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Saturday, May 2, 2020

THE HIDDEN HISTORY Rwandan Documentary 2018: Who killed who during the 1994 massacres

[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]

To some western media in Belgium, US, England and Netherlands: Stop the brainwash with fake news aimed to protect the Rwandan Hitler Kagame

After 26 years, one of the RPF founder, Kagame's Main Creator, former Rwandan Ombudsman and now Senator Tito Rutaremara confirms (in Kinyarwanda => https://youtu.be/hxeM1a75_-Y) what you say: RPF agents, death squads were deployed all over the country and have infiltrated all institutions and parties youth for violent uprising that killed people while RPF was planning the worse: to assassinate President Habyarimana after several attempts to launch genocide by killing political parities leaders that might make easier the uprising and violence across Rwanda.

The Rwandan Hitler Kagame using his misuse (modus operandi)of the Rwandan parliament called for the BBC to be banned in the country after its Untold Story documentary on the 1994 genocide.
Kagame's main programme to be realized in 2034:
(a) Killing the majority Hutus inside and outside of Rwanda;
(b) Causing serious bodily or mental harm to the majority Hutus through imprisonment, slavery, indefinite lockdown etc.;
(c) Deliberately inflicting on the majority Hutu ethnic group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part;
(d) Imposing measures intended to prevent births (Eugenics) within the majority Hutu ethnic group;
(e) Forcibly transferring Hutu children to the Tutsi minority families and RDF after being brainwashed in IWAWA island located in the Kivu lake.

The BBC has defended its decision to broadcast a documentary about the Rwandan genocide that has sparked complaints from the country’s government, saying it had “a duty” to make the film.

Rwanda’s Untold Story, which was broadcast on BBC2 on 1 October, investigated allegations that current president Paul Kagame was involved in shooting down a plane carrying one of his predecessors – an event which sparked the 1994 conflict that cost thousands of lives.

Kagame responded by telling the Rwandan parliament that the BBC had chosen to “tarnish Rwandans, dehumanise them” and accused it of “genocide denial”.

On Wednesday Rwandan MPs approved a resolution calling on the government to charge the documentary-makers with genocide denial and revoke the BBC’s licence to broadcast in the country.

A BBC spokeswoman responded on Friday: “The Rwandan genocide raises extremely painful issues but the BBC has a duty to investigate difficult and challenging subjects.

“We believe this programme, which was produced by a BBC current affairs team in London and broadcast in the UK, made a valuable contribution to the understanding of the tragic history of the country and the region.”

She said the BBC regretted calls for sanctions against it and criticised the “threat of direct measures against an independent broadcaster” which she described as “inappropriate”.

The country’s minister of foreign affairs Louise Mushikiwabo described the documentary as an “attack on Rwanda and its people” and said her government was contemplating taking action against the BBC.

She said: “My government reserves the right to respond, on its own timing, in a manner commensurate with the weight of the offence.”

a Hutu orphan crying after during RPF attack

The BBC programme included interviews with American-based researchers who say most of those killed may have been Hutus killed by members of Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Front. It also contained interviews with former aides of Kagame, accusing him of being behind the April 1994 shooting down of a presidential plane that sparked the genocide.

The democide in Rwanda by the RPF Tutsi led government: Most of outsiders believe that the entire population in Rwanda is estimated to 12 million whereas according to our scientific research, there are not more than 6 million.

News is under threat …

"An estimated 800,000 Rwandan people, mostly minority Tutsis, were killed in just 100 days in 1994". Kagame's narrative strengthened by Western media

The murdered and mass-slaughtered Hutus became automatically Tutsis while Kagame and his RPF criminal organization went on and still goes on threatening those who escape the RPF mass murder as Interahamwe and genocidaires.

Who cares? Does Louis Michel or Bernard Kouchner, Tony Blain
Bill Clinton and Kagame's lawyers in Belgium, RTL Belgium, Survie in France care about the democide in Rwanda? Absolutely not.

