© As International - Community for SurViVors

Sunday, February 15, 2009

Hutu women raped and beaten half to death by the Rwandan Tutsi army in the Congo.

While many other Hutu women and their daughters are paraded naked, raped and killed by the RDF/RPF army in the so called "Joint forces" in the Eastern region of the Congo, the rape survivors have their legs beaten then forcibly sent back to Rwanda .

"The Tutsi [Rwandan] soldiers accused me of being the wife of an FDLRcombatant, just because I'm Hutu," said one woman who was raped by aRwandan army soldier in Remeka. "After they raped me, they burned my house", saying it was the house of an FDLR.

I was pregnant, but there'sno more movement in my womb. I think I have lost my first child." The United Nations Mission in Congo, MONUC, has a mandate to protectcivilians and provides logistical support to the Congolese army, but itwas not involved in planning the joint operation.

Although thecoalition forces say they are open to sharing information with MONUCabout their campaign, such information-sharing has been scant and toolate to permit the UN forces to be able to plan for providing the neededprotection.

In November 2008, the UN Security Council authorized an additional3,000 troops for the mission to help carry out its mandate to protectcivilians. None of these additional troops have yet arrived.

International humanitarian law - the laws of war - applies to bothstates and non-state armed groups. Parties to a conflict must take allfeasible steps to minimize harm to the civilian population, includingpermitting civilians to flee to safer areas. The laws of war prohibitmurder, rape and abductions. Those who commit such acts are responsiblefor war crimes.==> HRW

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Saturday, February 14, 2009

Some strange and suspicious aspects to the plane crash

The public inquiry is required.

Whenever an RPF opponent dies in a suspicious plane crash, the skeptical and discerning citizen will look first in the direction of the RPF criminal organization, RPF allies and CIA whose modus operandi in the political realm includes heavy-handed techniques like sabotage, assassinations, and coups.
I cannot see why people are not asking for a public inquiry. You never know.

For secret assassination....When successfully executed, there is no investigation. Look, she is the one who asked for pursuing RPF crimes after years RPF benefits from impunity.

We also tentatively must try to pursue inquiries into the possibility that plots are laid to assassinate Mrs. Alison Des Forges. The investigators must determine whether the crash was the result of an accident, hostile fire, sabotage, or mechanical failure.

Question: why this investigation (called a safety board) is skipped in all American media and public authorities, no mention about it? This may be implicitly said as a planning of political assassination even though 50 people may be killed with The targeted one.

However, Des Forges was deceptive when she pointed out the fact that (the biggest controversy) RPF crimes must be prosecuted and investigated for the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation among Rwandans (Hutu and Tutsi).

However, conspirators including Kagame and his allies have to be aware that even the most trusting citizen may occasionally experience misgivings, especially regarding the death of an eyewitness as Alison Des Forges embroiled in controversy.

Look, after so many years there is no truth about the masterminded person of the Rwandan genocide. This kind of diversionary planning has occurred in case of President Habyarimana’s assassination. We saw many junctures where CIA conspiracy was proved, when RPF conspiracy and plot have been shown in killings of Rwanda and Congolese politicians, and so on.

In all likelihood, it will never be conclusively known whether RPF allies and CIA or some other party was responsible for sabotaging Mrs. Alison Des Forges’ plane. However, given the circumstances surrounding the plane crash, The CIA, the RPF allies from US and UK have to be at the top of the suspect list.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

DENONCIATION CONTRE LA CHASSE AUX REFUGIES RWANDAIS EN RDC ET LE RAPATRIEMENT FORCE.

Dans le cadre d’un accord signé en décembre 2008 entre le Rwanda et la République Démocratique du Congo(RDC) des troupes rwandaises, évaluées entre 5 à 10 mille militaires, ont franchi la frontière avec le Congo sous prétexte de traquer les éléments qui déstabilisent la région des grands lacs africains.

Pour aveugler l’opinion internationale, le pouvoir actuel au Rwanda s’efforce de justifier son intervention en RDC dans le but de vouloir séparer les FDLR des réfugiés et de rapatrier ces derniers au Rwanda. Il s’agit d’un mensonge pur et simple, les causes qui ont motivé ces réfugiés à quitter leur patrie n’ont pas disparu. Bien au contraire, la terreur règne au Rwanda et se manifeste par les arrestations et les emprisonnements arbitraires. Les tribunaux populaires sont devenus des lieux d’intimidation et de délation scandaleuses où l’enfant, sous pression et contrainte, dénonce son père pourtant innocent ; la femme dénonce son mari et le mari dénonce sa femme. Le nombre de rwandais qui parviennent très difficilement à s’enfuir augmente considérablement.

L’Opposition Démocratique Rwandaise, ODR DUFATANYE dénonce et condamne énergiquement des allégations tendancieuses de quelques natures qu’elles soient.
La question que nous posons s’adresse à la Communauté Internationale ainsi qu’aux hommes et aux femmes épris de vérité, de dignité, de justice et de liberté.

Depuis quand la région des Grands Lacs connaît-elle les conflits qui l’ont ensanglanté et ne cessent de sécréter l’instabilité permanente dans cette région ?

Le 1 octobre 1990, l’Armée du Front Patriotique Rwandais(FPR) a envahi le Rwanda alors que ce dernier et l’Ouganda, soutenus par le Haut Commissariat aux Réfugiés s’étaient mis d’accord pour résoudre pacifiquement le problème des réfugiés rwandais.

De 1990-1994, le Rwanda a connu une guerre émaillée de violence sans précédent. Cette guerre a fait le nettoyage de toute la région du Nord du pays en massacrant sauvagement les populations dans les préfectures de Byumba et de Ruhangeri. Près d’un million de rescapés de ces massacres sont venus s’entasser dans le camp de Nyacyonga appelé le camp de la mort car il y mourrait chaque jour des centaines de personnes par manque de soins élémentaires et d’alimentations nécessaires.

Pour mettre fin à cette guerre, le Rwanda avait signé avec l’agresseur, le FPR, l’accord de paix d’Arusha. Cet accord n’a pas été mis en application, car, le 06 avril 1994, l’attentat terroriste qui a couté la vie au président Habyarimana, son homologue burundais Cyprien Ntaryamira, leurs accompagnateurs, ainsi qu’à l’équipage français du Falcon présidentiel fut le détonateur du séisme qui a frappé très durement la population rwandaise et a permis au FPR de prendre le pouvoir au Rwanda par la force des armes. Les rapports des experts convergent et affirment que cet attentat a été ordonné par le président actuel du Rwanda, Paul Kagame.
Ce séisme a provoqué des massacres terribles au sein de la population rwandaise ainsi que de l’exode sans précédent en Afrique, de plus de 2.200.000 réfugiés dont la grande majorité s’est dirigée vers le Congo.

En 1996-1997 l’armée rwandaise a opéré l’intrusion au Congo pour massacrer les réfugiés rwandais à Goma, à Bukavu jusqu’au fin fond de la forêt dense du Congo, de Kisangani à Mbandaka où il fut dénombré plus de 200.000 victimes parmi les réfugiés. Ensuite la chasse aux réfugiés rwandais s’est transformée au pillage des ressources naturelles de ce pays et elle s’en est prise malheureusement à la population autochtone. Plus de 4.000.000 de congolais et congolaises ont perdu leur vie sous la coupe de l’armée rwandaise.

Sous l’attitude arrogante et prémonitoire, le président rwandais a, le 7 avril 2007 à Murambi (au Sud du Rwanda) regretté sans équivoque de ne pas avoir été à mesure d’exterminer les fugitifs hutus et d’ajouter qu’il disposait désormais des armes suffisantes pour le faire.

Pour réaliser son plan macabre visant l’extermination de ces réfugiés, Paul Kagame a lancé deux plans:

-Il a soutenu Laurent Nkundabatware pour semer la désolation au sein de la population orientale du Congo. Des actes de viols indignes contres les femmes et les filles en bas âges ont été dénoncées par les ONG sur place. Cette désolation a été suivie par l’indignation et la protestation partout dans le monde.
Paul Kagame connaît très bien les sensibilités de ce monde : sa stratégie se trouve dans l’art de susciter une grande émotion dans l’opinion et de l’exploiter astucieusement à son profit.

-Il vient de fabriquer l’autre mascarade cousu de fil blanc par l’arrestation de son mentor au Congo, le soit disant rebelle Nkundabatware. Cette démonstration qui lui est propre consiste, une fois encore, de faire d’une pierre deux coups pour berner l’opinion et pouvoir en même temps se renforcer dans ses visées terroristes et expansionnistes. Ainsi, il se fait inviter et il va acérer son armée pour chasser et tuer, tel un chasseur de perdrix, les pauvres rescapés rwandais des tueries massives des années 1996-1997.

Le spectacle cruel qui actuellement se déroule au Kivu illustre nettement le plan Kagame depuis le commencement. Il s’agit en clair d’un plan à trois dimensions : planifier d’abord, exécuter ensuite et enfin imputer ses propres crimes à son adversaire. Jusqu’aujourd’hui le plan Kagame n’a jamais été écorné en quoi que ce soit. Paul Kagame se sert efficacement de son cynisme et de l’argent pour réussir toutes les entreprises qu’il conçoit.

Ingénieusement Kagame vient d’obtenir l’autorisation officielle d’établir son armée en RDC qui dans le premier temps va accomplir la sale besogne d’égorger les autres rwandais, d’en faire rapport à Paul Kagame et dans le second temps va protéger les entreprises rwandaises qui cette fois vont impunément piller les ressources du Congo sans craindre les rapports des experts des Nations-Unies puisqu’elles y sont officiellement.

Ce pillage va générer beaucoup d’argents pour enrichir les dirigeants rwandais et acheter le silence de leurs supporteurs.
Pour devenir inattaquable dans le monde, il sait qu’il doit acheter le silence de plus de monde possible. Il connaît parfaitement les domaines très rentables, les personnalités influentes dans le monde. Il sait où il doit investir et pour y parvenir il a besoin de beaucoup d’argent. Il est conscient que même en hypothéquant le Rwanda entier, ce qu’il a réalisé déjà, les recettes demeurent encore insuffisantes; raison pour laquelle il brave tous les obstacles et ne craint même jamais de verser du sang des populations rwandaises et congolaises.

Comme dictateur, Kagame a peur de la démocratie parce que c’est le seul instrument capable de le mettre hors d’état de nuire.
Devant ces méfaits dégradants et respectant son idéal en l’essence de la démocratie, l’Opposition Démocratique Rwandaise ODR- DUFATANYE s’insurge et condamne sans ambage des aberrations propagées par le régime actuel du Rwanda. Elle invite le peuple rwandais à réagir ensemble, à tous les niveaux, riches et pauvres, hutu, tutsi et twa.

Instruit par l’expérience du passé historique du Rwanda, l’ODR-DUFATANYE n’a qu’une seule proposition pour le retour de la paix et de la stabilité dans la région des grands lacs africains :

L’établissement de la démocratie rassurante pour tous les Rwandais.

Cette solution forme à la fois la pierre angulaire de la réconciliation et du progrès. Elle permettra aussi de juger équitablement les personnes qui ont été à la base des drames survenus au Rwanda.

Cet appel s’adresse aussi à la Communauté Internationale de suivre l’exemple très apprécié des pays courageux tel que la Hollande et la Suède qui ont décidé d’arrêter le soutien qu’ils accordaient au régime de Paul Kagame suite au rapport des experts des Nations Unies montrant clairement l’implication du Rwanda dans les massacres de la population congolaise et le pillage des ressources naturelles de leur pays.

SE Ambassadeur Munyeshyaka Ildephonse

Président et Porte-Parole

ODR-DUFATANYE

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Friday, February 13, 2009

In Thankful Remembrance for our Admirable Mrs. Alison des Forges

***

To Alison's admirable husband,

***

Please accept our condolences. The world has lost a rare and special person.

She has left an incalculable void in everyone’s life and she will be greatly missed. ... Our prayers are with you and your whole family. God bless you all.

Dear Alison,

We will miss you for the wonderful person that you were and for the incredible things you did for other people all over the world. You can never be replaced in people’s hearts but your memory and the example you set will live on forever.

We feel for your family and friends especially your beloved sons, your mother, brother and sisters.The world is a better place due to your efforts and will never be the same again.

Myself and my family are deeply shocked by the untimely death of our lovely and dear Alison Desforges.

May her soul rest in peace. The people of every nation on earth are united in their grief over her death. She showed kindness and caring.

She was real. We will miss her.

Her bright smile, her energy, her outpouring of love and concern is something we will never forget.

What shall I render to Thy name

Or how Thy praises speak?

My thanks how shall I testify?

O Lord, Thou know'st I'm weak.
I owe so much, so little can

Return unto Thy name,

Confusion seizes on my soul,

And I am filled with shame.
O Thou that hearest prayers, Lord,

To Thee shall come all flesh

Thou hast me heard and answered,

My plaints have had access.
What did I ask for but Thou gav'st?

What could I more desire?

But thankfulness even all my days

I humbly this require.
Thy mercies, Lord, have been so great I

number numberless,

Impossible for to recount

Or any way express.
O help Thy saints that sought

Thy face T' return unto Thee praise

And walk before Thee as they ought,

In strict and upright ways.

