A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Sunday, October 16, 2016
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[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Accueil de Paul Kagame par le couple Obama
Rappel de la mise au point de Kanyarwanda Veritas
Paul Kagame criminel terroriste international
1.- Accueil non mérité!
Rwanda - Paul Kagame et le couple Obama après la sortie du Rapport du Projet Mapping de l'ONU sur les crimes contre l'humanité avec des indices accablants d'actes de génocide commis par l' Armée Patriotique Rwandaise en RDC 1996-2003.
C'est dommage que cet auguste couple, en côtoyant Paul Kagame, ait sali ses propres habits avec le sang des Rwandais, Burundais, Congolais, Français et d'autres nationalités dont le costume de Kagame est imprégné, et qu'il ait pollué sa propre haleine en respirant celle dégagée par Paul Kagame sentant le sang pourri comme celle d'un fauve!
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| Law and Justice are to punish, not whitewash criminals Does President Obama have no idea about the Rwandan Nazi criminal? |
Please! Couple Obama, désinfectez vos poumons et votre cavité respiratoire pour ne pas attraper la sinusite, désinfectez vos habits, désinfectez vos mains! Le monde a besoin de vous voir immaculés. Ne recevez plus, n'encadrez plus ce criminel terroriste international! Il y a un grand vide entre son niveau réel et celui auquel il est perché. C'est pourquoi il commet des énormités en cherchant à s'y maintenir. Ne vous abaissez plus à son niveau et ne lui accordez plus de soutien! Laissez-le descendre à son vrai niveau! C'est un diable incarné à attraper et à enfermer dans une cage pour l'empêcher de continuer de semer le mal, au lieu de lui dérouler le tapis rouge comme à votre Excellence! Il ne mérite pas d'être dans l'arène des grands!
2- Rappel des attributs de Paul Kagame
Massacres des populations civiles et assassinats politiques comme stratégie de la guerre:
La logique de la guerre à tout prix; stratégie sanguinaire du pire: massacres des populations, dépeuplement de certaines zones des Hutu pour en faire des Tutsilands dans le nord du Rwanda (les communes Muvumba, Ngarama, Bwisigye, Kiyombe, Mukarange, Cyumba, Kibali, Kivuye, Cyungo, Kinigi, Butaro, Cyeru et Nyamugali); attaques des camps des déplacés de guerre (Rwebare, Rukomo, Kisaro, Buyoga, Kirambo, Rebero-Bwisige, Eglise adventiste de Shingiro-Mukingo-Ruhengeri, Nyacyonga);
Fosses communes à Ngarama, Buyoga, Kisaro, Rwamagana, Murambi, Rusumo, Nyarubuye, Kabutare, Ngorolero, Tumba, Mugambazi, Bugesera, Kibali, Kabgayi, Kabagali, Gikoro, Ramba, Gikomero, Bicumbi, Kibungo (Chantier Chinois) etc…..;
Terrorisme aveugle (pose des mines antitanks et anti-personnelles, grenades piégées dans des lieux publics, bombes à retardement dans des lieux publics et moyens de transport en commun); assassinats politiques pour provoquer les troubles, tels que Emmanuel Gapyisi, Fidèle Rwambuka, Félicien Gatabazi, Martin Bucyana, Alphonse Ingabire Katumba;
Rupture de l'Accord de Paix d'Arusha par l'assassinat du Président Juvénal Habyarimana et la reprise de la guerre le 6 avril 1994:
Les Violations des accords de cessez-le-feu et la rupture de l'Accord de Paix d'Arusha par l' assassinat du Président Juvénal Habyarimana dans le but de provoquer les troubles, les attiser, causer le chaos et l'exploiter pour prendre le pouvoir dans le bain de sang constituent la stratégie ultime de Paul Kagame.
C'est Paul Kagame seul qui détenait le secret de ce qui allait se produire au début du mois d'avril 1994.
Le 2 avril 1994 Paul Kagame a dit au Général Romeo Dallaire, d’une manière énigmatique, qu’on était à la veille d’un cataclysme et qu’une fois enclenché, aucun moyen ne permettrait de le contrôler. Ce cataclysme fut l'assassinat du Président Juvénal
Habyarimana afin de déclencher les troubles, ainsi que la reprise de la guerre.