… just when we need it the most. Millions of readers around the world are flocking to the Guardian in search of honest, authoritative, fact-based reporting that can help them understand the biggest challenge we have faced in our lifetime. But at this crucial moment, news organisations are facing a cruel financial double blow: with fewer people able to leave their homes, and fewer news vendors in operation, we’re seeing a reduction in newspaper sales across the UK. Advertising revenue continues to fall steeply meanwhile as businesses feel the pinch. We need you to help fill the gap.

No need to say they were Hutus
They were murdered because they happened to be born
Hutus

Where is the RPF created Human rights activist the Somalian lady Rakiya Omaar? Paid $ 100,0000 for lies and fabricated fake reports on Human rights in Rwanda, She was in Mulindi in Byumba prefecture at the RPF heard-quarters while officially the world was told she was in London.

Does anybody know the whereabouts
of Kagame's helper Ms. Rakiya Omaar?

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Every year in the first week of April Western media venues are flooded with stories that begin with statements about the anniversary of the Rwandan genocide, “where at least 800,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus died at the hands of Hutu extremists.”

Because of Kagame's
money laundering
We have no word to say.
Freedom of speech has to be forgotten

Such stories recount the official narrative about the ‘Genocide in Rwanda’, a narrative that has five or six key elements that have been almost canonized and are repeated robotically by Western English-speaking news consumers from all walks of life, economic classes, and political leanings.

RPF AND WESTERN MEDIA FAKING NEWS ON RWANDAN GENOCIDE. As Rwandan HUTU horrified by the corrosive effects Western fake news is having on the European and american societies, African Survivors International call on the European Union, France and Belgium in particular to pass strong laws to fight fake news, and other governments worldwide to follow suit.

Here is the group of lines that repeat several times Kagame's narrative:

At least 800,000 people killed;
Mostly ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus;
Slaughtered with machetes (and picks, hoes, adzes, other crude tools);
It was meaningless tribal savagery;
Committed by Hutu extremists;
In 100 days of genocide;
We (Westerners) were ‘bystanders’ and did nothing.

These jingoistic phrases have been systematically cemented into the minds of Westerners through more than 20 years of insidious Western media propaganda, including the printed word, radio programs, still photographs, video and film, and they are generally reproduced ad nauseum by emergent ‘social’ media.

There is little truth to the official narrative.

‘Tutsis as victims, Hutus as oppressors?’

RPF signature: AKANDOYI

Twenty years after the pivotal events of 1994, it is time that Western media ‘news’ consumers – scholars, peace workers, academics, clergy, politicians, humanitarian aid workers, everyone – took responsibility for their own participation in the ‘Rwanda Genocide’ hysteria or, as it is, industry.

Let’s set the stage for the so-called ‘100 days of Genocide’ that purportedly began April 6, 1994, and purportedly ended July 15, 1994, in Rwanda. We can offer some critical facts that anyone who wants to mourn and sob about life and death in Rwanda ought to understand before they open their mouths and display sheer ignorance.

To begin with, ‘Hutu’ and ‘Tutsi’ are socio-economic and socio-political categories: these are not ‘tribes’. Most of the ‘Rwanda Genocide’ narrative is mythology relying on simplifications, stereotypes and reductionisms about Hutus and Tutsis as tribal savages. This stuff is right out of Tarzan movies.

Prior to the imperial occupation that began after 1890, ‘Tutsi’ kings ruled Ruanda-Urundi. ‘Tutsi’ cattle herders comprised some 20 percent of the population, ruling over the 80 percent ‘Hutu’ majority with egregious violence. First the Germans (to 1916) then the Belgians (to 1960) ruled ‘their’ colony by nurturing a ‘Tutsi’ power structure to exploit the ‘Hutu’ masses. The ‘Tutsi’ comprador class served the colonial occupation, where brutality, slavery and terrorism were used to keep the ‘Hutu’ masses in the fields. A ‘Tutsi’ could lose all his cattle and descend into the ranks of the peasant ‘Hutu’ agriculturalists and, though far less likely, a ‘Hutu’ could gain cattle and join the Tutsi elites. The colonial fathers issued ID cards, measured noses and cranial dimensions, and duly clarified who be ‘Hutu’ and who be ‘Tutsi’. There was, of course, much money to be made.