My condolences go out to her family,

friends and work colleagues.

***

She is and will always be in my thoughts

***

Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana

Tuesday, February 10, 2009

Some of the Obama administration are still and actively involved in genocide in Central Africa

Some of the Obama administration are still and actively involved in genocide against the Hutu people in Rwa

nda and in the Congo as well.

***
The world must recognize the Hutu people holocaust. Since 1990's the genocide against those people is underway.

***

Find out in Congo Vision Radio: Congo Forum Special Guest: Keith Harmon Snow , the American journalist investigator.

Please click on the play button of the radio to hear of Keith's testimony:
http://www.congovision.com/

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Rescue Action is required - Voices concern and Critical Alert from the 1996-1997 ARGR-Intabaza refugee survivors Organization based in The Netherlands

The situation is both appalling and unsustainable

***

The MONUC, the British Government and the joint Congolese and Rwandan "soldiers" must immediately end these killings policy against Rwandan refugees, Hutu and Tutsis, which were gathered in the Kasiki refugee camp in the Eastern region of the Rupublic of the Democratic of the Congo (DRC).

The tragic situation continues to worsen while Monuc said they are not concerned in the Congo-Rwanda joint military campaign, which was officially launched for the disarmament, repatriation, demobilization and or reintegration of the FDLR forces.

The idea behind this is the well-known ethnic cleansing in that region.We have learned with much concern that the security situation in and around Kasiki caused by MONUC and the Joint Congolese and Rwandan forces is worsening.

According to eyewitnesses in the region, the Joint forces from Rwanda and Congo are burning and destroying houses and schools for the remaining local Hutu Congolese people but officially MONUC and Congolese and Rwandan killers are reporting to have destroyed FDLR houses and schools. At the same time, violent conflict continues against local Hutu population, Hutu refugees and other Congolese Bantus in the areas of conflict.

Unable to distinguish FDLR members from those different groups, the joint forces with logistics assistance from MONUC, the Congolese and the well-known RDF criminal "soldiers" are speeding up the ethnic cleansing in the region. A struggle for control of coltan and other mineral resources fields in that region has been at the heart of the crisis in recent years.

The British government that offers core military and advises to the Rwandan wanted president says nothing since the killings began in that region. That's why Rwanda refugees survivors organization ARGR -INTABAZA is calling on the British government to distance itself from Tony Blair, the Rwandan Jihad initiator and Paul Kagame advisor. Crime aginst peace, War Crimes, rapes, human traffickings, crimes against humanity and genocide are committed because of HIM and other RPF allies.

Several demands for dialogue, negotiations, peace accords and peacekeeping efforts have failed, Rwanda's dictatorship has never succeeded to reconcile its citizens, Hutu remain marginalized in their own country, the Top Rwandan wanted criminal is STILL President , and many of the worst human rights atrocities in recent history made this one of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises.

Monuc, DRC and Rwanda are responsible for human rights abuses in combating FDLR. They are responsible for all crimes that may be come across in the area. Even though we know there is no big difference between MONUC and MINUOR, THE SAME SITUATION we suffered in 1996-1998 happens again in the eyes of the Word community.

A question remains raised for all of us Rwandan survivors:

Why those international organizations advocating for human rights have never tried to get contact with us, those who know and have suffered from the horrifying crimes perpetrated by Paul Kagame and his RPF/RDF?

It would be easier for these organizations to ask more informations about this big issue and much safer for the current refugees in the congo to have beem rescued at the right moment with everlasting solutions.

Because of a planed agenda, because of criminal intentions and actions of the Rwandan government, the joint forces including the MONUC are forcing out hundreds of thousands of refugees to their deaths. Many of women are raped and many other refugees are found dead with their hands and feet tied à la Kandoya to encourage the others to return to Rwanda according to the some individual reports.

The reports of harsh treatment, rapes, and assassinations inside and outside Rwanda, disappearances, illegal imprisonment, arbitrary executions and the increasing apartheid come in the context of a huge flow of refugees from Rwanda over the past three decades.

Most of them are forced back against their will while the number of Hutu and Tutsi refugees returning to Rwanda from the Eastern region of Congo continues to decline. In many cases refugee women and children are turned over to local and international human traffickers.

***

Recommendations:

***

1. The UN, the World community must end the war against peace and humanity and find other means (that, by the way, exist) of bringing back Peace, Security, Justice in the African Great lakes Region particularly in Rwanda.

2. The world community should ask the end of ethnic cleansing policy against Hutu ethnic members. They have been for years typed and the result is what you and the world are watching: war crimes and genocide.

3. The UNHCR must immediately start play it’s main role namely to declare the zone of conflict disastrous and protect refugees and Internal displaced people.

4. The MONUC AND OTHER involved parties in the KISANGANI PEACE accord must do whatsoever to find out what happened to the refugees that where in Kasiki and protect them.

5. To make sure those refugees are safe and enjoy their human rights, both Hutu and Tutsi refugees that were in Kasiki camp and many others that wanted to follow and, which were for years together should be helped to return or stay in the DRC according to the Geneva Convention.

6. To declare RPF one the most dangerous terrorist organization in the world.

7. To make sure the country they have fled for so many years and decades is SAFE, the world community, the European Union and the UN Security Council must help the Spanish government to have realized the arrest warrants against the most wanted criminals our planed has ever hosted namely Paul Kagame and 40 of his high ranking military officers and other being on the list of the RPF terrorist organization.

But the real solution lies on one hand in letting the Rwandans and the world know the Truth about what happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994, on the other hand in letting people peacefully live while they are in Congo and in Rwanda as well, allowing them to contribute to the communities in which they live and not forcing them to rely on inadequate state handouts or flee their country only because the happen to be born Hutu or Tutsi ethnic members.

Mr. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana

ARGR Executive Secretary and Spokesperson.

Utrecht, Netherlands

10 February, 2009

Monday, February 9, 2009

Press Release

by February 8th , 2009

RUD-Urunana Urunana rw'Abaharanira Ubumwe na Demokarasi Ralliement pour l'Unité et la DémocratieRally for Unity and DemocracyTel: 001-201-794-6542 / 001-506-461-3919 Email: urunana@optonline.net url: www.rud-urunana.org

Kasiki Resettlement Site: Empty of Rwandan Refugees

As stated in our Press Release No1/Feb/09 PP of 7 February 2009 inwhich we had indicated an imminent operation of certain elements of theFARDC and Rwandan Army (RDF) to forcibly repatriate members of theNational Congress for Democracy (NCD), a RUD / RPR coalition, resettledat the site of Kasiki (Lubero, North Kivu) since 31 July 2007.

This has been confirmed by local media including Radio Okapi thatreported early today that the site of Kasiki was empty of its occupants.Indeed, according to Radio Okapi, MONUC showed up on site with trucks torepatriate the refugees to Rwanda before finding out that the camp wasempty.

According to credible reports, the decision to close by all meansthe Kasiki resettlement site had been taken despite conciliatorystatements by certain authorities. Not knowing the destination of therefugees who were forced to leave their little belongings, it is now ourduty to ask the Congolese government and MONUC to tell the InternationalCommunity the fate of these people that included women and children whowere supposedly under their protection.

It is strangely unfortunate that when a delegation of refugees was backfrom making an exploratory visit to Rwanda in order to consider a returnon individual and voluntary basis in accordance with internationaltreaties, their forceful removal was decided in order to compel theRwandan refugees to return to their homeland.

We wish to remind theCongolese government and the International Community that, on the basisof the Kisangani Process, it was agreed that the Rwandan refugees whowould opt not to return to Rwanda would be relocated to places to bemutually agreed upon. It is also regrettable that during the six monthsthat these refugees came to pass in Kasiki, neither UNHCR nor the ICRCshowed little concern in their fate.

Our organization strongly condemns any attempt to forcefully repatriaterefugees since such an operation would only result in massive loss ofinnocent lives among both refugees and local populations. Indeed, thisuse of force is reminiscent of the manhunt that engulfed the region in1996-1997 in which several hundreds of thousands of Rwandan refugeeswere massacred in cold blood and with impunity by the Rwandan PatrioticArmy (RPA) and its allies not to mention the many victims among theCongolese population.

The perpetrators of these massacres which havebeen described as acts of genocide by the United Nations are well knownand occupy senior positions in the political and military regime in Kigali.Our organization is convinced that the lasting solution to the problemof Rwandan refugees is only through Dialogue.

It is for this reason thatthe NCD members invested themselves in good faith in the KisanganiProcess. Although this operation would have resulted in immediatepolitical gains for some, it will, however be difficult to reach apeaceful and lasting solution to the problem of refugees in the region.

Thus, as has been mentioned during the evaluation meeting which has justbeen held in Rome under the auspices of the Sant'Egidio Community andother international observers, our organization reiterates the requestmade to the United Nations Secretary General to appoint as soon aspossible a Special Envoy specifically mandated to find a lastingsolution to the problem of Rwandan refugees established in the DRC andthe region.

In addition, as agreed with the Congolese government inthose proceedings that, the persons who were at the Kasiki resettlementsite should be granted refugee status and that the Kasiki site and itssurroundings be declared a zone of peace and be considered as such.

Our organization remains ready to pursue any avenue that respects therights of Rwandan refugees wherever they are. It launches a solemnappeal to the Kigali regime to begin a Dialogue with its opposition tofind a lasting solution to Rwandan political problems that constitutethe main source of recurring instability in the region.

Dr. Augustin Dukuze

Spokesperson

************************************************************

Communiqué de presse

RUD-Urunana Urunana rw'Abaharanira Ubumwe na Demokarasi Ralliement pour l'Unité et la DémocratieRally for Unity and DemocracyTel: 001-201-794-6542 / 001-506-461-3919 Email: urunana@optonline.net url: www.rud-urunana.org-------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Regroupement de Kasiki: Vide de Refugies Rwandais

Comme il avait été indiqué dans notre communiqué PP No1/Feb/09 du 7Fevrier 2009, nous avions sonné l’alerte d’une imminente opération decertains éléments des FARDC et de l'Armée Rwandaise (RDF) en vue derapatrier de force les personnes du Congrès National pour la Démocratie(CND), coalition RUD/RPR, regroupées au site de Kasiki (Lubero,Nord-Kivu) depuis le 31 Juillet 2007.

Ceci vient d’être confirmé par les médias locaux dont Radio Okapi quivient de rapporter que le site de regroupement de Kasiki est vide de sesoccupants depuis ce matin. En effet, selon Radio Okapi, la Monuc seserait présentée au site avec des camions de transport pour rapatrierles occupants au Rwanda avant de constater que le camp était vide.

Selonles informations dignes de foi qui sont parvenues au CND, la décision defermer par tous les moyens le site de Kasiki avait été prise malgré lesdéclarations conciliantes de certaines autorités. Ne connaissant pas ladestination de ces réfugiés qui ont été obligés de tout abandonner surplace, il est maintenant de notre devoir de demander au gouvernementcongolais et à la Monuc de faire le compte à la CommunautéInternationale où sont passées ces personnes y compris des femmes et desenfants qui étaient supposés être sous leur protection.

Il est étrangement regrettable qu’au moment où une délégation desréfugiés venait d'effectuer une visite exploratoire au Rwanda en vued'envisager un rapatriement sur base individuelle et volontaireconformément aux traités internationaux en la matière, il aurait étédécidé de recourir à la force pour contraindre les refugiés rwandais deretourner au Rwanda.

Nous tenons à rappeler au gouvernement congolaiset à la Communauté Internationale que sur base du Processus deKisangani, il était prévu que les réfugiés rwandais qui n'opteraientpas pour le retour seraient relocaliser à des endroits à convenir decommun accord. Il est aussi regrettable que pendant les six mois que cesréfugiés venaient de passer à Kasiki, ni le HCR ni le CICR ne seseraient intéressé sur leur sort.

Notre organisation condamne avec force toute tentative de rapatriementforcé qui ne fera que se traduire en perte massive de vies humainesinnocentes tant du côté des réfugiés que des populations locales. Eneffet, cette utilisation de la force nous rappelle la chasse à l'hommequi s'était abattue sur la région en 1996-1997 dans laquelle plusieurscentaines de milliers de réfugiés rwandais ont été froidement etimpunément massacrés par l'Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR) et sesalliés sans oublier les multiples victimes au sein de la populationcongolaise.

Les auteurs de ces massacres qui ont été qualifiés d'actesde génocide par les Nations Unies sont bel et bien connus et occupentdes postes de haute responsabilité dans les sphères politiques etmilitaires du régime de Kigali.Notre organisation reste convaincue que la solution définitive auproblème des réfugiés rwandais passe par le Dialogue. C'est pour cetteraison que le CND s'était investi de bonne foi dans le Processus deKisangani.

Bien que cette opération se serait traduit par quelquesgains politiques immédiats pour certains, il va, cependant, rendredifficile toute solution pacifique et définitive au problème desréfugiés dans la région.