Après la rupture de l'Accord de Paix d'Arusha et la reprise de la guerre il a déclaré à Dallaire ce qui suit:
« Cette guerre sera la cause des sacrifices. Si les réfugiés (Tutsi qui étaient à l’Hôtel des Mille Collines) doivent être sacrifiés pour la bonne cause, on considérera qu’ils étaient inclus dans le sacrifice ».
« Quand j’ai demandé à Kagame d’aller directement à Kigali pour arrêter les massacres des Tutsi, il m’a répondu que s’il y avait un prix à payer, ce serait à ces Tutsi de le payer! ».
Il a donc sacrifié les Tutsi de l'intérieur et a fait la guerre à leur détriment, les troubles en général et les massacres en particulier devant lui faciliter la prise du pouvoir.
Il a tout fait pour que rien ne puisse permettre de contrôler le cataclysme qu’il a enclenché:
*Il a rejeté la proposition de cessez-le-feu qui devait permettre aux FAR de rassembler les forces de pacification, alors même que la partie gouvernementale voulait l’associer à la pacification, et cela pour assouvir sa soif du pouvoir au détriment de la population.
*Il a aussi menacé les troupes belges envoyées en mission de sécurité et d'évacuation des étrangers. Dans son témoignage devant le Comité du Sénat belge, M. Willy Claes, Ministre belge des Affaires étrangères en 1994 a précisé que c'est le FPR qui s'est opposé à l'intervention des forces étrangères au Rwanda. M W. Claes l'a aussi déclaré dans une interview qu'il a donnée au journaliste Peter Verlinden en septembre 2009, répondant à la question de savoir si Kagame ne voulait pas la paix mais prendre le pouvoir. Il affirme que Kagame voulait que les Belges partent.
*Il s’est opposé à une intervention d’une force étrangère de pacification et a menacé de la combattre tel qu’il l’a déclaré au Général Dallaire. Celui-ci le précise dans son ouvrage : J’ai serré la main du diable, page 207: « Nous combattrons toute armée d'intervention qui viendra au Rwanda. Laissez-nous résoudre nous-mêmes les problèmes du pays ».
Le Génocide depuis l'invasion du Rwanda comme stratégie de la lutte
Paul Kagame et son armée ont plutôt commis le génocide depuis l'invasion du Rwanda le 1 octobre 1990. Tout au long de la guerre d'octobre 1990, l'APR massacrait les populations partout sur son avancée, contournait les positions des FAR sur la ligne de front pour aller massacrer les populations civiles sur leurs collines et attaquer les camps des déplacés de guerre. Elle a massacré les populations Hutu dans les territoires sous son contrôle et dans la zone démilitarisée dite Zone Tampon après la signature de l'Accord de Paix d' Arusha du 4 août 1993.
A la reprise de la guerre le 6-7 avril 1994, l'APR a attaqué et exterminé des familles entières à leurs domiciles. Elle a attaqué le camp de Nyacyonga alors comptant un million de déplacés de guerre faisant des milliers de victimes; il a attaqué les déplacés de guerre au stade de Byumba, les prêtres et d'autres religieux retranchés au petit séminaire de Rwesero, les déplacés de guerre ayant trouvé refuge au ranch Mpanga faisant des milliers de victimes. Elle a bombardé les déplacés de guerre à l'Eglise Sainte Famille à Kigali, a enlevé des déplacés de guerre du Stade National Amahoro à Remera et de l'Hôpital Roi Fayçal et les a emmenés à l'abattoir, etc… Elle a tué des enfants, des femmes, des vieillards, des malades à domicile et dans des hôpitaux, des infirmes et invalides durant toute sa campagne et après la prise du pouvoir. Elle a fait montre de scènes de tortures horribles: elle a éventré et pendu des victimes écartées, particulièrement des vieillards, a arraché le cœur et le foie ou étiré les intestins pour les attacher sur des arbres; elle a éventré des femmes enceintes puis a écrasé les fœtus pour les insérer dans les bouches des mères agonisantes; elle a pendu des victimes sur des pieux verticaux enfoncés dans leur corps de bas en haut; elle a crevé les yeux et amputé les langues des victimes et leur a demandé cyniquement de crier "nous sommes vigilants"; elle a castré des hommes et des nourrissons masculins et amputé les seins des femmes, etc... Elle a usé de la torture AKANDOYA (bras et jambes ligotés derrière le dos arc-boutant la victime), l' AGAFUNI (houe usagée) pour fracasser les crânes des victimes, etc…
Massacres des populations civiles après la prise du pouvoir.