A Rwandan woman carries a Swiss family's baby 09 April 1994 at Butare on the Rwanda-Burundi border where numerous foreigners were fleeing the civil clashes in Rwanda. (AFP Photo / Pascal Guyot)

Witnessing the global ‘Third World’ independence (sic) movements of the 1950s, and supported by the Belgian Catholic priests, the ‘Hutus’ in Rwanda overthrew the ‘Tutsi’ monarchy in the ‘revolution’ of 1959-1960. Some people died, some people fled, some people stayed, and the next 30 years saw majority ‘Hutu’ rule, with Rwanda under constant attack by elite ‘Tutsi’ guerrillas.

Noting the winds of change, Belgium quickly swapped their support to the Hutu majority, established a comprador class of ‘Hutu’ elites, and protected their interests. There was, of course, much money to be made. Thousands of elite ‘Tutsis’ connected to the former power structure fled to Uganda, Tanzania, Europe and North America.

At the height of the Cold War, the elite ‘Tutsi’ refugees (sic) influenced the Non-Aligned Movement – newly-independent (sic) states like Brazil, India, Malaysia, etc. – screaming bloody murder and “We are the victims of imperial aggression!” all the while. This is the falsified history of ‘Tutsis’ as ‘victims’ inculcated by the arrogant elite ‘Tutsi’ rulers. These facts are key to the official narrative: Tutsis as victims, Hutus as oppressors.

Like any monarchy, the ‘Tutsi’ elites believe(d) they are God’s Chosen People, the Jews of Africa, the natural-born rulers over millions of Hutu (and Tutsi) peasants.

Adopted by the Non-Aligned Movement – funded, armed, trained outside Rwanda – the elite ‘Tutsi’ guerrillas attacked Rwanda throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, sowing the most egregious terrorism, usually under cover of night. Every time the ‘Tutsi’ guerrillas attacked Rwanda – whether from outside during the 1960s or from inside during the 1990s – the in-country French-speaking ‘Tutsis’ suffered reprisals. The ‘Tutsis as victims’ narrative continued to expand, and while the Hutus were blamed for atrocities, usually retaliatory, the ‘Tutsi’ were coddled and protected.

Guerrilla incursions involved bombings of cafes, nightclubs, bars, restaurants and buses. The very real suffering of the French-speaking ‘Tutsi’ people inside Rwanda – those who ‘stayed behind’ – was written off by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF, a ‘Tutsi’ political party created in 1987 by the Tutsi refugee diaspora in Uganda, now the ruling party in Rwanda) as collateral damage. The English-speaking Ugandans, the elite ‘Tutsi’ refugees (sic), who had Ugandan citizenship and high posts in the Ugandan military, defined them as Hutu collaborators. The RPF didn’t care whether they lived or died.

The foreign element

Enter, by coup d’etat, the Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana, who ruled Rwanda from 1973 to April 6, 1994, backed by France. Historically, France was to Africa what the United States was to Latin America. Britain and Portugal controlled a few protectorates, Belgium plundered the Congo and Ruanda-Urundi, but Francophone power in Africa was vast, deeply entrenched and militarily brutal.

Habyarimana ran a one-party dictatorship, but French-speaking Tutsis who stayed behind were able to achieve some economic status, though they were kept in check, given their small numbers. Of course, this wasn’t good enough for the elite ‘Tutsis’ outside Rwanda. The United States, Canada, Britain and Israel wanted more of the African pie, and Paul Kagame was the man to get it for them.

Rwandan refugees walk on the Byumba road as they flee from Kigali on May 11, 1994. (AFP Photo)

English-speaking ‘Tutsis’ who grew up in Uganda – Paul Kagame, James Kabarebe, Fred Rwigyema, Patrick Karegeya, Laurent Nkundabatware, and thousands of others – were the soldiers of Yoweri Museveni’s guerrilla army. They committed massive atrocities in Uganda, (1980-1985), where absolute terrorism was used to remove a socialist government run by an ungrateful African. The victims in Uganda were also blamed for genocide, turning the truth upside-down. This is how Museveni and Kagame – his director of military intelligence – brought Uganda back in line with the geopolitical dictates of the West: aka disaster capitalism. There was, of course, a lot of money to be made.

