste anniversaire : Le massacre des réfugiés rwandais dans l’ex-Zaïre 1996-1997 (Gaspard Musabyimana)
- The Hunting and killing of Rwandan refugees in Zaïre-Congo: 1996-1997.
- U.S./U.N. cover-up of Kagame’s genocide in Rwanda and Congo
- Bonino slams Congo over UN refugee agency pullout
- HUMANITARIAN * REUTER * BONINO SLAMS CONGO OVER UN REFUGEE AGENCY PULLOUT
Kagame’s Mass Atrocities in Rwanda and the Congo
MUSEKERA, Congo — The mass graves are hidden in the darkening shade of a hard-to-reach banana plantation, high up a mountain above the cloud line, at the end of a treacherous dirt track slippery with mud and animal dung.
Those who survived say they did not go to the meeting called by Rwandan soldiers.
A cross marks graves in eastern Congo that were photographed in 1997. A Tutsi soldier, who asked not to be identified, alleged Rwandan Hutu refugees were secretly buried here after being beaten, hacked or shot to death by rebel alliance soldiers.
The Congolese Hutu peasants who did were brought out of the thatched-roof meeting house two by two, to be bludgeoned to death with their own hoes, picks and axes. Some 300 villagers died that morning of Oct. 20, 1996, according to the local Observation Center for Human Rights and Social Assistance.
The story of the 1994 genocide of more than a half million Tutsis slaughtered by Hutus in Rwanda has been told in the world's press, in books and in movies such as "Hotel Rwanda." But the subsequent slaughter of Hutus in neighboring Congo is little known, and its perpetrators never have been brought to justice. The discovery of mass graves prompted investigations that led to a controversial U.N. report published on Oct. 1, which accuses invading Rwandan troops of killing tens of thousands of Hutus in 1996 and 1997.
"There are many, many such mass graves. We've identified 30 just in this Rutshuru district, but our research indicates that this was the first massacre committed by Rwandan troops," the center's coordinator, Herve Nsabimana, said beside the banana trees.
Many victims told their wives to take the youngest children and hide in the fields. Today, Musekera is a village of widows. The only man over 50 was at a nearby health center during the massacre.
Matata Ihigihugo has relatives in three mass graves: her husband and two sons in the one reserved for males, a sister in the women's grave, and her 8-year-old daughter in the one where children's small bodies were buried.
Matata Ihigihugo says her husband, three children and sister were killed by Rwandan Tutsi soldiers in a 1996 massacre of 300 Hutu civilians.
Roberto Garreton, a Chilean lawyer who for eight years was the U.N. special rapporteur in Congo, told The Associated Press that his first report detailing massacres by Kagame's troops involved Hutus killed in Rwanda in 1994. He said the United Nations .
She objected to being asked to name her massacred family. "Why do you ask me to call out the names of those who are dead?" she demanded. "There can be no peace for me until they are properly buried.""They killed all my people. I have no life left," said Ihigihugo, who thinks she is 40 but looks many years older.
She objected to being asked to name her massacred family. "Why do you ask me to call out the names of those who are dead?" she demanded. "There can be no peace for me until they are properly buried.""They killed all my people. I have no life left," said Ihigihugo, who thinks she is 40 but looks many years older.
It was the Rwandan Tutsi soldiers, led by now-president Paul Kagame, who as rebels ended Rwanda's 1994 genocide. But they now are accused of vengeful massacres of Hutus when they took the war into Congo.
suppressed that report, apparently because of embarrassment and guilt that it did nothing to stop the genocide. The United Nations initially denied the existence of the report, which later was leaked.
After the Tutsi rebels triumphed and took over Rwanda's government, Kagame became vice president and defense minister. He sent troops into Congo in 1996 — although he denied it at the time — in an invasion that led to the ouster of Congo's longtime dictator, Mobutu Sese Seko.
U.N. reports in 1997 and 1998, including one by Garreton, blamed a coalition of Congolese rebel forces that Kagame later admitted were commanded by Rwandan officers for massacres of Hutus, and said they were on a scale to suggest a possible genocide. Then-U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan responded by asking Congo and Rwanda to investigate the allegations — basically to investigate themselves.
The evidence later became too big to sweep under the carpet. In 2005, U.N. peacekeepers uncovered mass graves in east Congo of hundreds of civilians believed to have been executed by Rwandan soldiers. The discovery prompted renewed investigations that culminated in the latest U.N. report, which said the killings in Congo were so systematic that a court could consider it genocide.
The report recommends that those responsible be punished but doesn't name names. Congo has said it is willing to establish a transnational court to punish those responsible. After months of denials that Rwandan troops were in Congo, Kagame took ownership of the invasion, admitting he had planned and ordered it. Among officers commanding the coalition forces was Joseph Kabila, now president of Congo.