Ainsi, comme il a été fait mention lors des travaux d'évaluation quiviennent de se terminer à Rome sous les auspices de la CommunautéSant'Egidio et d'autres observateurs internationaux, notre organisationréitère la demande faite auprès du Secrétaire Général des Nations Uniesde nommer dans les meilleurs délais un Envoyé Spécial chargéspécifiquement de trouver une solution durable au problème des refugiésrwandais établis en RDC et dans la région.

En outre, comme convenu avecle gouvernement congolais lors ce cette réunion, que les personnesregroupés à Kasiki obtiennent le statut de réfugiés et que le site deKisiki et ses environs soit déclaré zone de paix et soit considéré commetel.

Notre organisation reste cependant disposée à poursuivre toute avenuequi respecte les droits des réfugiés rwandais où qu'ils soient. Ellelance un appel solennel au régime de Kigali d'entamer un Dialogue avecson opposition afin de trouver de manière durable une solutiondéfinitive au problème politique rwandais qui est la source principaled'instabilité récurrente dans toute le région.

Dr. Augustin Dukuze

Porte-Parole

8 Février 2009

PACTE DE DEFENSE DU PEUPLE

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ITANGAZO

Intambara yitiriwe guhiga « interahamwe » muri Repubulika iharanira demokarasi ya Kongo irakomeje. N’ubwo nta ntambara nziza ibaho, iyi nibura yagombye guhumura Abanyarwanda kimwe n’abavandimwe babo bo mu bihugu bikikije u Rwanda, maze bose bakamenya neza ikibazo bafite icyo ari icyo n’ishingiro ryacyo. By’umwihariko turasaba Abanyarwanda kuba maso bakagerageza kureba kure ari na ko barushaho gushyira mu gaciro.

Abahutu bo mu Rwanda, abo muri Kongo no mu karere k’ibiyaga bigari bagomba kumenya neza ko ikibazo cyabo atari abatutsi. Kimwe n’uko abatutsi bo mu Rwanda, abo muri Kongo no mu karere bagomba kwiyumvisha ko ikibazo cyabo atari abahutu.

Ikibazo cy’Abanyarwanda bose : abahutu, abatwa, abatutsi ndetse n’abavuka ku moko atandukanye ni ubutegetsi butindi bwa Kagame n’agatsiko ke. Ikibazo cyabo mu by’ukuri ni ubwo butegetsi bw’igitugu n’iterabwoba buramishwa amaraso y’abana b’abanyarwanda bagiye gushirira mu ntambara z’urudaca zishingiye ku nyungu z’abategetsi gito bakomeje gutegeka gicanshuro.

Muri 2002, twamaganye twivuye inyuma ibitero bikomeye bya Kagame n’ingabo ze byari byibasiye Commandant Masunzu n'abanyamulenge muri Minembwe.
Icyo gihe bamwe mu batutsi bari bagisinziriye baratwamaganye biratinda ngo dukomye rutenderi dore ko bari bakibwira ko Kagame n’agatsiko ke ari bo nkingi begamiye n’ingabo ibakingiye. Tuributsa kandi ukuntu icyo gihe bamwe mu biswe « interahamwe » batazuyaje gutabara Masunzu n’ingabo ze.

Abo batutsi kugeza ubu bari baranze kwemera ukuri twe twateye imboni kuva hambere, maze ejobundi Kagame abereka aho abera akaga ubwo yafataga Nkunda akamuhindura igitambo cy’intambara yo guhiga no guhashya abiswe «interahamwe» kandi ubundi icyo ari ikivi FPR yari yaramushinze hamwe n’umutwe yari ayoboye.
Icyakora ntitwabura gushima abatutsi b’abakongomani banze gusoma ku nzoga ishumitse maze mu nkambi zo mu Rwanda bamazemo imyaka itari mike bagatinyuka kwigaragambya bereka Kagame n’amahanga ko umutego mutindi ushibuka nyirawo akihibereye.

Abo bakongomani ni abo gushimwa rwose kandi akababaro n’agahinda bagaragaje babisangiye na benshi mu batutsi bo mu Rwanda babuze uko bagira bagahitamo gushinyiriza ndetse bamwe bagashinjagira bashira, kubera gutinya bwa butegetsi bushingiye kuri genocide yatikije imiryango yabo nyamara batayobewe uruhare ruremereye rwa Kagame n'abambari be muri ayo mahano.

Abahutu bo ntawukirirwa avuga. Ugize ngo arakopfora wese bati : « ceceka uri interahamwe ! ». Uhisemo kwigura bakamucyura « mu cyubahiro », bwacya gacaca ikamuboha, hanyuma agashorwa mu byiswe «imirimo nsimburagifungo» !

Maze rero Banyarwanda bavandimwe,

Nta guheranwa n’amarira n’agahinda. Dore igihe cy’impinduramatwara kirageze !
Kagame n’ingoma ye babaye nk’ikibuye kinini cyane kandi kiremereye cyateretswe hagati mu nzira kikabuza abagenzi gutambuka. Kugeza ubu abenshi ni abakigeragaho bagasubira inyuma mu gihe abandi bake bagerageza kukizunguruka bagica ku ruhande, ntikibure kubakerereza.

Aho bigeze, PDP yiyemeje guterura icyo kibuye ikakigiza hirya, maze inzira igakunda ikaba nyabagendwa. Inzira y’ubumwe n’amahoro. Inzira y’ukuri n’ubutabera.
Inzira y'ubwiyunge nyakuri. Inzira y’ubusabane mu bwisanzure.
Mbese muri make inzira ya Demokarasi.

PDP yihaye inshingano ikomeye yo guterura icyo kibuye ikakivana mu nzira. Ngaho nawe yitize umurindi uyikinga ingabo mu bitugu !

U Rwanda rurakarama !

Bikorewe i Kinihira, itariki ya 09 Gashyantare 2009.

Déogratias Mushayidi
Perezida wa PDP

COMMUNIQUE DE PRESSE N°02/SE/CD/FEVRIER/2009 DES FDLR

Les FDLR appellent tous les Rwandais à la solidarité avec les victimes de la campagne mensongère et de répression du FPR-Inkotanyi.

Les Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) condamnent les tracasseries, les tentatives d’intimidation, la campagne mensongère, la répression, les empoisonnements et les éliminations physiques dont sont victimes les Rwandaises et les Rwandais aussi bien de l’intérieur que de l’extérieur, qui ont refusé de courber l’échine devant le régime hégémonique et dictatorial de Kigali dans son œuvre d’élimination de tout opposant politique rwandais.

Les FDLR condamnent particulièrement l’arrestation récente du Professeur rwandais Dr Léopold Munyakazi par les autorités américaines sur la simple base des campagnes mensongères amorcées contre lui par des organisations de délateurs du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR-Inkotanyi) et demandent sa libération immédiate.

Les FDLR informent le public, spécialement tous les Rwandais de la diaspora aux USA, que le FPR a tissé à travers l’Europe, les USA et le Canada tout un réseau criminel destiné à déstabiliser ses opposants en les accusant injustement d’avoir trempé dans le génocide rwandais de 1994 ou d’avoir commis des crimes économiques au Rwanda.

Les FDLR conseillent au FPR et à tous les membres du réseau de délateurs qu’il a mis sur pied à travers le monde de mettre fin à leurs pratiques criminelles qui déstabilisent la vie et les familles des femmes et des hommes intègres et leur rappellent qu’un jour, ceux qui continueront cette sale besogne, rendront compte de leurs actes devant la justice.

Les FDLR demandent à tous les Rwandais partout où ils sont de ne pas tomber dans l’isolement mais d’être actifs politiquement, de parler publiquement du rôle prépondérant qu’a joué le FPR-Inkotanyi dans la tragédie rwandaise et d’être solidaires avec toutes les victimes de la campagne mensongère et criminelle que le régime du FPR-Inkotanyi mène contre ses opposants ainsi que leurs familles.

Les FDLR appellent encore une fois de plus tous les Rwandais partout où ils sont à l’abnégation, à la discipline et à l’unité dans la lutte pour faire éclater la vérité sur la tragédie rwandaise afin de mettre un arrêt définitif à la tragédie rwandaise et d’instaurer des institutions républicaines et démocratiques dans leur mère-patrie.
Fait à Paris, le 9 Février 2009

Callixte Mbarushimana

Secrétaire Exécutif des FDLR(Sé)

Saturday, February 7, 2009

DR Congo: Groups Fear for Civilian Safety

UN Humanitarian Envoy Should Insist on Civilian Protection as Top Priority in Military Operations

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N.D.L.R.:

It is most regrettable that the Groups position does not mention the suffering of Hutu refugees and the fact that These refugees should not be forced to return unless their safety is guaranteed.

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In 1996-1998, many of Hutu refugees were butchered in the same context by RPF criminals known as RPF army.

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(Goma) - A coalition of 100 humanitarian and human rights organizations today called on John Holmes, the UN under-secretary-general for humanitarian affairs, to insist that protecting civilians be a top priority of the joint Congolese and Rwandan military operation in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo.

Holmes is due to arrive in Goma, the North Kivu capital, on February 7, 2009.

In a public letter to Holmes, the Congo Advocacy Coalition expressed alarm that the joint military operation has to date contributed to the flight of thousands of people from their homes in anticipation of violence, adding to the 1.2 million already displaced in earlier waves of fighting. The coalition further raised concerns about reprisal killings and the use of civilians as human shields by the rebel Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), as well as reports of rape and looting by all sides.

"Congolese civilians are always targeted when there are military operations and their fears of being killed, raped, or looted are very real," said Juliette Prodhan of Oxfam. "The Congolese and Rwandan forces and UN peacekeepers should do all that they can to ensure that civilians are protected during the joint operations and are not once again the targets."

On January 20, 2009, the Congolese and Rwandan governments began a joint military operation against the FDLR, an armed group based in eastern Congo, some of whose leaders are wanted on charges of genocide. While there have only been a few skirmishes so far, there is widespread anticipation that the fighting could intensify and spread in the coming days and weeks.

The coalition warned against a repeat of the unimaginable brutality suffered by Congolese civilians in Haut-Uele territory in northeastern Congo following the launch of a joint Ugandan and Congolese military operation to disarm the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA), a Ugandan rebel group based in Congo. More than 700 people were massacred by the rebels in less than one month. Minimal protection measures had been put in place to protect those at risk and to halt the killings.

The UN peacekeeping mission in Congo, MONUC, has a strong mandate to protect civilians but has been left out of military planning in both joint operations, in the Kivus and Haut-Uele. It is also still awaiting 3,000 reinforcements authorized almost three months ago. In its letter, the Congo Advocacy Coalition urged Holmes to insist that the peacekeeping mission be given a central role in civilian protection and relief in planning all military operations and that the mission has the resources it needs, as mandated by the UN Security Council, in order to effectively protect civilians and ensure humanitarian access.

The coalition also called on Holmes to urge parties to resume the political process needed to address the underlying issues driving the Congo conflict, such as exploitation of mineral wealth, lack of justice, and representation of minorities.
"All of the armed groups need to disarm," said Kubuya Muhangi, the president of CRONGD-North Kivu. "People in eastern Congo desperately want to go back to their homes and to be able to stay there without fear of having to run again."

The Congo Advocacy Coalition, made up of local and international nongovernmental organizations, was established in July 2008 to advocate for greater protection of civilians and respect for human rights in eastern Congo.

Members of the coalition's steering committee include: ActionAid, ENOUGH Project, Human Rights Watch, Mercy Corps, Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), Oxfam, Conseil Régional des Organisations Non Gouvernementales de Développement (CRONGD) - North Kivu, Promotion et Appui aux Initiatives Féminines (PAIF) - North Kivu, Institut Congolaise pour la Justice et la Paix (ICJP) - South Kivu, and Association des Femmes Juristes du Congo (AFEJUCO) - South Kivu.