They burned entire villages. The RPF deceived peasants into coming to meetings only to obliterate them coldly. The RPF even created crematoriums to ‘disappear’ the skeletons and skulls, until they realized the efficacy of the model of the Jewish Holocaust death camp memorials: pile up shoes, clothing, skeletons and skulls; create an industry whose currency is the moral outrage and psychological terror of ‘genocide’. And please do not be confused: nothing is more terrifying to the Western psyche. (Of course, the same ‘device’ was created and used by the Museveni terror apparatus in the Lowero Triangle of Uganda, but it was preceded by Cambodia, where Pol Pot was the preeminent demon of the day, and the carpet-bombing, napalm strikes, or terror operations like Project Phoenix are dismissed.)

Media war

The New York Times led the charge into Rwanda, and the Western media continued to beat the ‘Tutsis as victims’ drum roll. There was, after all, a lot of money to be made. Wall Street vultures began drooling. Military and intelligence operatives like David Kimche (Israel) and Roger Winter (USA) jockeyed for position – organizing logistics, maintaining supply chains, arranging weapons shipments – to support ‘our’ man Kagame and our proxy guerrilla army, the RPF. The Washington Post, Boston Globe, CNN, the Observer all described the RPF guerrillas as a highly ‘disciplined’ army: if any woman was raped or civilian massacred, it was an accident, a rogue soldier, and said soldier would be duly punished (of course, they never were).

Paul Kagame put into practice what his teachers, the military strategists at the US Army Command and Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas (USA), taught him: psychological operations and how to overthrow a country.

As the English-speaking ‘Tutsis’ marched into Rwanda they conscripted and lured ‘Tutsi’ youth to the ‘freedom’ cause. These were young French-speaking Tutsis who were also subjected to Kagame’s ruthless modus operandi: many of them were tortured, killed, disappeared, but many survived the initiation into the RPF. Kagame and his elite Ugandan comrades didn’t trust Tutsis who had stayed behind, and they clearly sacrificed the French-speaking Tutsis of Rwanda for the cause of absolute military power.

Rwandan women and children are gathered 27 May 1994 at an International Red Cross center in Kabgayi. (AFP Photo)

While the power of the Rwandan Patriotic Army grew day by day, supplied from Uganda, funded by World Bank loans to Museveni, the Habyarimana government was attacked on all fronts, shackled with debt, weapons blockades, demonized by the international press, the humanitarians (sic) and world opinion.

Meanwhile, next door in Burundi, the elite ‘Tutsi’-dominated regime committed a genocide in 1972: some 200,000 to 300,000 mostly Hutu people were raped, tortured, and massacred, while hundreds of thousands more fled to neighboring countries, including Rwanda. The preeminent Africa scholar Rene Lemarchand describes this as a genocide ‘denied and forgotten’.

Instead of punishing the invading ‘Tutsi’ Ugandan forces, led by Kagame, the world punished the Habyarimana regime: political pluralism, multiparty elections, peace accords assuring power-sharing for the RPF: no diplomatic or political sacrifice was enough. Meanwhile, Kagame and the RPF grew in strength and numbers, better equipped, better trained, striking under cover of night like cockroaches – Inyenzi – the term that Tutsi guerrillas of the 1960s proudly self-identified with.

Just as Museveni had infiltrated, massacred and terrorized Uganda (1980-1985), the RPF infiltrated soldiers disguised as civilians into Hutu villages, Hutu political parties, even into Hutu youth groups organized to defend Rwanda from the invading terrorist guerrillas. While the RPF used the airwaves to terrorize the people, scapegoat and stereotype enemies real and perceived, and whip up fear of ‘Hutu power’ – the same kinds of nasty propaganda, often sexualized, used by the Kagame regime to demonize its detractors from the West even today – we only even hear about ‘Hutu power’ hate radio.

April 6, 1994, President Habyarimana, his chief of staff, the president of Burundi, the French pilots – all murdered over Kigali in the surface-to-air missile attack on the presidential jet. Here is another pivotal world event that should be commemorated and remembered: the RPF assassination of two presidents.