Massacres de Kanama, Muramba, Gasiza, Ndusu, Ndiza, Butare, Grottes Nyakinama, Mudende, Ile Wahu dans le lac Kivu, Musanze, Ryinyo, Rubavu, Rwerere-Byahi, Kayove, Gaseke, Kirehe, Kabaya, Vunga, Cyabingo, Ruhondo,Kinigi, Nyamugari, Cyeru, Nyarutovu, Tare, Rushashi, Tumba etc… Lieux crématoires dans la forêt de Nyungwe, à Gitagata au Bugesera, à Gabiro au Mutara etc….
Massacres des réfugiés Hutu Rwandais et Burundais au Zaïre/RDC depuis 1996
Les attaques successives des camps des réfugiés et leur poursuite au Sud-Kivu.
Des colonnes de véhicules de l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR) en provenance de Cyangugu, via le Bugarama (Rwanda) et Cibitoke (Burundi), ont traversé la frontière Burundo-zaïroise à Uvira la nuit du 06 au 7 octobre 1996 et ont déclenché des hostilités par l’attaque des camps des réfugiés de Ruvungi et Gitembesho, sous la couverture du mouvement Banyamulenge (Tutsi Congolais).
Certains réfugiés prirent la direction Sud et seront massacrés et poursuivis sur l'itinéraire Uvira -Kalemie –Nyunzu –Lubumbashi, jusqu'à la frontière de la RDC avec la Zambie. D'autres réfugiés ont pris la direction du nord vers Bukavu.
Certains réfugiés prirent la direction Sud et seront massacrés et poursuivis sur l'itinéraire Uvira -Kalemie –Nyunzu –Lubumbashi, jusqu'à la frontière de la RDC avec la Zambie. D'autres réfugiés ont pris la direction du nord vers Bukavu.
A partir de Nyangezi et Bukavu certains réfugiés du Sud-Kivu ont pris l’itinéraire ouest, Walungu -Nyamirangwe -Chimanga -Shabunda -Kalima -Kindu -Mbujimayi -Kananga -Kolwezi -Kamako vers l’Angola. Les sites des massacres les plus connus sont Kingulube, Shabunda, Nzovu, Kalima (SOMINKI), Kindu, Mbujimayi, Kananga, Kamako la frontière de la RDC avec l' Angola.
Les réfugiés ayant pris la direction de Goma à partir des camps situés au nord de Bukavu ont bifurqué à Nyabibwe vers Shanje dans le territoire de Kalehe. Le FPR a attaqué et détruit le camp de Shanje le 21 novembre 1996. Puis il a engagé la chasse et la poursuite des réfugiés dans le parc de Kahuzi-Biega aussi bien à partir de Kashusha-INERA que de Shanje.
Les sites des massacres les plus connus sont Lumbishi, Ziraro, Busurungi, Rukaraba, Chambucha, Bunyakili, Hombo, Musenge, Itebero, Walikale, Osso, Amisi et Tingi-Tingi vers le nord-ouest jusqu'à Mbandaka et la frontière de la RDC avec la République Centrafricaine.