Other Signatories:

International NGOs:

Action Against Hunger/ Action Contre la Faim (ACF) - USA, American Bar Association (ABA) Rule of Law Initiative in DRC, Beati i costruttori di pace/ Blessed are the Peacemakers , CAFOD, CARE International, Centre Lokole/ Search for Common Ground, Global Witness, International Emergency and Development Aid (IEDA) Relief, Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS) Great Lakes, Refugees International, Tearfund, Trocaire, War Child Holland Congolese NGOs:

ACAEFAD, Action by Christians Against Torture (ACAT)/Sud Kivu, ACPS, Action des Chrétiens Activistes des Droits de l'Homme a Shabunda (ACADHOSHA), ADECOF/Sud Kivu, AFCD, AFCDI, AFECEF, AJERF, Africa Justice Peace and Development (AJPD), ALCM, AMALDEFEA, AMI-KIVU, ANAMEDAPED, APIBA, APRODEPED, ASADHO (Association africaine de défense des droits de l'homme) - Sud Kivu, ASALAK, Action Sociale pour la Paix et le Développement (ASPD), Association pour le Développement des Initiatives Paysannes (ASSODIP), AYINET/DRC, BDENA, Blessed Aid, CADRE, Collectif des Associations des Femmes Pour le Développement (CAFED), Campagne Pour la Paix (CPP), CCJT, CEDAC, CELPA/SK, Centre d'Appui pour le Développement Rural Communautaire (CADERCO), Centre de Recherche sur l'Environnement, la Démocratie et les Droits de l'Homme (CREDDHO), Centre de promotion socio-sanitaire (CEPROSSAN), Centre d'Etudes et de Recherche en Education de Base pour le Développement Integré (CEREBA), Coalition RDC pour la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI), Collectif des Organisations des Jeunes Solidaires du Congo (COJESKI)/Sud Kivu, Collectif des Organisations des Jeunes Solidaires du Congo (COJESKI)/ Nord Kivu, COPARE, CUBAKA, DYJESKI, EFD, Encadrement des femmes indigènes et des ménages vulnérables (EFIM), Entraide des Femmes pour les Déshérités (EFD) - Uvira Sud -Kivu, Foyer Social de Mogo (FSM/Kabare), GAIDER, GAMAC, GRAM-Kivu, Group d'Etudes et d'Actions Pour un Développement Bien Défini (GEAD) /Nord-Kivu, Groupe de Voix de Sans Voix (GVSV), Groupe Féminine, HEAL Africa, Héritiers de la Justice, Humanitas, IGE/CCD, La Synergie des femmes pour les victimes des violences sexuelles (SFVS), Mamans Umoja, Martin Luther King Non-Violence Group, OCET, PAL, PAMI, Perspectives "Monde Juste", PIDP-Kivu, PRENAO, PRODES, Promotion de la Démocratie et Protection des Droits Humains (PDH), RADHOSKI-Sud Kivu, Réseau Provincial des ONG de Droits de l'Homme (REPRODHOC)/Nord-Kivu, RFDP, SAMS, SARCAF, SILDE, SJPR/EST, Solidarité pour la Promotion Sociale et la Paix (SOPROP), SYNECAT, UCODE, UPADERI, VOVOLIB (Voix de Sans Voix ni Libertés)

Et si on parlait de Kouchner

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Il s’agit d’un court billet d’humeur, sans aucune prétention, parce que je trouve le silence sur l’affaire Kouchner assourdissant.
A-t-on vraiment tout raconté sur Kouchner et surtout est-ce que cela a vraiment de l’importance ?

***

Kouchner en soi n’est pas important. La raison du livre de Péan n’est pas de déboulonner l’idole, mais de remettre le Rwanda à l’ordre du jour ; et en cela il a raison. Il s’agit en France d’un sujet quasi tabou, qui a été dans une large mesure instrumentalisé à des fins politiques, pour condamner la politique étrangère de la France en Afrique.

C’est une façon comme une autre d’étouffer la polémique. A l’étranger on est moins timide, h

eureusement, et Péan est en bonne compagnie, sans compter ces deux universitaires américains qui ont consacré 10 années de leur vie académique à cartographier les massacres rwandais en

codifiant toutes les informations existantes détenues par le gouvernement rwandais, les ONG, le TPIR etc.

et qui étaient corroborées, afin de les placer dans une perspective temporo-spatiale, et essayer de comprendre ce qui c’était passé.

Un travail scientifique rigoureux, qui continue, et dont les conclusions remettent en question la version officielle de l’histoire, qui leur ont valu d’être traités, comme à chaque fois que c’est le cas, de négationnistes ou de révisionnistes, bien qu’une de leurs conclusions était bien qu’il y avait eu un génocide des tutsis. Ils ont depuis lors refusé tout contact avec la presse. Mais vous pouvez consulter leur site internet qui est uniquement en anglais.

Kouchner n’est important que dans la mesure où il symbolise tous les petits et grands compromis auxquels doivent se livrer nos politiciens dans leurs efforts diplomatiques et toutes les couleuvres qu’ils doivent avaler.

Il est évident que la France doit reprendre des relations diplomatiques avec le Rwanda, mais cela ne veut pas dire qu’il faut exonérer Kagamé de ses responsabilité s. 15 ans après ce que ces deux universitaires américains décrivent comme un génocide et un politicide au cours desquels autant de hutus que de tutsis auraient trouvé la mort (ce sont leurs conclusions) , il faut se rendre à l’évidence.

Si l’on ne sait pas combien de tutsis sont morts dans ces massacres, et combien ont survécu (le gouvernement rwandais compte 150.000 survivants et l’association de survivants IBUKA 300.000), personne n’a jamais comptabilisé le nombre des victimes du côté Hutu.

On pourrait dire que ces victimes ont basculé soudainement dans le camp des coupables, mais ce serait trompeur. Cela a été le résultat d’une longue campagne concertée pour discréditer une ethnie au profit d’une autre qui représentait un interlocuteur plus acceptable.

Je refuse de noircir les uns ou les autres parce que la vie est bien plus compliquée que cela. Alors qu’il est entendu que les massacres et le génocide sont principalement le fait d’extrémistes Hutus, le RPF a aussi commis des exactions et des massacres sur une large échelle qui ont été excusés par des gens comme Kouchner.

Il s’agit peut-être là de la plus grande désillusion, car aucune victime n’est plus méritante qu’une autre ; dans la même logique, aucun assassin ne devrait se soustraire aux foudres de la loi, et encore moins être encensé par des politiciens frappés d’amnésie collective.

Une des conclusions de ces deux universitaires, spécialistes des dynamiques qui sont la force d’impulsion des conflits et des génocides, est que les conditions dans lesquelles il a été possible pour un génocide et un politicide de se produire en 1994 sont inchangées aujourd’hui au Rwanda.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Friday, February 6, 2009

The war on Rwandan refugees in U.S. and U.K. and THE BIG BUSINESS OF GENOCIDE

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HUNTING AND KILLING HUTU Refugees

Author's website www.allthingspass.com

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To whip up the outrage of BBC news consumers, the final insult to truth and freedom—and to the honest, hard-working British consumer who looks to the BBC for impartial reporting—comes when Fergal Keane “exposes” the fact that “much of that money comes from the British taxpayer

***

An investigation has uncovered an asylum system scandal where bogus Rwandan “refugees” infiltrate the U.S. and U.K. and work as undercover agents to hunt down critics of the Rwandan dictatorship and legitimate refugees and drag them back to Rwanda.

This is yet the latest revelation on how the dictatorship in Rwanda manufactures and exports terrorism using an ideology of genocide and how the West supports terrorism by backing its Rwanda proxy. Meanwhile, business in Rwanda is booming and the criminal networks of the Kagame military machine continue to plunder the blood-drenched Congo. In October 1990, the Ugandan army and the Rwandan Patriotic Front/Army (RPF/A) led by Major General Paul Kagame invaded Rwanda.1 This action set in motion a course of history that determined the fate of millions of innocent people in Central Africa.

By July 1994, the RPF completed its coup d’etat and consolidated its power in Rwanda. The government of Paul Kagame has since then maintained political power and manipulated public sympathy by promoting a highly politicized ideology of genocide.2
After more than 14 years of systematic disinformation about Rwanda there exists a collective ignorance about what really happened in Rwanda and who is responsible. The so-called “Rwanda Genocide” is one of the most widely misunderstood events in contemporary history, and not because the evidence is lacking or because the truth is obscured by butchery.

According to the official story, extremist Hutus in the government and military committed an orchestrated and pre-planned genocide against the Tutsi minority from April 6 to about July 16, 1994. In this mythology, some 800,000 to 1.2 million Tutsi were butchered with hoes, axes, and machetes, over the now infamous “100 days of genocide.”

Anyone who challenges the official story is branded a ‘genocide negationist’ or ‘genocide revisionist’ by the Kagame regime, and they are castigated as ‘killers of remembrance.’3
“Within Rwanda, legislation prevents anyone from questioning the official historical record. Although the constitution already forbids denial of the 1994 killings, the Rwandan government has stepped up moves to combat ‘genocide ideology’. […] A new law is in the making, aimed at criminalizing all ideas that might provoke ethnic division. Under the law, children below the age of 12 will be sent to a rehabilitation centre for a year if found guilty.”

4 The real story seems to be that the RPF were the killers to a far greater extent, the majority of the victims were Hutus, and the numbers of dead during those 100 days were far less. The final insult to truth comes in the upside-down assertion that the RPF “stopped the genocide by winning the war.” Also, the RPF typically killed everyone in its path: Major General Paul Kagame did not trust any Tutsis who stayed in Rwanda after pogroms that created the Tutsi exile community prior to the Habyarimana government (1973-1994) and Tutsis were also targeted by the RPF.

Even those experts on “genocide in Rwanda” who do not contest the official story will attest to the myriad complexities that surround accusations and counter accusations about victims and perpetrators in post-1994 Rwanda.5 Under the new power structure there were strong motivations to accuse the stigmatized Hutus of crimes that were never committed.
On April 6, 1994, the governments of Rwanda and Burundi were decapitated when the plane carrying the two presidents and top military staff was shot down over Kigali, Rwanda’s capital. The well-planned assassinations of Juvenal Habyarimana and Cyprien Ntaryamira sparked a massive escalation of warfare that is falsely portrayed as the result of meaningless tribal savagery.

On February 6, 2008, a Spanish court delivered international arrest warrants against forty of the top military officials in the Rwandan regime. President Paul Kagame was investigated but not indicted but only because heads of state have immunity. The arrest warrants charge the RPF officials with war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo between 1990 and 2002

.6 The Spanish indictments join the November 17, 2006 indictments issued by French anti-terrorist judge Jean-Louis Bruguière, who concluded that the RPF, under the direct orders of Paul Kagame, carried out the surface-to air-missile attacks on the airplane carrying the two presidents.

7 Now, an investigation has uncovered a scandal where fake Rwandan asylum seekers infiltrate the United States (U.S.) and United Kingdom (U.K.) and work undercover to hunt down critics and survivors of the Rwandan dictatorship and bring them back to Rwanda. This scandal revolves around networks of informers and agents and it encapsulates all the machinations of the growing industry around “genocide in Rwanda”.

Prejudged by Western human rights organizations, journalists, and mass media, the Rwanda government’s critics and survivors forced to flee for their lives are falsely accused and publicly branded as genocide perpetrators. Shunned as humanity’s lowest criminals, arrested and imprisoned without trial for months or years, legitimate refugees are framed, extradited and neutralized by a government whose top officials have international arrest warrants against them.

Journalists, human rights defenders, businessmen, and ordinary citizens both inside and outside Rwanda are persecuted and neutralized if they deviate from the falsified “victim” and “survivor” ideology used as a political weapon by the military dictatorship of Paul Kagame and his vast network of propagandists, state agents, and foreign backers.

Innocent Rwandan asylum seekers live under perpetual fear of being hunted down, branded as genocide perpetrators, ostracized, and persecuted by the Kagame regime.8 As examples to follow will show, host governments generally capitulate without investigation or resistance and support the Kagame regime’s requests for arrest and extradition.

Using international legal instruments and institutions, like the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR), Western governments—the U.S., Belgium, Canada and Britain in particular—actively assist the Kagame regime in hunting refugees and critics, because all four governments backed the Rwanda Patriotic Front’s guerrilla war, 1990-1994, and the years of terrorism that have followed, 1994-2008.

REFUGEES FRAMED BY THE BBC

Early one morning in the fall of 2006, a Rwandan national who gained U.K. citizenship after a six year asylum process was confronted on the street as he exited the offices of the London-based charity where he worked.

Waiting for Dr. Vincent Bajinya outside on Pott Street in the brisk early morning London air was Fergal Keane, a prominent British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) journalist known for his extensive reportage in Rwanda during the 1994 cataclysm; Keane has maintained a permanent focus on “the Rwanda genocide” since then and has won many awards for his Rwanda reportage.
Without any appointment or prior warning, Fergal Keane shoved a television camera in Dr. Bajinya’s face and began interrogating him about his alleged role as a “Mastermind” of the Rwandan Genocide.9

The “Mastermind” accusation has been leveled against refugees in Canada, Belgium and the U.S. as well.10
“An investigation by BBC News has revealed that a man—wanted for genocide in Rwanda—is living and working in Britain,” began Fergal Keane’s BBC report of November 6, 2006. “Vincent Bajinya has been working as a doctor and has served on a refugee task force for the government.” 11
“He’s not a voluntary worker,” Keane continues in a short commentary with racist insinuations, as if former refugees who have been granted British citizenship do not deserve to earn an honest wage. “He’s actually paid to the job.”
To whip up the outrage of BBC news consumers, the final insult to truth and freedom—and to the honest, hard-working British consumer who looks to the BBC for impartial reporting—comes when Fergal Keane “exposes” the fact that “much of that money comes from the British taxpayer.” 12

Following the BBC reports by Fergal Keane, Dr. Vincent Bajinya was arrested in December 2006 and has spent fifteen months in detention. Dr. Bajinya’s rights were doubly trampled upon by a government that had already granted him citizenship.

Dr. Vincent Bajinya is considered a “Category One Offender” by Rwandan prosecutors. However, the “Category One Offender” status seems to be reserved for the most educated and astute critics of the Kagame regime; in other words, the intellectuals.

“He is just an intellectual Hutu who managed to have a British citizenship and a good employment,” says Rosalie Brown, Vincent Bajinya’s wife of 19 years. “Every person who is not RPF or who does not share the same opinion with the RPF is the enemy. They did not have to do anything wrong. No way. He has the right to be RPF or not. This detention has been like torture for him, an innocent man. My children and I, we suffer a lot for no good reason.