The Western media soon began describing this terrorist action as ‘a mysterious plane crash’ and, using the now-entrenched upside-down narrative that defined ‘Tutsis’ the victims and ‘Hutus’ as killers, the double-presidential assassinations were blamed on Hutu ‘extremists’.

The United States blocked every attempt to investigate the ‘plane crash’ and the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR) suppressed any evidence that emerged, even removing officials who touched the truth too closely. Kagame, all the while was crying crocodile tears, screaming “We are the victims of genocide,” confronting the West with its blatant ‘moral failure’ to abide the slogan ‘never again’.

Real Hutu extremists

What is a Hutu extremist? According to the official mythology, a ‘Hutu extremist’ is a Hutu who ruthlessly and coldly set out to wipe every Tutsi off the face of the earth. In reality, a Hutu ‘extremist’ was any Hutu who saw total war coming at the hands of their erstwhile elite Tutsi oppressors. A Hutu ‘extremist’ was someone who understood only too well that the elite ‘Tutsis’ invading from Uganda, the elite ‘Tutsis’ massacring thousands of people, the elite ‘Tutsis’ (read RPF) infiltrating of social, economic, military and political institutions in Rwanda, the elite ‘Tutsi’ Inyenzi bombings of public places and their assassinations of countless political figures and pesky Rwandan journalists, or the elite ‘Tutsis’ slaughtering of thousands of innocent Hutu men, women and children and wiping entire Hutu villages off the map, that these were very real certainties that Hutu’s had a right and necessity to defend themselves against.

What is a Hutu ‘moderate’? Any Hutu who believed that the RPF offered a democratic alternative to one-party dictatorship, that Paul Kagame was sincere in his proclamations of political pluralism, freedom and brotherhood. These were empty promises.

Rwandan Tutsi refugee camp pictured on April 30, 1994, in Niashishi, in south Rwanda, where more than eight thousands Tutsi are gathered under the protection of French soldiers. (AFP Photo / Pascal Guyot)

The genocide of the majority Hutu people, launched October 1, 1990, proceeded unabated during the RPF march to power in Rwanda, and it was even more clearly executed during the RPF hunting and slaughtering of hundreds of thousands of innocent men, women and children – mostly Hutus – in the Congo. These were organized campaigns of genocide, with intent to rape, murder and disappear Hutu people because they were Hutu people, and the perpetrators were the elite ‘Tutsis’ from Uganda.

No such planning or organization of genocidal intent has been proven against the Hutu government of Juvenal Habyarimana - which, in any case, was decapitated on April 6, 1994 - or against the Interim Hutu government that briefly held sway after April 6, 1994, and the judges at the ICTR have found as such. There were indeed hundreds of thousands of French-speaking Tutsis raped, brutalized and massacred in what amount to very real acts of genocide in Rwanda, and these occurred over the now sacred ‘100 days of genocide’. But there were also hundreds of thousands of Hutus killed, and far more Hutu than Tutsi.

Hutu lands were cleared of their owners, taken by foreign ‘Tutsi’ who flooded in on the heels of the RPF. And by the way, practically everyone in Rwanda owns a machete; there were massive imports in January of 1994, by a British citizen; purchases of machetes occurred using World Bank funds, for agricultural use, not for an evil genocide conspiracy. Anyway, the RPF routinely killed people with machetes, to save on bullets, and disguise the perpetrators.

And today, terror reigns silently in Rwanda.

Facts don’t seem to matter however, because Western hysteria has been whipped up by the media, the Pentagon, the intelligence sector, and by the Kagame regime. The Western psyche has been indoctrinated to believe exactly what Kagame and his benefactors want us to believe. We stood by, we did nothing, we should have stopped ‘the genocide’.

Nothing could be further from the truth.

There was a coup d’etat in Rwanda. The victors, the oppressors, the killers have been applauded, shielded, and/or hidden from the eyes of the world. A proxy army of elite ‘Tutsis’ murdered with abandon in Burundi, Uganda, Rwanda, and Congo, where they are still murdering with abandon.