Les attaques successives des camps des réfugiés et leur poursuite au Nord-Kivu
Le FPR a rapatrié de force une partie des réfugiés et a ensuite engagé la poursuite des autres pour les massacrer le long de leurs itinéraires Katale -Kahindo- Tongo -Masisi., et Katale-Kibumba-Mugunga -Masisi. Et puis il les a poursuivis après leur jonction avec ceux venus du Sud-Kivu à Busurungi et ensuite Rukaraba -Chambucha -Hombo –Musenge -Itebero -Walikale - Osso (Rivière) -Amisi, Tingi-Tingi, - Lubutu (ville et rivière)-Penetungu - Kisangani et Ubundu- Opala vers Mbandaka jusqu' à la frontière avec le Congo Brazzaville, et Buta ou Lisala-Karawa-Gemena-Zongo jusqu'à la frontière avec la République Centrafricaine.
Outre les camps des réfugiés, les sites des massacres se comptent par centaines surtout dans les petits villages et dans la forêt. Ils sont notamment Rusayo, Lac Vert, Sake, Volcan Nyiragongo, Ranch Mushaki, Katoyi, Kibabi, Humure, Mbeshimbeshi, ainsi que sur les sites susmentionnés après la jonction avec les réfugiés venus du Sud-Kivu. Les réfugiés qui ne sont pas arrivés à Amisi et Tingi-Tingi furent chassés comme du gibier et massacrés dans le parc de Kahuzi-Biega entre Shanje et Hombo-Chambucha, et entre Walikale et Osso pendant plusieurs mois. Ceux qui ont été encerclés dans le Masisi, Rutshuru, Walikale, Kalehe et Walungu feront l'objet de harcèlement jusqu'à ce jour!
Les indices accablants d'actes de génocide et de crimes du droit humanitaire consignés dans le Rapport du Projet Mapping des Nations Unies sur les crimes commis en RDC entre 1993 et 2003 par l'Armée Patriotique Rwandaise sont sans équivoque.
Terrorisme international
*Paul Kagame n'a pas tué que des citoyens de la Région des Grands Lacs Africains. Sur son bilan macabre il faut ajouter des citoyens français, espagnols, canadiens, britanniques, croate et cambodgien coopérants, religieux ou humanitaires.
*Paul Kagame est un terroriste international du fait qu'il a créé des escadrons de la mort disséminés dans plusieurs pays de la planète déguisés en réfugiés ou agents des missions diplomatiques. Ils ont tué des réfugiés rwandais notamment M Pasteur Musabe, ancien Directeur de la Banque Continentale Africaine au Rwanda assassiné à Yaoundé au Cameroun, le Colonel député (FPR) Théoneste Lizinde, l'homme d'affaires Augustin Bugilimfura et l'ancien Ministre de l' Intérieur (FPR) Seth Sendashonga assassinés à Nairobi, M Kabendera Shinani ancien journaliste à la Radio Rwanda assassiné en Tanzanie, l'ancien Ministre Juvénal Uwilingiyimana assassiné à Bruxelles. Elle a attenté à d'autres notamment le Lieutenant-Général Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, ancien Chef d' Etat-major de l'APR et Ambassadeur en Inde qui fut grièvement blessé par balle à Johannesburg en Afrique du Sud. Paul Kagame n'hésite pas à confier à ses ambassades la mission de tuer même les étrangers qui critiquent son régime sanguinaire.
Dictature sanguinaire
Le régime du FPR issu de la tragédie qu'il a provoquée et diligentée est fondé sur le mensonge. Paul Kagame s'accroche au pouvoir par le mensonge et la terreur pour ne pas répondre de sa responsabilité dans le drame rwandais. Il craint de dialoguer avec ses opposants pour résoudre les problèmes de la nation. Il utilise l'escroquerie en travestissant les voies de solutions préconisées par l'opposition et organise des monologues sur l'unité et la réconciliation nationale auxquels il convie ses partisans déguisés et les partis politiques satellites pour tromper l'opinion internationale. Il recourt à la violence, l'intimidation, la répression, les arrestations, détentions et emprisonnements arbitraires et les assassinats pour dissuader l'opposition et museler le peuple. Il a semé la peur et la méfiance réciproque au sein du peuple rwandais.
Le régime du FPR fabrique des fausses accusations et attribue des crimes aux membres influents du leadership de l'opposition pour les discréditer, les déstabiliser, les neutraliser, saisir leurs biens et les déposséder afin d'appauvrir leurs familles et en faire des parias.