The U.K. government should not have arrested [my husband] before it completed an investigation, but it arrested him just because the Rwanda government said to.”13
The U.S. and U.K. are both signatory to the 1951 United Nations High Commission for Refugees Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees.14 Under this convention a refugee is assured the same rights to due process and legal protections as any citizen, and the host government has a legal obligation to protect refugee’s rights. Certainly, the 1951 Convention forbids anyone from hunting and persecuting any asylum seeker in collaboration with the government that the refugees are fleeing.

Within days of Fergal Keane’s first report, the entire Western media was abuzz with stories about Dr. Vincent Bajinya. The articles combined the story of Dr. Vincent Bajinya with the story of three other Rwandan refugees “hiding” in the U.K., and the media framed all four refugees as “Most Wanted” criminals and the “Masterminds” of the Rwanda genocide of 1994.
“Rwanda is seeking extradition of four suspected masterminds of the country's 1994 genocide,” Reuters reported on November 7, 2006, “including a medical doctor, who are living and working in Britain, the Justice Minister told Reuters on Tuesday.”15

“All these fugitives are living a comfortable life in the United Kingdom but are surely key planners of the 1994 genocide,” Reuters quoted Tharcisse Karugarama, Rwanda’s Justice Minister. “The dilemma we have is that most of these fugitives have changed their identities, which makes it difficult for us to track them.”16

“For the fear of being tracked down and wrongly judged in Rwanda or Arusha [ICTR] one of the three mayors had changed his name and applied for asylum as a former teacher, the other one applied for asylum as a Burundian citizen,” says Patrick Mahoro, a Rwandan Hutu and former U.K. asylum seeker who now has citizenship and lives in Coventry, England.17 “This was not because what they might have done but because of the fear of being arrested and accused of genocide as it has happened to many others. This was their explanation in the court hearing last year [2007].”18

“Dr. Bajinya has never hidden himself,” Mahoro continues. “He became a concern to Kigali when he became a member of a task force advising the U.K. government on re-qualification of refugee health professionals. Privately he is known to have strong views about the RPF, and by becoming a member of that particular task force it was thought he might get close to U.K. officials who do not know the truth about the RPF. He also comes from the same village as [former President Juvenal] Habyarimana.”19

According to Rosalie Brown, she and Dr. Vincent Bajinya began fleeing the violence in Rwanda on April 8, 1994. They fled their home in the Rugenge District of Kigali for Gisenyi, where they stayed with extended family until they were forced to flee in July 1994 for fear of persecution by the Kagame regime. Like so many others they flew from the cauldron into the fire: Zaire.

20 For two years they lived in the Mugunga refugee camp near Goma, Zaire, and they fled in August 1996, just before the Hutu refugee camps were attacked in contravention of international law.
21 The RPF, the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) and the Alliance of Democratic Forces for Congo-Zaire (AFDL-CZ) invaded Zaire in September of 1996 and began massacring Hutu refugees by the tens of thousands. The invasion was backed by the Pentagon through bases in Uganda and Rwanda and U.S. administrators downplayed the killing of Hutu refugees.

22 The International Rescue Committee (IRC) reportedly set up at bases nearby and shelled the refugee camps.23 The genocidal campaign against Hutus swung into high gear as the RPF and UPDF—backed by the Pentagon—chased hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees from Goma to Kinshasa—into Zaire’s forests and swamps where they hunted them down and killed them and destroyed the evidence.24

In August 1996, Dr. Vincent Bajinya and his wife Rosalie fled with their two children to Kenya where Dr. Bajinya was employed at the Jomo Kenyatta Hospital; Rosalie Brown went on to London with their two kids (1998) until Dr. Bajinya was able to join them (2000).
Meanwhile, unreported by Fergal Keane and the BBC, are the numerous “refugee” and “asylum” cases of Rwandan nationals who have infiltrated the U.K. and U.S. by working the very same asylum system and benefiting from hundreds of thousands of pounds (and dollars) of taxpayer subsidies.

Amongst the many asylum seekers who arrived in London and claimed to be fleeing the repression in Rwanda are Tony Kavutse, Ignatius Mugabo, Linda Bihire, Vivenie Mugunga and Moses Kaganda, all of whom used the asylum process to eventually gain citizenship in the U.K. Most of these are former RPF soldiers, RDF soldiers or military intelligence agents who today continue to work for the Kagame regime.

Tony Kavutse, Moses Kaganda and Vivenie Mugunga are all currently employed at the embassies of the government they claimed to be fleeing: Rwanda. Each used the asylum process to get free housing, medical assistance, psychological counseling, and higher education at elite colleges in England.

And there are other “asylum seekers” claiming persecution by the Rwanda Government whose insider roles as intelligence agents and secretive businessmen make a horrible joke out of the U.K. asylum system.

THE GENOCIDAIRE BRAND

In October of 2006, Dr. Vincent Bajinya was working for Praxis, a U.K. non-government organization (NGO) that assists refugees in transition, and for Refugee Nurses Task Force, a 24-member task-force set up by the U.K. government to link refugee nurses with U.K. employers.
“Fergal Keane was waiting for Dr. Bajinya in front of the entrance door of his work,” says Rosalie Brown. “He was just in the street very early in the morning without any contact or warning if I can say! Shock and surprise you know? My husband had never meet Fergal Keane before and now he [Keane] was accusing him of genocide in Rwanda!” 25

It was not Fergal Keane’s first visit to the Praxis offices, however, and within a week of the auspicious early morning encounter the BBC aired a major story convicting Dr. Vincent Bajinya a priori of genocide and setting the stage for his public ostracism and imminent arrest by U.K. officials.

The BBC documentary reveals that Fergal Keane (or someone whose voice sounds identical) previously visited Dr. Bajinya’s offices at Praxis and covertly filmed him using a hidden camera. Keane begins the four-minute BBC docudrama “undercover” and he confides in viewers that the initial filming was done in “secret”—the admission of secrecy sensationalizes the report and frames the story so that it will appear that Dr. Vincent Bajinya is a “wanted” criminal on the run. The rising chorus of media reports soon declared that Dr. Bajinya changed his name to avoid being detected as a “genocidaire” hiding in London.26

“I was with [my husband] in the war,” says Rosalie Brown, “everywhere, all the time, he did not do anything. We fled like everyone else, suffered like every Rwandan, we lost many lovers, family members and friends. We went through the asylum process once we got to the U.K. and on our Rwandan names. This Fergal Keane story is all made up.” 27

According to numerous sources, Dr. Vincent Bajinya was completely open about his refugee status during the entire process of gaining U.K. citizenship and changed his name after citizenship was granted and for practicality purposes relating to the dictates of work, and marriage, and living in the U.K.

“Why does the Rwanda government suddenly want my husband now in 2007 [sic] after 13 years of war in Rwanda?” says Rosalie Brown. “We all had different names and for our children’s future as they grow up in this country [U.K.] why can we not all have the same name Brown once the law in this country gives us the full rights to do so?” 28

“Excuse me sir, do you work here?” the voice behind the hidden camera asks Dr. Vincent Bajinya as the short clip opens. Fergal Keane misrepresents the BBC from the start, a telling indication of the misrepresentations to come. He knows that Dr. Bajinya works at the Praxis clinic and he is not interested in the clinic. “Do you know…is the clinic open today? There’s a clinic here…a couple days a week?”29

Fergal Keane discredits his reportage further as the film unfolds because he frames the reportage in such a way that Dr. Vincent Bajinya is accused, tried, and convicted in a four minute documentary. But the BBC reports about Dr. Vincent Bajinya are full of inconsistencies and the various reports raise important questions that should be put to Fergal Keane and his producer, Andrew Head.

Using the low-quality images of Dr. Bajinya snatched in secret during the initial visit, Keane traveled to Rwanda to find witnesses who would testify that Dr. Vincent Bajinya was indeed a genocide perpetrator. In Dr. Bajinya’s home village, so we are told, Keane finds his witness.
“Far from London we’ve uncovered evidence tying Dr. Bajinya to horrific crimes,” Fergal Keane announces. The video begins its Rwanda segment showing dark skies over the land of a thousand hills, but quickly jumps to gruesome images of bodies lying along the road.30 These are the images of gruesome death from 1994 that are recycled over and over in a pornography of African violence that is used to foster the ignorance that has infected the collective consciousness.

“And today in this neighborhood where Dr. Bajinya lived, survivors recall a fanatic who searched for Tutsis at roadblocks,” Fergal Keane continues. “They claim Tutsi civilians, even a three-month old baby, were amongst those killed by militia men he directed.”
Like the fake asylum seekers used by Fergal Keane as sources to frame Dr. Bajinya and pressure Praxis, whom we will soon meet, it seems that his chosen “genocide survivors” also have a lot in common with RPF intelligence agents.

PLANTED SPIES AND AGENTS

In the BBC documentary of November 6, 2006, titled “Rwanda Genocide Suspect in UK,” we are introduced to a Rwandan man Keane calls only “Dieudonne”—a “genocide survivor” whom we are told lives in Dr. Bajinya’s former community. The BBC video flashes the man’s name, but the tiny banner is blurry and unreadable.

“Dieudonne is one of several eyewitnesses who told us Bajinya instructed the militia to kill,” says Fergal Keane. “From our photographs Dieudonne identified Dr. Bajinya as the man he saw giving orders for murder.”

The “eyewitness” Dieudonne tells the story of Dr. Bajinya’s supposed crimes in the Kinyarwanda language, while Fergal Keane translates for English viewers. “Bajinya told them, ‘Look, this is not how you kill a man, you're just playing with him. He might survive if you just leave him the way he is.’ So they killed him off. It is an image of Bajinya that stays in my mind.”

However, in the BBC press release of the following day, titled “British Charity Employs Doctor Accused of Crimes Against Humanity,” the article cites a man named Janvier Mabuye to say exactly the same thing that Fergal Keane claims the eyewitness Dieudonne is saying in the film.
“Janvier Mabuye says he heard Dr Bajinya ordering the killers to finish off a taxi driver who had already been attacked with machetes. Janvier says: ‘Bajinya told them look this is not how you kill a person, you’re just playing with him. He might survive if you just leave him the way he is. At that point he called a young man and another neighbor and they came and killed him off. That is one of the images that always lasts each time I remember the genocide. It’s one of the images of Bajinya that remains in my mind.’” 31

The BBC has produced two reports where two different eyewitnesses have made exactly the same accusations, word-for-word, verbatim, against Dr. Vincent Bajinya.

More importantly, the eyewitness Janvier Mabuye, who the BBC uses for their print stories and longer video documentary about Dr. Vincent Bajinya, is identified by Rwandan refugees as an RPF intelligence agent who has worked in the Rwandan Embassies in Uganda, Nairobi and Brussels.

On March 29, 2002 Janvier Mabuye was nominated 2nd Secretary at the Rwandan Embassy in Kampala, Uganda; later in 2002 he worked as 1rst Secretary at the Rwandan Embassy in Nairobi, Kenya.32 In October 2003, Janvier Mabuye was based in Brussels as 2nd Secretary and Cultural Attaché, a post he held until at least 2005.33

In December 2004, Mabuye issued a communiqué from the Rwanda Embassy in Brussels to the Rwandan community informing them how, with the support of the Rwandan Embassy in Brussels, they can acquire investment properties in Rwanda.34

Fergal Keane and the BBC have outdone themselves by producing exactly the same accusations by two independent witnesses and by producing a “genocide survivor” who is actually a Rwandan intelligence agent.35

“Janvier Mabuye is not from Dr. Bajinya’s neighborhood and he is not a genocide survivor,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “Like many other young Tutsis he left Rwanda after the October 1990 invasion to join the RPF in Uganda.”

From the BBC video we see that Dr. Bajinya is not an expert English speaker. Keane’s method of confrontation forces the entire life and history of another human being—who has lived a reality few of us can fathom—into Keane’s framework of assumptions and biases about what happened in Rwanda and who is responsible and it leaves no room for Dr. Vincent Bajinya or his unique identity to exist.

Who is the more credible witness to events in Rwanda? Dr. Vincent Bajinya, a Rwandan who grew up in Rwanda, a man who knew the place and the people, and who finally fled with his family in 1996 after years of terror? Or Fergal Keane, a white reporter from England who arrived in Rwanda for the first time in May 1994 and worked with the assistance of the Rwandan Patriotic Front and their intelligence and information warfare departments?

Keane closes his attack with a ten-second media sound bite about genocide that entirely destroys the context of Dr. Vincent Bajinya’s worldview and the history of trauma and devastation he has both witnessed and survived. Dr. Bajinya responds to the arrogance of Fergal Keane with terse summary statements in poor English, and does this standing up for his rights as a British citizen and a human being.