The real coup d’etat has been the brainwashing of the Western mind and psyche, transforming rational discerning individuals into hysterical self-congratulatory humanitarians (sic), unable to separate truth from lie, and certain of their conclusions, no matter how erroneous. Just show them a machete, or a skull, or a weeping ‘Tutsi’ ‘survivor’ of ‘genocide’ and you can count on their compliance in commemorating the anniversary of ‘Genocide’ in Rwanda, and bowing at the feet of Paul Kagame. There is, of course, much money to be made.

Keith Harmon Snow, for RT

Keith Harmon Snow is a war correspondent and photographer who has worked in 16 African countries, including conflict areas in Congo, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda and Sudan. A former genocide and war crimes investigator for Genocide Watch, Survivor's Rights International and the United Nations, who has worked at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, testified at numerous US immigration asylum hearings for Rwandan and Congolese refugees and testified at the Audiencia Nacionale in Madrid, Spain, in support of the war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide indictments issued against the top 40 Rwandan Patriotic Front officers. He is persona non grata in Rwanda and Ethiopia.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Saturday, March 28, 2020

Inside Kagame's secret torture prisons and other correctional cycles

Dear Sir or Madam,

As the European Union and the rest of the world are concentrated on corona-virus, Kagame’s tyranny and oppression become unspeakable in Rwanda. Since two weeks some of Rwandans are confined to their houses, in caves, in fields out of sight, the new RPF Tutsi-led government’s strategy aimed at slowly exterminating them.

Most Hutu ethnic members inside Rwanda are presumed to be either dead, in custody or confined , Most of them have been arrested, assassinated or reportedly enforced disappeared. Those who are still “alive” are at daily and nightly basis submitted to Torture and other cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment.
Kagame’s tyranny: When your only tool is a hummer, everything begins to look like a nail.

Inside Kagame's Secret Torture prisons across Kigali and the rest of Rwanda where Kagame's RIB agents actively use unprecedented methods to get confessions from victims: Some of them are reportedly hung or preferred to go for suicide and different Kagame's prisons including the infamous KAMI prions where detainees are from a fence naked, beaten bloody, shocked with electricity and stuck a gun in their mouths.

As I am writing this revealing to you, RIB agents are taking opportunity from the Corona virus measures to end up with Hutu prisons by spraying them with water on cold nights as they oblige them to sit the whole night in cold water and most of detainees are forced to the suggested Kagame's horrifying waterboarding.

Yesterday, I have been informed that RIB and DMI agents and RPF military place sandbags over faces of Hutu prisons in Kami, Muhanga, Musanze and other different places across the country. One of the prisoners who fled from Rwanda told us that many of prisoners including his cellmates are summary executed with handcuffs, died from disease, torture and neglect in a single month. With the corona virus is spread up across Asia, Europe and North America, Kagame’s as ordered the majority of Hutus, due to their poverty, are massively dying.
At the same time, we are assisting at the pace of new arbitrary arrests, torture while enforced disappearances and executions are increasing in Rwanda. We actually hopelessly watch Kagame exterminating the majority Hutu ethnic members and interior Tutsis bringing them to the special confinement places pretending they are mentally ill. Example, After Assassination of Kizito Mihigo in Rwanda, the former presidential candidate Fred Barafinda has been brought to Ndera hospital accusing him for mental illness. The main reason is that He sais the truth about the real face of Kagame and his RPF criminal organization. Dozens of Rwandans are treated in the same case but no one can dare speaking out about that.

The Chairperson of the DALFA party Mrs. INGABIRE Victoire Umuhoza is submitted to weekly, monthly torutreas she's called by Rwanda Investigation Bureau (RIB)n to appear every month at 8am for being summoned by Kagame's intelligent agents RIB.
On the other hand, the genocide is going on across the country. Kagame has called it "the best strategy to empty the ocean with a table spoon".
When your only tool is a hummer, everything begins to look like a nail.
Before they are condemned to death, Hutu victims face what the RIB and RPF Tutsi authorities call AKANDOYA. Many of Rwandan prisoners many of my co-citizens presumably known as Interahamwe, meaning genocidaires reportedly to said they are often beaten with plastic hose pipes and this became the real cause psychological problems with psychological consequences of this long term confinement and most of them are at high risk for mortality especially in several weeks after their so-called “release” (working dead history). We are not talking about similar maladies like the stress proliferation of the long-term incarceration that follow their confinement in those Kagame’s secret prisons. Since 1994, many of Hutu ethnic members whose confinement history includes serious forms trauma are actually affected by the harshness of prison life in this largest prison called Rwanda with a surface of 26,338km².