Le 16 décembre 2010
Kanyarwanda Veritas
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, October 9, 2016
Publié le 09-10-2016 Modifié le 09-10-2016 à 11:18
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
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| Ingabire Umuhoza Victoire The Would-be President of Rwanda |
Dans sa résolution, le Parlement européen estime que le procès en appel de Victoire Ingabire n'a pas été « conforme aux normes internationales » et appelle donc à une « révision rapide et impartiale » du procès de l'opposante.
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| Ingabire Umuhoza Victoire The Would-be President of Rwanda Now in Kagame's prison |
Plus généralement, la résolution « condamne tout acte d'intimidation, arrestations, détentions et poursuites » d'individus « uniquement parce qu'ils ont exprimé leurs opinions ».
Ainsi, le Parlement de Strasbourg demande au gouvernement rwandais d'étendre ses progrès en matière de développement économique et social au domaine des Droits de l'homme et d'assurer une élection présidentielle en 2017 « crédible et transparente ».
Boniface Twagirimana, le vice-président des FDU, le parti de Victoire Ingabire, a salué cette résolution, tout en estimant que les députés européens doivent aller plus loin.
« L'union européenne avait aussi élaboré une résolution, je crois en 2013, mais le gouvernement rwandais n'a rien changé. Ce qu'il faut faire, c'est vraiment prendre des mesures contraignantes à l’encontre du gouvernement rwandais pour changer son attitude », a tenu à souligner Boniface Twagirimana.
Les autorités rwandaises n'ont pas réagi au vote du Parlement mais, plus tôt dans la semaine, trois parlementaires rwandais avaient dénoncé le projet de résolution le qualifiant de « distorsion délibérée des faits ».
Quant à Frank Habineza, président du Parti démocratique vert, seule formation d'opposition légalement enregistrée dans le pays, il a applaudi en qualifiant cette résolution du Parlement européen comme étant « importante pour le développement de la démocratie et des libertés ».
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, October 5, 2016
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
How a "British NGO" changed the course of Rwandan history and
helped fuel impunity in Africa’s Great Lakes region
But just how did Omaar and de Waal—neither of whom spoke Kinyarwanda or
were versed in Rwandan history—produce such an authoritative, insider-driven
opus on the mechanics of killing? How did they get access in so little time to
a massive archive of witness testimony? With the help of the Rwandan Patriotic
Front (RPF), of course.
Luc Reydams specializes in iNGO Justice: African Rights as Pseudo
Prosecutor of the Rwandan Genocide” in Human Rights Quarterly deconstructs the NGO’s murky operations and
methods. Reydams also provides compelling evidence that African Rights became a
RPF front organization and its account of the genocide was produced with the
“full and active support of the RPF.” The RPF, under Paul Kagame, won the war
and has been in power since 1994.
International criminal law and justice and teaches
politics at Notre Dame University in the United States. His groundbreaking
research on African Rights, recently published, is both a feat in investigative
journalism and academic scholarship. His article “
Eventually African Rights ended up on the RPF payroll, working closely with
intelligence operatives and even moving to a building that housed the
Directorate of Military Intelligence, Reydams reveals. By that time, de Waal
had left the organization. Yet even before de Waal and Omaar parted ways, African
Rights had become enormously prescriptive and influential; it scolded the
international community about who was morally right during the war, who should
be arrested and why. It staunchly defended the RPF against reports that its
troops had engaged in violence and shamed other human rights investigators and
journalists for calling attention to RPF abuses: “Allegations that the RPF was
massacring civilians were ‘hysteria’ and journalists who ran such ‘stories’
were not doing their work properly.” Reydams aptly points out that “human
rights reports usually do not defend a warring party.
Yet, Death, Despair and
Defiancedoes exactly that. The RPF’s resumption of the war is
presented as humanitarian intervention and, therefore, a ceasefire was out of
the question.”