“The doctor says both sides were massacred in Rwanda and refuses to accept Tutsis were victims of genocide,” Keane states as he approaches Dr. Vincent Bajinya on Pott street.36
“You believe there was no genocide of Tutsis in Rwanda?” Keane asks Dr. Vincent Bajinya. In Keane’s tone and manner there is the self-righteous assumption of a higher moral purpose.37
“I believe that, yes,” says Dr. Vincent Bajinya.38

“Because the international community believes there was a genocide.” Keane is now speaking for the nebulous “international community,” obviously pleased with himself for having elicited the response that can be used to figuratively hang Dr. Vincent Bajinya as a genocide negationist.
“Yeah, it’s my belief,” Dr. Bajinya says. Not interested in Fergal Keane’s crusade. “The international community can believe other things. It is my right to believe in what I believe.”

39 THE BOGUS ASYLUM OF TONY KAVUTSE

According to legitimate Rwandan refugees in the U.K. the man primarily responsible for orchestrating the branding, arrest, detention and persecution of Dr. Vincent Bajinya is a fake Rwandan asylum seeker who claimed to have fled Rwanda under fear of persecution. The man who tracked down Dr. Vincent Bajinya today works at the Rwandan Embassy in London under the name Tony Kavutse. He was assisted by several other fake asylum seekers also working as Rwandan agents or agents-provocateurs in London.

Legitimate Rwandan refugees in London report that Tony Kavutse is a long-time RPF and RDF soldier and intelligence agent. Kavutse was reportedly born in Uganda. Rwandan refugees in London claim that the Rwandan Embassy staff is 100% Ugandan citizens. Some of them reportedly fought with President-for-Life Yoweri Museveni, an ethnic Hima (a tribe related to the Tutsis), and the National Resistance Army (NRA) during the Ugandan guerrilla wars in the 1980’s and later joined the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF). Many Ugandan citizens hold powerful positions in the Rwanda Government today because they joined the RPA/NRA war machine in its conquest of Rwanda. “The conquering RPF were mainly the English-speaking Ugandans.”

40 Legitimate asylum seekers claim that Tony Kavutse continues to work as an RPF intelligence agent for the Rwanda government and that he tracks down any critics or legitimate victims of terrorism that have fled Rwanda.

41 Documents obtained by this correspondent show that Tony Kavutse filed for formal protection status under U.K. law and obtained significant resources through the assistance of numerous U.K. charities and quasi-government or government agencies.
In a document dated July 13, 2002, the U.K. Home Office, Immigration and Nationality Directorate, refused asylum status for Tony Kavutse, but, “because of the particular circumstances of [his] case”, granted him informal asylum status in the category “Exceptional Leave to Remain.”

42 According to the Kavutse documents, officials were convinced Kavutse would be in danger if the U.K. returned him to Rwanda.
Kavutse gained assistance through the Medical Foundation in London, an NGO that works with asylum-seeking victims of torture. Medical Foundation trustees include John Le Carre, the accomplished novelist who has taken a serious interest in the events in central Africa.

43 The Medical Foundation peddles the standard story about genocide in Rwanda, but also appears to address, at least to some extent, the terrorism of the post-1994 Kagame regime.
Documents dated July 29, 2002, confirm that Kavutse was a “priority need” client of the Medical Foundation “receiving ongoing treatment” for his claims of torture. Kavutse arrived in January 2002 and medical treatment began then. Documents also establish that Kavutse received financial and insurance benefits from the state.

44 The Medical Foundation’s Dr. Hamra Yucel apparently assessed Kavutse’s status based on his testimony. “Mr. Kavutse has been subjected to torture,” she opined, “including severe beatings, and, most importantly, witnessed his father being shot in December 2001.”

45 According to Rwandan sources in London who know of the particulars of the case, Tony Kavutse’s claims of being tortured by the current government are fabricated (there was no apparent physical evidence of torture). While Dr. Hamra Yucel’s clinical assessments fit the classic psychological profile of a torture survivor, Rwandan sources claim that RPF-allied asylum seekers are coached on how expertly to work the system and gain asylum status by feigning all the proper symptoms of torture.

When asked how it is possible that an asylum seeker claiming to have been tortured by the Rwandan Government could then end up in their diplomatic corps, Michelle Alexander from the Medical Foundation responded that, “the Medical Foundation is not at liberty to disclose details of any individual’s case and cannot confirm whether the person you refer to is a client of the Medical Foundation.”

46 Tony Kavutse received lodging assistance through the support of the community council of the London Borough of Waltham Forrest.47 In August 2004, Kavutse received full state educational support and attended the University of London’s elite Birbeck School of Management and Organizational Psychology.48 All of Kavutse’s accommodations and tuition for approximately five years were paid for in full by a combination of these non-governmental supporting agencies and the U.K. Government.

Today Tony Kavutse lives in London and is working as a secretary on the diplomatic staff at the Rwandan Embassy.49 Kavutse did not respond to questions.
Tony Kavutse is also a relative of another top RPF cadre: his mother is the sister of Dr. Zac Nsenga, an RPF agent who became the Rwandan Ambassador to the United States.
Zac Nsenga’s wife has been living in the U.K., where she reportedly gained refugee status under false asylum claims under an alias.

50 Rwandan refugees in London claim that she travels regularly to Rwanda and Uganda. However, in late March or early April 2008, Madamu Nsenga traveled to Rwanda for a visit and Zac Nsenga reportedly took her refugee asylum documents from her due to a quarrel. Now Madamu Nsenga is caught in the limbo of not being able to return to the U.K., lacking her U.K.-Rwanda asylum papers, and she is trying to go to Uganda to solve the problem, since she is officially not allowed to go to Rwanda—the country she was seeking refuge from.

51 “Dr. Zac Nsenga was the Rwandan ambassador in Washington,” says Professor Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, former director of the Rwandan Information Office (ORINFOR). “Before the victory of the RPF, he was in charge of hygiene at a camp set up by the RPF in Gabiro, Rwanda, where the corpses of Hutus killed by the RPF were burnt. Nsenga was in charge of that camp. In other words, he oversaw the suppression of evidence regarding the massacres committed by the RPF. In RPF circles the camp is known as the CDR camp.

The CDR was the Coalition for the Defense of the Republic, a political party regarded by the RPF and its supporters as the party of Hutu extremists. So RPF soldiers referred to the camp as CDR camp because all the Hutus who were taken to that camp for execution or the bodies of the Hutus taken to that camp for burning were globally considered as Hutu extremists who espoused the CDR worldview. ”

52 “The three primitive one-story barrack blocks, one with its roof being repaired, are basic shelters for the [RPF] men at the Gabiro army camp,” wrote British journalist Nick Gordon. “It all looks devastatingly innocent: a complex that may be an affront to the classic rolling African skyline, but no more than that. There are no tell-tale chimneys, no railway lines leading into the restricted area. Indeed, as I munch my bread and wait for the photographer to snatch his picture, it is hard to believe that this dot on the map is an extermination camp. What goes on inside Gabiro [camp] is truly revolting, and it is not an isolated example. All over the country since the new government took control, Hutus have been killed in the thousands.”

53 A Tutsi born in Rwanda, Dr. Zac Nsenga earned a medical degree at Makerere University Medical School in Uganda and a degree in human medicine at the University of Westminster, with an MA in diplomatic studies and a certificate in strategic studies. He practiced medicine both in Uganda and Lesotho before becoming a Major in the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) in December 1990. Later he served as Secretary General in the Ministry of Internal Security (overseeing National Police and Prison Services). Nsenga was also Ambassador to Israel (1995-1996) and the U.K. (1998-2001). As the Rwandan Ambassador in the U.S., Zac Nsenga worked with Paul Kagame and former U.S. President Bill Clinton to oversee and delineate the Clinton Foundation’s AIDS activities in Rwanda.

54 Rwandan refugees in the U.S. claim that Major Zac Nsenga has played an active role in hunting down critics and legitimate refugees and having them arrested as fugitives from justice and, of course, branded as genocidaires.
“It is easy to come to the United States and hide,” said Zac Nsenga, the Rwandan ambassador to the United States, quoted in a Chicago Tribune article about a Rwandan named Jean-Marie Vianney Mudahinyuka (arrested in Chicago) and other supposed genocidaires hiding in the U.S. “Americans don’t know that amidst them are people who did very bad things.”

55 Nsenga—and the Rwandan Embassy in the U.S.—collaborates with the specially formed Human Rights Violators and Public Safety Unit (HRVPSU) of the office of U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, ICE, formed in 2003, to track down foreigners, take them to court, jail and then deport them for even the slightest infractions of immigration laws.

56 Nsenga’s role in the U.S. is to spread the official genocide story, hunt down Rwandan critics, sell the establishment narrative on HIV/AIDS involving big pharmaceutical companies, further the business interests of Rwanda, and suppress any political dissent about the Kagame regime.57

Nsenga is known to be very close to former Ambassador Andrew Young, the Kagame regime’s number one public relations agent whose PR consulting firm Goodworks International whitewashes the regime and its major corporate allies and partners.58 GWI is also tight with the Africa-America Institute, a CIA backed think tank involved in information warfare and subversive activities all over Africa.59 Andrew Young has built a mansion on Rwanda’s Lake Muhazi.

60 Zac Nsenga “is a strong endorser of the Genocide Intervention Network (GIN).”61 The Genocide Intervention Network is at the forefront of promoting the official line on genocide in Rwanda as a pivotal tool in the new hegemonic human rights discourse.62 Other GIN endorsers include some of the highest profile official Rwandan genocide storytellers: General Romeo Dallaire, Samantha Power and Gerald Kaplan.

“[Nsenga] was in Ruhengeri killing people also,” says Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana. “As a promotion, he was given the post of Ambassador to Washington D.C.”

63 PRESSURING THE U.K. ASYLUM SYSTEM

The BBC’s November 7, 2006, report about Dr. Vincent Bajinya appears to target the charity Praxis for having supported Dr. Bajinya using U.K. taxpayers’ money. By targeting Praxis the BBC set the stage for greater restrictions and controls surrounding the asylum process in England, a process that has since come under strict reform on asylum issues.

The articles about Bajinya and other refugees appeared in the fall of 2006 and by January 2007 the U.K. had issued new formal guidelines about refugees and formal policy had been drastically reformed to meet new U.K. immigration standards. Interestingly, the British asylum and immigration system relies heavily on private security companies noted for rather specious “security” missions.

64 The BBC article quoted Reverend Vaughan Jones, the director of Praxis, but the comment by Vaughan Jones suggests that Praxis was the victim of circumstances, not Dr. Vincent Bajinya.
“The director of Praxis, Reverend Vaughan Jones, said if the allegations were true it would represent a betrayal of his organization's trust,” reported Fergal Keane.

65 “I had no suspicions and when I saw the allegations I was very shocked,” Reverend Vaughan Jones stated in a subsequent BBC report of November 7, 2006. “If they are true then I would feel betrayed, because we work with people who have come from difficult situations and need proper support. We are aware that there are all kinds of allegations and counter allegations in the community and sorting out the victim from the perpetrator is extremely hard.”

66When contacted by email at Praxis, Reverend Vaughan Jones replied that “Dr Bajinya was immediately suspended as a result of the allegations. He is no longer our employee.”67
In a follow-up query, Reverend Vaughan Jones replied: “Praxis has never attempted to form a judgment in relation to guilt or innocence that is the responsibility of others and beyond our competency. We are very aware of the complexity of the issues. As an organization which works with vulnerable people we have a duty of care primarily to them and it would not have been responsible to allow someone to work in the organization with such serious allegations having been made. We have always said that this matter should be resolved through the due process of law.”

68 However, Praxis fired Dr. Vincent Bajinya based on the campaign spawned by the BBC reports of Fergal Keane. It was enough for Reverend Vaughan Jones that Fergal Keane and the BBC said that Dr. Vincent Bajinya was “accused” of genocide for them to immediately go on the defensive to protect their own good name. This is how the genocide label is used as a brand and a weapon against anyone who deviates from the Rwandan government’s policies or falls out of favor with the elite criminal networks in power.

“How does Praxis protect vulnerable people?” notes U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro, who also benefited from the assistance of Praxis. “And how is it possible that Tony Kavutse, an asylum seeker and “refugee” who claimed to have been tortured by the current government of Rwanda could end up working for the government he was seeking asylum from?”

Mahoro notes that Praxis has been utilizing the volunteer services of another false asylum seeker who is also working at the Rwandan Embassy. This individual is flagged by the Rwandan asylum community as another informant and RPF agent.

“As soon as these reports came out by the BBC, true Rwandan asylum seekers stay away from Praxis for fear that they will be identified and accused of genocide,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “There is a woman Rose Ngabire, a Tutsi who was working at Praxis in Dr. Bajinya’s department, who we know is a Rwanda government informant.”

Rose Ngabire was a volunteer on work placement at Praxis at the same time as Dr. Vincent Bajinya. Ngabire left Praxis and is now the full-time receptionist at the Rwandan Embassy in London.
Ngabire is another Ugandan-Rwandan dual citizen who is accused by legitimate Rwandan refugees of acting as a spy to identify and help separate the legitimate refugees from the fake refugee-agents and insure that the legitimate refugees are sent back to Rwanda and the fake refugees are processed through the asylum system for the benefit of the regime in Kigali.
Fergal Keane’s BBC reports do not identify the RPF agent Rose Ngabire and Keane’s reportage is further discredited with the awareness that one of the “expert” voices chosen by Fergal Keane to buttress the fabricated story about Dr. Bajinya is another fake RPF asylum seeker named Vivenie Niragira Mugunga.