Not surprisingly, Kagame's RIB accuses Mrs. Ingabire Victoire, the Rwandan main political opponent, for organizing peaceful anti Kagame and RPF government protests while she's doing peacefully whatsoever to get her new DALFA party registered according to the RPF Tutsi led-government law. Together with Me Bernard Ntaganda, they are threatened to be back into prison to discourage them bringing back Democracy, Good governance, Freedom of expression and Freedom of assembly.

We appreciate your support for the necessary UN intervention in Rwanda and we will keep will keep you updated on what is happening in Rwanda where the rule of law doesn’t exist in reality.

Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana

Chairperson
African Survivors International
https://survivorsnetworks.blogspot.com/

Tuesday, March 3, 2020

Breaking News: id giving to post-genocide Rwanda reflects larger patterns with authoritarian states

Rwanda is often said to have enjoyed exceptional relations with aid donors since the 1994 genocide, due to guilt from foreign governments’ inaction. By looking at two aid donors, Canada and the Netherlands, this claim is shown to be more complicated, drawing attention to the complex drivers behind relations with Rwanda and authoritarian aidrecipients more broadly.

Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s recent trip to Africa stirred criticism for the hobnobbing with authoritarian leaders it entailed, some with rather unsavory human rights records. The trip, designed to bolster support for a Canadian seat on the UN Security Council, raised once again a key international conundrum: how do we conduct diplomacy and development cooperation in a world where authoritarianism is a norm? And at what costs?

When we mapped post-genocide Rwanda’s aid relations for an article in African Affairs, this was not the puzzle that animated us. But given the entrenchment of authoritarianism in Rwanda over the last few decades, our work eventually led us to reflect on how the donor community engages with authoritarian partners, and more broadly on how scholars of African politics often misunderstand these dynamics.

‘Genocide credit’

Authoritarianism was part of what we aimed to study only inasmuch as it forms part of the ‘genocide credit’ of which Rwanda-watchers often assume the country benefits. That is, the international donor community is willing to give more and criticise less in Rwanda, because it felt/feels guilty for abandoning the country during the 1994 genocide. This idea is reinforced by media portrayals of contrite foreign leaders at genocide commemorations. It is also encouraged by the Rwandan government itself, which has played the guilt card with the international community to shame and deflect criticism of its human rights record.

We set out to test the ‘genocide credit’, and what we found was something more complicated. Rather than being an exceptionally spoiled recipient, Rwanda fares much like countries already part of favored groups. Canadian and Dutch officials we spoke with also consistently stressed their awareness of Rwanda’s political transgressions, including early on after the genocide. But political, bureaucratic and idiosyncratic agendas – rather than guilt – amounted to an incoherent approach, including regarding Rwanda’s growing authoritarianism.

Impressive amounts of aid?

When compared to developing countries worldwide, post-genocide Rwanda receives impressive amounts of aid. But this was also true before the genocide. More importantly, when compared to recipient countries in aid priority groups, Rwanda receives average amounts of development aid. Between 1995 and 2017, the sums were on par with other countries participating in the World Bank and IMF’s Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) Initiative. It also received aid amounts on par with other countries classified by development institutions as ‘fragile and conflict-affected’. Rwanda is not exceptional among the exceptional.

But the ‘genocide credit’ also tells the story of the donor community turning a blind eye to Rwanda’s transgressions, with some of the worst taking place in neighbouring Democratic Republic of the Congo. We found that Rwanda’s recent aid relations are best understood as comprising two periods: from the genocide to 2000, and from the 2000s to today. For both periods, respondents consistently told us that their government was aware of Rwandan political transgressions. Most of the time they nonetheless chose to prioritize access to the government.

During the emergency period, unsurprisingly, needs drove aid. Large volumes were disbursed quickly and very informally. The period from 2001 onwards is characterized by a ‘return to normality’. Humanitarian aid decreased and standard operating procedures kicked in. According to interviewees, aid relations were even quite banal at times following 2001.