Rwandan Hutu refugees are evacuated in 1997 by train from the Biaro refugee camp south of Kisangani in eastern Congo, then Zaire.
Last month, 40 Congolese police officers and a few army military investigators completed a course in forensic science that trained them to find evidence in mass graves. It was paid for by the U.S. State Department and organized by the American Bar Association. The training was led by Peruvian forensic anthropologist Jose Pablo Baraybari, who has investigated massacres in Bosnia.
The trainees worked on dummies set up on mock graves, Elysee Sindayigaya said from the bar association's office in Goma, eastern Congo. "We're making representations to the government of Congo to try to get access to real mass graves, but it's very sensitive."
Kagame, whose reputation is pegged to the moral high ground of having stopped Rwanda's Hutu-led genocide while U.N. peacekeepers and the international community did nothing, tried to get the latest report quashed by threatening to withdraw Rwandan troops from U.N. peacekeeping operations in several countries, including the commander of the forces in Darfur, Sudan. The report was published with some language moderated, but the reference to possible genocide remained. Its publication was delayed to include lengthy rebuttals from Rwanda and Congo.
Rwanda's Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo calls the report "an attempt to rewrite history" and "flawed and dangerous."
Kagame has succeeded in the past in stifling similar accusations.
"The question now is the same question there was then: Is there the political will to identify the killers and bring them to justice?" asked Reed Brody, a former deputy U.N. investigator who helped write the 1998 report.
Human rights activists say Kagame's allies in the U.S. and British governments, which pour aid into Rwanda and have used it as a platform to dilute French influence in the region, don't want him investigated. Many fear digging further could destabilize the already volatile Central African region.
Kagame was trained at the U.S. Army Command and Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, in 1990. Once he came into power, the U.S. Special Forces trained Rwandan troops before, during and after the invasion of Congo — even as U.N. and other investigators reported their alarm at alleged atrocities by the government soldiers.
Kagame has said his invasion of Congo was aimed at dismantling massive refugee camps that sheltered both Rwandan Hutu refugees and perpetrators of the genocide. At the time, reporters documented how the camps were being militarized by genocide perpetrators who used them as launch pads for cross-border raids into Rwanda.
Most popular kagame's strategy to murder Hutus
Many times, Kagame urged the United Nations to separate the armed men from the refugees and dismantle the camps. Kagame has said that in 1996 he warned the United States and the United Nations that if they would not do it, he would.
A 1997 Human Rights Watch report that sought to identify commanders of the massacres said James Kabarebe, who became Rwanda's defense minister in April, was the most senior Rwandan officer in Congo during the invasion. Messages left at Rwanda's Ministry of Defense got no response to requests for a comment.
Kagame has said most of those who died were genocide perpetrators. But the new U.N. report says Rwandan troops routinely invited refugees or villagers to meetings and then slaughtered them.
"The extensive use of edged weapons (primarily hammers) and the apparently systematic nature of the massacres of survivors after the camps had been taken suggests that the numerous deaths cannot be attributed to the hazards of war or seen as equating to collateral damage," the report says, adding that most victims were "children, women, elderly people and the sick."
Like the report, Brody noted that the impunity established then has helped fuel violence in Congo that persists to this day.
"The fact that these killings of tens of thousands, if not more, went utterly unpunished, the fact that there was clearly not the political will to identify the authors of these massacres and to bring them to justice, has facilitated the cycle of violence," he said.
Brody said his own investigation in 1997 and 1998 was obstructed by Congo's government and by the U.S. Embassy in Kinshasa, the Congolese capital.
"We were asking the U.S. for information, for satellite photos we knew existed of the refugee camps. We never got a thing," he said. Requests for interviews about the role the United States military and its diplomats played during Rwanda's invasion of Congo all were referred to the U.S. State Department, which did not respond to questions. U.S. ambassador to the U.N. Susan Rice, who was assistant secretary of state for African affairs from 1997, refused a request for an interview.
Brody said that while Washington probably felt tremendous guilt for not doing anything to stop the 1994 genocide and was glad that Rwanda helped rid Congo of Mobutu, "at the same time there were these thousands of cold-blooded unforgivable murders of, for the most part, unarmed people."
Uncovering the graves, proving how people were killed and even perhaps identifying them could bring closure for people like Ihigihugo, one of the widows of Musekera.
"There can be no rest for people buried like that," she said of the mass graves. "Giving a proper burial to my family also would put my heart at rest."
Copyright 2010 The Associated Press. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.
Subscribe to:
Posts
(Atom)
AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.