Vivenie Mugunga arrived in the U.K. as an asylum seeker over six years ago and has already gained U.K. citizenship. Mugunga claimed to be a survivor of the Rwanda genocide and gained refugee status by fleeing from the Kagame regime. However, both of her claims are reportedly false. Mugunga was reportedly not in Rwanda during or after 1994. Instead, she came from Burundi, where she was born and raised. After she earned higher education degrees at universities in South England, Mugunga became an agent of the Kagame regime and she promotes Rwanda investments and organizes government-affiliated events.

Fergal Keane has also used Vivenie Mugunga to pull on the heart strings of his BBC viewers and gain sympathy—channeled into outrage to help convict and hang Dr. Vincent Bajinya in the court of public opinion. In one long film clip about the Dr. Vincent Bajinya story, Fergal Keane has Vivenie Mugunga, who is portrayed as a Rwandan genocide survivor, crying that the organization Praxis has extremists on their staff—meaning Dr. Bajinya—and they discriminated against her when she sought services there. Turning truth upside-down as usual, Keane and Mugunga say nothing about the other bogus refugee agents—like the Tutsi agent Rose Ngabire—working at Praxis.

An honest investigation of Dr. Vincent Bajinya’s case would examine Fergal Keane’s role in traveling to Rwanda and producing genocide charges by using the BBC as a political weapon in an obvious collaboration with the selective political agenda of the Kagame government.
According to one U.K. intelligence insider, U.K. news corporations routinely run disinformation planted by U.K. intelligence assets from MI-6. “For example, the Guardian and very occasionally the London Sunday-Times have been seen to have reporters who are assets of the U.K. intelligence services. Incidentally this may also apply to Andrew Gilligan of the BBC…”

69 It may also apply to the BBC’s Fergal Keane.
Keane traveled to Rwanda where “evidence” of the crimes of Bajinya was scraped up and delivered to the news consuming Western public in manipulative and highly structured BBC productions.

“This Bajinya [frame-up] was 100% set-up by Kigali and Fergal Keane,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “The spies at the Rwanda Embassy in London informed Keane that they want Dr. Vincent and they arranged for Keane to go to Rwanda to interview ‘witnesses’ and come back here to accuse Dr. Bajinya, who all this time did not know anything was happening.” 70
“Using BBC South East [England] where Vivenie Mugunga was living,” says Patrick Mahoro, “Fergal Keane convinced his producer Andrew Head to fund his investigation into the allegations and accusations by a south east England resident—the fake asylum seeker Vivenie Mugunga—about an U.K. organization—Praxis—harboring genocidaires and extremists—Dr. Vincent Bajinya.”

71 “After that Fergal Keane went to Praxis with the hidden camera. Then he traveled to Rwanda funded by the BBC. Of course he had contact with Kigali because he was set up by the Rwandan Embassy here and he met with officials in Kigali. In his ‘investigation’ in Rwanda he shows that he found out that Dr. Bajinya has been issued an arrest warrant. Keane speaks to the prosecutor in Kigali who shows him the file submitted by Kigali to the U.K. And then Keane gets an RPF agent—Janvier Mabuye—to be his eyewitness and claim on the video that Dr. Bajinya committed genocide. And then finally he goes back to London and accuses Dr. Bajinya.”

72 At the end of the day, the BBC makes money by producing a sensationalist TV show where Fergal Keane is supposed to represent everything that is good and Dr. Vincent Bajinya everything that is evil. So it’s the good versus evil story distilled out of the Hutus versus Tutsis mythology about Rwanda.

Curiously indicative of some insider trading and deeper political agenda is the fact that reforms in the asylum process in the U.K. occurred soon after the arrest of Dr. Vincent Bajinya and the other three “Masterminds” of genocide. According to U.K. Home Office documents outlining asylum seeker protocol, prior to granting asylum of Rwandan refugees, U.K. officials are now required to refer to special “lists” provided by the Kagame regime.

On the one hand the documents obtained in the Tony Kavutse case clearly validate the claims of legitimate refugees by formally documenting what the U.K., U.S., and most Western governments deny: That torture and killings do occur in Rwanda and that they are committed by agents of the current government.

On the other hand the documents also clearly establish that RPF-allied false asylum seekers may be claiming to have been tortured in Rwanda to manipulate the system and gain the advantages now being taken away from legitimate asylum seekers.

The U.K. and U.S. governments claim Rwanda is “safe”. Under this classification the U.K. Government has advanced certain refugee and asylum protocols which simultaneously institutionalize infiltration by RPF agents, on one hand, and the persecution of legitimate refugees on the other. The asylum situation in the United States is much the same.

According to the British Home Office of Immigration and Nationality Department statistics, the numbers of Rwandan asylum seekers arriving in Britain have skyrocketed under the Kagame regime, especially since 1999. From 1994 to 1997, Britain received approximately 100 asylum seekers annually. But the numbers increased with increasing repression in Rwanda. In 1999 there were approximately 300; in 1999 and 2000 there were some 800; with 550, 700 and 275 in 2001, 2002 and 2003.73
Harsh conditions in detention centers and human rights violations against asylum seekers in the U.K. mirror those in the United States. Anne Owers, Her Majesty's Chief Inspector of Prisons for England and Wales, has released a series of damning reports on the UK’s detention estate.74
In Britain and the U.S. tens of thousands of innocent men, women and children are jailed for long periods without charges in contravention of the 1951 UNHCR Refugee Convention.75 While none of these people is detained for committing a criminal offense, they are held in prison-like conditions to facilitate government policies of rounding up asylum-seekers in order to deter them from seeking refuge in Britain or the U.S.

There is literally a war on refugees.

In one assessment, the Medical Foundation in 2004 determined that aggressive force effectively constituting torture had been used against individuals during attempts to remove them from the U.K.76 There have been many cases of suicides and mass hunger strikes by asylum seekers in the U.K.77
The Kagame regime is meanwhile ushering bogus “asylum” seekers off to London armed with all the false documentation necessary to gain a positive asylum status and, eventually, citizenship. The regime’s goal is to infiltrate Western countries with more and more Rwandans who have benefited from the current political climate and who do not challenge the inverted victim versus killer ideology or the criminal enterprises and networks of the elites involved.

RWANDA’S GENOCIDE LISTS

According to legitimate Rwandan refugees in London, the Rwandan refugee community is perpetually under surveillance and effectively under attack by fake asylum seekers working as agents; these agents send the names of legitimate refugees to the ever-updated “genocide lists” that Kigali provides to the U.K. Home Office and other governments, and they meanwhile help to build bogus “legal” cases against the legitimate refugees, as happened with Dr. Vincent Bajinya.

The U.K. government regularly arrests asylum seekers (of all nationalities) and holds them in detention pending review of their cases for a “pass” or “fail” of the asylum granting process, but most are almost automatically slated for return to their country of origin. British policies are particularly egregious in the cases of countries where Britain is more actively involved in the ongoing warfare, especially Iraq, Afghanistan and Sudan (Darfur), or where it has a deep military and intelligence relationship, especially Congo, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Pakistan and Zimbabwe.

While their cases await resolution, asylum claimants are banned from working. Once their cases have been failed, they face total destitution, with no right to work, no benefits, no accommodation, no proper access to health services, and the constant fear of removal. This is on top of the psychological trauma, and in some cases physical injury, that continues to trouble them as a result of their experiences.

In the case of Rwanda, selected asylum seekers are further stigmatized and dehumanized by being branded as genocidaires—a label applied to describe Hutu “extremists” and highly targeted individuals in well-organized frame-ups—in cases like Dr. Vincent Bajinya’s, where the frame-up involved Rwandan intelligence agents and the BBC.

According to Rwandan asylum seekers the Kigali government routinely manipulates the asylum system to get students and intelligence agents into the U.K. asylum system to gain U.K. citizenship at no financial cost for the short- and long-term benefit of the Kigali regime.
In 2007, around 200 Rwandan students arrived in the U.K. as asylum seekers and around 150 of these became stateless after falsely claiming to be Rwandan asylum seekers; about 50 of these were official Rwandan students possessing documents provided by the Rwanda government who had been given educational scholarships from the U.K. government.

After Kigali sends false asylum claimants to the U.K., their asylum claim is either passed or failed like any other refugee. Once the asylum claim has been successful and refugee status granted, these false claimants can access student loans and housing and medical support. To improve the chances of a “passed” asylum claim Kigali sets up fake asylum seekers with fake documents to strengthen their cases: e.g., arrest warrants, prison release documents, and medical reports about being tortured.

Next, Rwandan agents in the U.K.—like Mary Blewitt Kayitesi and Tony Kavutse—assist the false asylum seekers to access U.K. refugee assistance agencies like the Medical Foundation, Praxis, or Survivor’s Fund (SURF). Some enhance their status by claiming to be genocide survivors.

Some asylum claimants “pass” relatively easily, but for those asylum seekers who are “failed” by the U.K. government—which is eager to reject all refugees to meet its goals of low immigration—the Rwandan Embassy is contacted to determine the status of the asylum seeker and the Embassy denies that these clandestine government supported “refugees” are from Rwanda at all. In some cases the U.K. deports the false claimants back to Kigali, even forcibly, where the Rwandan immigration officials again—checking their lists of supported but fake asylum seekers—refuses that the asylum seekers originated from Rwanda. In both cases the fake asylum seekers, disowned by Rwanda, gain a stateless refugee status which under the 1951 UNHCR protections insures that the U.K. cannot deport them (since they are unable to identify their state or origin).

When the U.K. government detains legitimate refugees—obviously not supported by Kigali but rather hunted by them—the Rwandan Embassy is again contacted while they are still in London, or the refugee is deported directly back to Kigali. In either of these cases involving actual refugees, the Kagame regime validates to the U.K. government that these are legitimate refugees, because Kigali is happy to have critics of the regime and other legitimate refugees fleeing state persecution delivered back into their hands.

One legitimate refugee “failed” by the U.K. immigration system and forcibly returned to Rwanda was Rene Murabukira, a Rwandan refugee who fled after his family was killed in 1996.78
Rene Murabukira started a new life in Edinburgh and after 11 years in the U.K. he was a charity worker with the Edinburgh-based Action Group helping physically and mentally disabled adults when the U.K. immigration agents tracked him down and arrested him at work.

When Murabukira arrived in the U.K. in 1996, he was only 17 years old. He was given temporary leave to remain in the U.K. as well as a work permit, and told his case for permanent asylum was under consideration. He built a life in Edinburgh and was engaged to be married to Aneta Jarzmik, a U.K. citizen.
Murabukira’s case was deferred for eleven years, until Rwanda was declared “safe.” But in April 2007, U.K. immigration officials swooped in packed Murabukira off to a detention centre. He was scheduled for extradition in May 2007—readied to be shipped back to Rwanda—but legal intervention won him a temporary stay in the U.K. on the day of the planned flight.

Murabukira claimed that Tutsi rebels killed his parents, sister and cousins, at his home in 1996. He has been unable to work or claim benefits and has relied on friends to survive the past year of asylum limbo.79
Rwandans in London believe there have been about 65 cases of legitimate asylum seekers deported back to Rwanda since 2000.

80 Of course there are also those fake refugees who betray Kigali once they have achieved their mission and gained asylum status abroad. It is well known that “There are certainly some Tutsis who are genuine refugees,” says Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro. “But there is also a deliberate policy on the part of the RPF regime to export [exfiltrate] Tutsis to the U.S., Canada, Belgium and other countries and a deliberate policy to forcibly return Hutus to Rwanda who fled to countries other than the Democratic Republic of Congo. They are worried that Hutu asylum seekers outnumber Tutsis in Belgium and other countries, and that, if nothing is done, in the long run Hutus will be able to have their voice heard.”

Thousands of Hutus refugees remain in countries that border Rwanda and thousands of refugees have recently been forcibly repatriated back to Rwanda by the governments of both Uganda and Tanzania. In October 2007, for example, Uganda deported some 3000 Rwandans, most of them Hutus.

81 “The whole idea is to build a strong Tutsi Diaspora that would support the Tutsi clique in power in Rwanda the same way the Jews support Israel,” says Higiro. “With a strong Tutsi Diaspora, Tutsi elites in power can use the tools of negationism, revisionism and the genocide industry to silence Hutus in Rwanda and in the countries where they have sought asylum.”

82 U.K. ASYLUMS DIRECTED BY KIGALI

For its part the British Government has adopted a refugee asylum policy that looks to the Kagame regime—the persecuting government—for its decisions about Rwandan asylum cases and refugee returns.

The U.K. asylum system came under “reform” during the Blair government, but not in favor of refugees or asylum seeker’s rights. This is made clear in the case of Rwandan asylum seekers where the immigration and detention shake-up seems to have involved a stripping away of refugees’ legal protections.

By the end of Prime Minister Tony Blair’s term in office, the asylum reform process was in full swing and a special “Ten-Point Plan for Border Protection and Immigration Reform” was launched. Under this plan, the Prime Minister committed the U.K. Government to accelerate and massively increase the removal of both imprisoned and not yet detained foreign asylum seekers. According to the Home Office, it is the biggest shake-up of the immigration system in its history.