That said, most interviewees stressed their knowledge of the authoritarian context in Rwanda. Canadian actors felt they needed to get creative to address governance issues in ‘non-frontal’ ways in order to continue their work on the ground. The Dutch, meanwhile, at times resorted to more frontal engagement, including aid suspensions, but nonetheless increased their involvement in Rwanda over time.

The drivers of bilateral relations

Our research suggests guilt was never the main driver of these bilateral relations. Aid to Rwanda is, and always has been, influenced by a complicated set of motives – many of them idiosyncratic. The emergency period, because of its reactive nature, allowed much greater space for personal and political agendas in decision-making regarding Rwanda. This is illustrated by Minister of Development Cooperation Jan Pronk’s imprint on the Dutch-Rwandan relations. When bureaucratic management kicked back, Rwanda’s performance as an aid partner certainly factored in, but in large part reflected Canadian, Dutch and international interest in more effective aid partnerships. Key decisions were driven by keeping up the work in Rwanda, as much as they were determined by domestic pressures from Ottawa and The Hague.

Canada ended formal bilateral aid relations with Rwanda in 2012. But this decision came about due to a much larger re-organization of Canada’s aid programme. For the Dutch, aid suspensions were as much a reflection of pressure from domestic lobbying groups as they were a ‘moral stance’. Political, idiosyncratic, domestic – and dare we say short-term – pressures have always factored into aid relations. Decades of aid to Rwanda never amounted to a coherent approach, despite the country’s growing authoritarianism, largely because it was never solely about Rwanda.

Balancing access, aid delivery and pressures

As we explored the ‘genocide credit’, we eventually concluded that this ‘credit’ is not only the story of the ongoing ‘balancing’ – in their words – bilateral donors undertake to maintain access and navigate multiple levels of pressures (bureaucratic, domestic, international). The genocide credit story is also revealing of how, as academics, we often fail to understand the concrete realities of aid delivery. Given Rwanda’s exceptional history of violence, academics often assume that patterns of aid giving to Rwanda are unique. However, looking only at Rwanda ignores aid giving’s broader patterns.

Donors never operate on single motives and are rarely well-oiled machines. There is often a very human and idiosyncratic side to the story of aid giving. Just as importantly, practitioners are often balancing access and the continuation of their work in-country with security and governance issues. Their lack of frontal engagement with governance and human rights is not a sign that they ignore political transgressions. Rather it is a common belief amongst practitioners that this is a necessary part of the job.

To be clear, we are not arguing that academics should accept this position as the ‘right’ one. We are suggesting that academics should be aware of this reality. From here, they can better reflect with practitioners about the long-term costs of ‘balancing’, especially in authoritarian settings.

Indeed, one key takeaway from decades of aid in Rwanda is that over the long-run continued ‘balancing’ helps enshrine authoritarianism, further limiting donors’ ability to constructively engage their partner on political governance matters. So how do we continue to engage with challenging partners, especially authoritarian ones, in ways that do not contribute to further authoritarian enshrinement?

Academic expectations of direct forms of confrontation – or naked criticism of instances when donors do not confront – do not help us answer this question. We need to understand the complex, and sometimes idiosyncratic and short-term; strategies and motives practitioners deploy in order to help develop alternative forms of operating. We should not be surprised by Canada’s visit to Africa and some of the uncomfortable hobnobbing it gave rise to. We should instead aim to foster a dialogue on how we engage authoritarianism with eyes wide open to long-term impacts.

Photo: ‘UN Women launches HeForShe IMPACT 10x10x10 Initiative’ by UN Photo/Mark Garten is licensed under creative commons (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0).

About the Author

Marie-Eve Desrosiers

Marie-Eve Desrosiers is associate professor in the School of International Development and Global Studies, University of Ottawa. She is chairholder of the International Francophonie Chair on political aspirations and movements in Francophone Africa. Her research focuses on the security of developing countries. She tweets @DesrosiersME

Haley J. Swedlund

Haley J. Swedlund is an Assistant Professor at the Centre for International Conflict and Management (CICAM), Department of Political Science at Radboud University. She tweets @hjswedlund

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