Not surprisingly, African Rights’ work, which provided
a one-sided, sanitized version of the Rwandan genocide, did not stand the test
of time. Corruption
A former ICTR investigator had this to say: “After a few months, we
realized that Death, Despair and Defiance was not so accurate, some incidents (not the
major ones though) were impossible to verify; the accounts in the book, very
precise, were not confirmed by our witnesses. At that time, Death, Despair and Defiance was seen as not very reliable and clearly Rakiya
Omaar was not considered an expert witness who could be used in court. To my
recollection, she was met by ICTR investigators at the beginning of the work in
1995. The request to access her sources was never successful and the relation
with her became difficult. She did not shy from criticisms against the ICTR.
Her links to RPF became quite obvious in subsequent reports on protection of
witnesses and other stuff, with no words at all on the RPF’s own
The work of Omaar and de Waal should have been discredited publicly long ago, but it wasn’t. And the impact of their research has been nothing short of devastating. Their book primed public opinion on the conflict and shaped the way the world saw the RPF as moral victors and Hutus as perpetrators. Their research has been absorbed and regurgitated uncritically by experts and human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch’s seminal account of the genocide, Leave None to Tell the Story was published in 1999 and became the subsequent bible at the ICTR. That book cites Death, Despair and Defiance a record 42 times.
The work of Omaar and de Waal should have been discredited publicly long ago, but it wasn’t. And the impact of their research has been nothing short of devastating. Their book primed public opinion on the conflict and shaped the way the world saw the RPF as moral victors and Hutus as perpetrators. Their research has been absorbed and regurgitated uncritically by experts and human rights organizations. Human Rights Watch’s seminal account of the genocide, Leave None to Tell the Story was published in 1999 and became the subsequent bible at the ICTR. That book cites Death, Despair and Defiance a record 42 times.
Most troubling is how the NGO has fueled RPF impunity over the years.
African Rights categorically denied RPF crimes, helped shield Paul Kagame’s
government from prosecution, and even defended its war of aggression in Congo.
In a separate interview I conducted, a Tutsi survivor
who worked for African Rights on the NGO’s second edition of the book—published
in 1995—told me he collected testimony from Hutu peasants on RPF killings. When
he went to Omaar to discuss incorporating this research, he said she told him
flatly: “now is not the time.” In later years when he was doing research for
African Rights ahead of traditional Gacaca court proceedings, he emphasized the
issue of Hutu accounts of RPF massacres. Again she told him to let it go. “Now
is not the time,” she insisted. The Tutsi survivor was eventually threatened by
the RPF’s chief intelligence enforcer Jack Nziza, and was forced to flee the
country to escape death.
At a minimum, Omar could come clean about what she may
have observed in RPF zones where she traveled with RPF cadres in places such as
Rusumo in May 1994. Aid workers reported that Kagame’s Tutsi forces called Hutu
refugees to a ‘peace meeting’ in Rusumo then proceeded to tie up men, women and
children before stabbing and killing them. The bodies were placed on trucks and
eventually dumped in the Kagera River, according to a UN protection report
released by Refugees International in mid-May. I can imagine that Omaar could fill
another book on the secrets she has kept.
De Waal, for his part, dutifully transcribed Omaar’s
survivor accounts. He now teaches at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy
at Tufts University. He is considered an academic powerhouse for his extensive
work on Rwanda, Sudan and the Horn of Africa, and has long held sway in British
media, having published in The Guardian and the Times Literary Supplement and being regularly cited by the BBC. In his interview with Reydams,
de Waal brazenly takes credit for creating a narrative of the genocide. He
admits he met with senior RPF officials such as Theogene Rudasingwa and Patrick
Mazimpaka in the spring/summer of 1994:
“The dominant narratives in
the media for the first part of April were tribal killing and chaos,” de Waal
told Reydams. “Journalists and quite a number of aid workers were contributing
to this. The point of the ‘Who is killing, who is dying’ report, and an article
I wrote in the Times (‘Rwanda genocide took three [sic] years to plan’) was to
remedy that. I also wrote a piece ‘The genocidal state’ for the Times Literary
Supplement at the same time but they held on to it until July and only
published it then (to my enormous frustration as it was the most serious
piece.) It was quite an uphill struggle, and in order to do it, as you will
see, I decided it was necessary to craft an alternative narrative.
“When I first discussed it with Rwandese in London
(almost all Tutsis; some were RPF and some not) their focus was on the politics
of the interim government and a different set of narratives. One of them was
Mazimpaka: he was flailing. They provided me with documents such as the Hutu
Ten Commandments but said they weren’t that important. When the
genocide-as-conspiracy narrative took off, the RPF took it up, for obvious
reasons.”
As Reydams points out,
Theoneste Bagosora, the Hutu colonel who African Rights named as the architect
of the Rwandan genocide, was acquitted of conspiracy and any direct role in the
genocide by the ICTR, as were three other accused individuals who stood trial
in the Military I case. “No one, for that matter, has been convicted of
conspiracy before April 7, 1994. The genocide-as-conspiracy narrative, which
African Rights helped to propagate, failed to convince the judges,” Reydams
writes.
As though this wasn’t shocking enough, de Waal used
his formidable intellectual skills to critically shape the way the West viewed
Rwandan Hutus and the menace they posed to the Tutsi-led government in Rwanda.
In one of his more rabid essays in November 1996—a few weeks after Rwandan
troops had invaded Zaire—de Waal openly advocated war. In an op-ed in The Guardian titled “No Bloodless Miracle”, de Waal said there could be “no
bloodless political solution” to the conflict in Central Africa. He launched a
passionate plea for an armed attack against refugee camps that housed more than
a million Hutus in eastern Zaire. He claimed that the inhabitants of Mugunga
refugee camp—where some 175,000 Rwandan men, women and children were living—did
not have a well-founded fear of persecution in Rwanda, were not bona fide
refugees, and should not qualify for protection under the Refugee Convention.
The Hutus there, he said, were “fugitives from justice or migrants.”
He argued that peaceful negotiations would be a chimera and that Hutu
extremists in the camps could not be disarmed. “War cannot be stopped,” he
warned. “If we are not prepared to go and destroy the Hutu militias, we should
not stand in the way of the people who are prepared to do so.”
De Waal’s dualist approach to conflict in the Great
Lakes—one side was good and the other was evil—shamefully served to fuel the
violence.
We know how it ended of course. Kagame’s troops
attacked the camps, sending hundreds of thousands of refugees further west into
the Zairean jungle, where Tutsi soldiers eventually hunted them down, hacked
and shot them, and buried them in mass graves. In 2010, the United Nations said
the Rwandan Patriotic Front may have committed genocide against Hutus in Congo.
In June 2016, likely
pre-empting the release of Reydams’ investigation, de Waal wrote a lengthy
essay in the Boston Review titled “Writing Human Rights and Getting It
Wrong”. He
admitted he was wrong about the genocide being planned years in advance, but
said he did not regret his “role in helping to write the genocide narrative for
Rwanda in 1994 or transcribing and publishing survivors’ testimonies. They are
uncooked and authentic.”
What he does regret, he admitted, is his silence in
1997 as the RPF “spun the singular genocide narrative to justify its emergent
dictatorship and its escalating military operations in Zaire/Democratic
Republic of the Congo.”
De Waal’s mea culpa drew immediate praise from his legion of academic
followers. However his words rang hollow to many. His confession was too
little, too late for Kagame’s victims in Rwanda and Congo, whose suffering over
the course of 22 years has been incalculable.
The Truth can be buried and
stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a
seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and
Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It
cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, September 24, 2016
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Forgotten scandal: A manipulated story in favor of Clinton and Kagame's cruelaties. A story aimed to protect the worldwide criminal: Here he is: Paul Kagame. In 2017 his self-proclaimed presidency will evolve into a hereditary monarchy.
DR Congo's Kabila counts on Rwanda, Uganda backing to retain power. Be the last to know:
RDC. Photos. Alias Joseph Kabila incendie le Congo! L'imposteur-usurpateur assassine la jeunesse congolaise
Isaiah 42-46:
“Hear, you deaf. Look, you blind, and see!
Tuesday, September 20, 2016
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
 |
| Paul Kagame and his backers would say that This is The Best Breastfeeding Position whereas his mother's already dead. |
The author of the acclaimed Stringer: A Reporter’s Journey in the Congo now moves on to Rwanda for a gripping look at a country caught still in political and social unrest, years after the genocide that shocked the world.
Bad News is the story of Anjan Sundaram's time running a journalist's training program out of Kigali, the capital city of one of Africa's most densely populated countries, Rwanda. President Kagame’s regime, which seized power after the genocide that ravaged its population in 1994, is often held up as a beacon for progress and modernity in Central Africa and is the recipient of billions of dollars each year in aid from Western governments and international organizations. Lurking underneath this shining vision of a modern, orderly state, however, is the powerful climate of fear springing from the government's brutal treatment of any voice of dissent. "You can't look and write," a policeman ominously tells Sundaram, as he takes notes at a political rally. In Rwanda, the testimony of the individual—the evidence of one's own experience—is crushed by the pensée unique: the single way of thinking and speaking, proscribed by those in power.
A vivid portrait of a country at an extraordinary and dangerous place in its history, Bad News is a brilliant and urgent parable on freedom of expression, and what happens when that power is seized.
Hutu ethnic members in desperate need.They are living off nothing as they surviving without access to life-saving aid . At any time When you meet an assassin who has killed hundreds of thousands of your co-citizens, friends, brothers, kids or parents or just relatives, how can you feel? Watch those Hutu women and men wondering whether or not the will survive tomorrow. What about those children-
We all know that Every orphan child deserves to live a happy and fulfilling childhood, to act out their hopes and aspirations. Time has come when we have to defend ourselves. We are not born cowards. IT'S OUR DUTY TO MAKE IT HAPPEN.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, September 17, 2016
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus), disappearances and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Le silence criminel
Le silence
criminel des pays occidentaux connus sous le nom de la communauté
internationale, «On a l'impression que rien ne se passe là-bas » Charles
Onana
Who's to
Blame for corruption, tricked wars across Africa, the flourishing tyrannies and
dictatorships in the African Great lakes region (Rwanda, Uganda, Democratic
Republic of the Congo), etc., tricked defense of ethnic minorities, fake democracies,
extra judicial killings, arbitrary arrests, fake opposition parties, arbitrary
arrests, poisons, disappearances, , assassinations, mass murder , war
crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide:
- Some Western individuals
- Some Western fake Associations and foundations (Survie, Clinton Foundation, Les amis du Rwanda au parlement européen sous le patronage de Louis Michel)
- Some Western Non-governmental organizations
- Some Western countries
- Some Western media including journalists worldwide (CNN, Africa voices that in fact became Africa Dictators voices, RTBF),
Since you
begin to speak out, you face aggressions, you become unstable at work only
because you decided to speak out and denounce the criminal silence. You can't
get a job often in reprisal for your work as the Truth teller determined to speak
out about all types of crimes committed by the current regime in Rwanda and
indeed together with some western individuals, organizations and governments...
But time
and again, Obstruction of justice we encounter here in Europe and elsewhere in
North America scandalous attitudes as you try to tell the Truth about the
bloody obvious involvement of some western individuals and governments not only
in the Rwandan genocide but also in the still ongoing crimes committed at daily
basis in Rwanda by Paul l Kagame, his RPF and the Tutsi led-government in
Kigali ( unspeakable ethnic cleansing). This dramatic and obnoxious situation has led the media, journalists
and western NGOs to keep all the truth in silence. In this case, I can’t talk
about these crimes beyond speaking with friends or family.
As a
result, little documentation exists on the topic of Attacks of all types on me
and other dedicated human rights activists who denounce the existing obstruction
of justice occurring across the western world to silence Hutu survivors and now
refugees in Netherlands, Belgium and Germany as well as in North America.
Whatever
level of multiple aggressions and menaces exist against me and other Truth tellers either Hutus or Black and White Truth tellers, it raises
compelling freedom of speech and security concerns for those survivors only
because they happen to be born Hutus...a much larger percentage of Hutu refugees experience pattern discrimination.
“It's
embarrassing, and you feel like an idiot saying anything, especially when you
are reporting on much, much greater horrors,” Lauren Wolfe
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AS International
SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.