83 On January 24, 2007—not so long after the British public was sensitized to the infiltration of Dr. Bajinya and the other three supposed “Masterminds” of genocide in Rwanda—the U.K. Home Office issued a special “Operational Guidance Note” on Rwanda that establishes and revises the formal policy for dealing with Rwandan asylum seekers. The guidance notes that all asylum seekers must be considered on a case by case basis, but all case workers must follow the outlines of this operational guidance document.

84 The document, meant to educate case workers, opens with a “country assessment” that presents a highly inaccurate version of events in Rwanda. The assessment is heavily based on BBC sources, especially the BBC “Timeline” on Rwanda, and it has a decidedly pro-RPF bias. Some select examples of the bias can be seen in the following excerpts:
[1] CLAIM: “Rwanda is a republic dominated by a strong presidency.”

85 REALITY: Rwanda is a one-party dictatorship with a façade of democracy and the consolidation of the dictatorship achieved through highly rigged and manipulated “demonstration elections” that are widely misperceived to have been democratic and fair.

86 [2] CLAIM: “In 1985 Tutsi exiles in Uganda formed the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF). Having failed to negotiate their return to the country, the RPF invaded Rwanda from Uganda in October 1990, demanding representation and equality for all Rwandans.

87 REALITY: Most of the so-called “Tutsi exiles in Uganda” were Ugandan born citizens and they became battle-hardened guerrillas fighting for Yoweri Museveni and the NRA—a war that Museveni ran out of the Hotel Des Diplomats in Kigali in the mid-1980’s.

88 Paul Kagame was Museveni’s Director of Military Intelligence and he was responsible for tortures, massacres and assassinations.

89 Museveni had ignored calls by the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to downsize his army of approximately 180,000 fighters to 70,000. By mid-April 1994, Museveni had sent some scores of thousands of UPDF soldiers into Rwanda—possibly as many as 70,000.

90 To say that these soldiers and the RPF’s political representatives demanded “representation and equality for all Rwandans” is so patently false that it defies any rational attempt to deconstruct it. Working together, Museveni and Kagame utilized terrorist tactics to assign all blame—for atrocities they committed against both their enemies and their own people—on their enemies. They used psychological operations, embedded international reporters, and fabrication of massacres. These tactics have continued to the present.

“Let me give you an example of media manipulation,” says Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, Director of ORINFOR. “In 1994 people took shelter at a mosque in Kabuga near Kigali. After the RPF took control of the location, they killed all the people who had taken shelter there, then called reporters to see what the Interahamwe had done to Tutsis.”

91 [3] CLAIM: “A civil war in the border area ensued. Each incursion by the RPF was followed by reprisal massacres, largely of Tutsis, by government forces. A peace agreement was brokered in 1993, the Arusha Peace Accords, which inter alia provided for a power-sharing arrangement involving all political forces and the RPF.”

92 REALITY: The RPF’s persecution and killings of Hutus and Tutsis in Northern Rwanda went largely unchallenged. Meanwhile the international “human rights” community hammered away at the Habyarimana government following a now common pattern of punishing the victims and accusing them of crimes committed in self defense, but never accusing the perpetrators of the original, and greater, injustices.

93 It is interesting that a guerrilla army can invade a sovereign country and attack a sovereign government and commit terrorist acts, driving over a million people before it, and that it could today be summarized as it is above. 94 This exemplifies the hegemonic imperialist bias of the Western human rights establishment and the mantle of genocide carried by the Genocide Intervention Network and its octopus of affiliates.

The rest of the country assessment follows in similar fashion, uttering ridiculous lies that are now so deeply inculcated in the collective insanity of human consciousness as to make them as absolute and unchallengeable as the Ten Commandments. The summary glosses over the human rights record in Rwanda, validates the legitimacy of the institutionalized injustice at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, and shamelessly absolves the Kagame regime of its terrorist involvement in extortion, racketeering, war crimes and genocide in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Perhaps the most ludicrous statement in the entire document is this one: “The Rwandan government is strongly committed to national reconciliation and there is no evidence of any state-sponsored or societal discrimination on ethnic grounds that would amount to persecution.”
The source documents which the Operational Guidance on Rwanda relies upon include references to: USAID; U.S. Department of State; Amnesty International; Human Rights Watch; U.N. and U.K. profiles; and the Economist.

Most notably, there are four references to British Broadcasting Corporation reports or documents. Given their relationships to the production and maintenance of the establishment narrative, all of these sources are highly compromised in their capacity to present the true picture of Rwanda or insure refugee protections.

For the purposes of rounding up refugees and dragging them back to Rwanda, the Operational Guidance on Rwanda requires that asylum caseworkers begin the process by checking the names of asylum seekers against several lists maintained by the Kagame government.95
Section 3.5 of the Operational Guidance on Rwanda establishes the hierarchy of protocols for dealing with Rwandan asylum seekers.

If “the applicant’s name appears on either of the two published lists maintained by the Rwandan government of those wanted for genocide or where there is any evidence that the applicant was, for example, politically active, employed in any official, religious, media or military capacity at the time of the genocide,” decision-makers are instructed to consider whether to apply one of several special exclusion clauses and must refer such cases to the War Crimes Unit.96
According to the U.K. Home Office, “the War Crimes Unit was formed in March 2004 with the specific remit of introducing screening processes in order to identify people involved in the commission of atrocities in connection with modern day conflict situations.”

97 In February 2007, the Israeli Government successfully pressured the U.K. Home Office to water down anti-torture and war crimes legislation.98 The injustices in cases of Rwandan war criminals are amongst the most pronounced.

Former Prime Minister Tony Blair is today the public relations consultant and economic adviser for the Kagame regime, a position Blair assumed in February, 2008. John Major was prime minister and the Conservative (Tory) Party was in power at the time of the U.S./U.K. backed coup d’etat in Rwanda 1994.

MILKING THE ASYLUM PROCESS

The Rwandan asylum scam allows the Kagame regime to facilitate higher political and economic status for more and more Rwandans by gaining green cards or citizenship abroad.
Moses Kenneth Bugingo Rugema arrived in the U.K. around 2003 on a false asylum claim against Rwanda. Although U.K. citizenship can be granted after five years his citizenship is uncertain.

When asked about his former refugee status and current political appointment with the government he sought asylum from, Rugema responded evasively and aggressively. “I have no time to waste in replying to you in the future,” Rugema replied. “But as a gentleman I just wanted to tell you I exist and your facts are not correct. It’s up to you to prove it.”

99 Rugema is another Ugandan-Rwandan, and a former RPF soldier whose “flight” from persecution in Rwanda quickly led to his employment at the Rwanda Embassy in London as a receptionist. From the Embassy, Rugema helped Kigali track down legitimate refugees. Rugema also set up his current business enterprise and continues to operate out of London as an economic agent dealing in the export/import of top quality Rwandan Arabica green bean coffee for the Kagame regime.

100 On November 2, 2007, the Rwandan cabinet appointed Rugema to the post of 2nd Counselor at the Rwandan Embassy in New York City.
“It is very interesting that this Rwandan refugee is now working as a business agent for the government he ran away from,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “It is 100% certain that Moses Rugema used the asylum system as a bogus asylum claimant and worked at the Rwanda Embassy in London.”

One of the highest-profile RPF-allied asylum seekers who has milked the system to gain status in the U.K. is Linda Bihire, recently appointed to the RPF’s cabinet under the recent government reshuffling that was advised by Kagame’s new spin doctor, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
On March 13, 2008, Bihire was appointed to Rwandan Cabinet as Minister of Infrastructure. However, Linda Bihire is another Ugandan-born “Rwandan” whose lineage and origins are belied by her inability to speak the native Kinyarwanda language of Rwanda. During her swearing-in ceremony in Kigali, Bihire’s inability to read the Oath of Office forced the organizers to switch to English.

101 Bihire’s cabinet selection was engineered by Rwanda’s top intelligence agent, Emmanuel Ndahiro, a feared agent in and out of Rwanda who controls Rwanda’s state daily New Times newspaper and uses it as a political tool to peddle disinformation and attack critics of the RPF. Linda Bihire is Emmanuel Ndahiro’s mistress and they have a 19 year-old son. Lt. Col. Dr. Emmanuel Ndahiro is also a maternal cousin to Paul Kagame and Director General of Rwanda’s dreaded National Security Service.

Bihire is also a close friend of another RPF-allied Rwandan asylum seeker in the U.K., Rose Ngabire, the secretary at the Rwandan Embassy in London. Prior to her cabinet appointment, Bihire milked the U.K. asylum system to get higher education, earning a Bachelor’s Degree in civil engineering and a Master’s Degree in project management from the University of Nottingham and the University of Portsmouth, respectively.

Bihire’s new life apparently began soon after she finished her elementary schooling in Kampala, Uganda, when RPF agent Emmanuel Ndahiro organized her “political asylum” status and facilitated her transfer to London.

102 Bihire was soon identified as a Rwandan agent by legitimate Rwandan asylum seekers in England.103 After she arrived in London, Dr. Zac Nsenga, the ambassador to the U.K. at the time, stepped in and landed Bihire a government scholarship for her higher education.
Another U.K. asylum fraud was perpetrated by Joseph Mutaboba, Secretary General of Rwanda’s Ministry of Internal Affairs and former Secretary General of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

In September 2006, Mutaboba co-chaired the United Nations Permanent Advisory Committee on Security Issues in the Central African Region. Since 2003, he has participated in preparatory meetings of the International Conference on Peace and Security in the Great Lakes region and as Coordinator for Rwanda and Head of the Peace and Security Thematic Group. All these “security” posts occurred even while Rwanda continued to plunder Congo. However, Joseph Mutaboba’s wife is another “refugee” living in North London and using the asylum process for personal gain.

Another RPF agent who infiltrated England through the asylum process is Ignatius Mugabo, a naturalized citizen of Uganda who first sought asylum in Denmark but later joined his wife Jacqueline in Britain; Mugabo may by now have gained British citizenship. Mugabo’s wife Jacqueline was reportedly granted full refugee protection under the 1951 UNHCR Convention, which guarantees that any asylum seeker is automatically entitled to be joined by their families.104 According to Rwandan asylum seekers, Mugabo joined is wife in London in 2003.

105 Ignatius Mugabo not only worked for the RPF, he became one of Kagame’s top intelligence officials and an active hunter of Kagame’s critics abroad. In March of 2007, just prior to the 13th anniversary of the April 6, 1994 presidential assassinations, Mugabo set up a petition to the British Prime Minister calling on Rwandans in Britain to support his campaign to hunt down and arrest genocidaires. Eighteen people signed the petition, including Ignatius Mugabo.

The petition statement reads:

“We the members of the Rwandan Community resident in the U.K., during the 13th anniversary of the genocide in our country, concerned that many suspected perpetrators of this heinous crime continue to hide in Western countries including U.K., call on the British Prime Minister and his government to increase their support for the delivery of justice to the victims of the Rwandan genocide by tracking and arresting whoever is suspected of having played a role in this tragedy.”

106 “Mugabo set up this petition on the U.K. Prime Minister’s web site,” says one Rwandan refugee in London, “but he received too few signatures to get any action from the Prime Minister. All members of the Rwandan community did not sign as they feared their names to be recognized on the list of asylum seekers. Mugabo was disappointed to receive so few supporters.”

107 Ignatius Mugabo is also on the management committee of the Rwandan Community Association of the U.K., in charge of organizing events meant to draw out Rwandan refugees, and he is Director of Rwanda Diaspora Investment Ltd., another business front for Kigali.108 Legitimate Rwandan asylum seekers note with curiosity how Mugabo works with the Rwandan Embassy to organize official events while he and his family have reportedly fled the Kagame regime.

Ignatius Mugabo is considered the second most feared intelligence agent of the Kagame regime in London, second only to his associate, James Wizeye. Ignatius Mugabo, Tony Kavutse and Rose Ngabire all work on the Rwanda Embassy staff under the guidance of its two top espionage agents: James Wizeye and Claver Gatete.

James Wizeye was appointed as the 1st Secretary at the Rwanda Embassy in London on June 29, 2005 and today he is also the most feared Rwandan intelligence operative involved in hunting Rwanda’s state enemies, critics and asylum seekers in England and, more widely, in Europe.

A former RPF soldier and current member of Kigali’s intelligence apparatus, Wizeye formerly worked as administrative attaché at the Rwanda Embassy in Kampala, Uganda. However, Wizeye was expelled by the Uganda government in November 2004 after accusations surfaced that Rwanda was training rebels hostile to the Ugandan government: Wizeye was implicated in rebel activities and accused of espionage.

109 Wizeye is reportedly wanted today in Uganda and banned from visiting for his role as part of an elite RPF “hit squad” that operated in Uganda to track down enemies of the RPF regime.110 Wizeye set up intelligence cells and purchased information from Ugandan agents who were later arrested.

111 “In the U.K. James Wizeye is involved in hunting refugees, weapons dealings and protecting Rwanda’s ‘good image’ by using the media,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “He grew up in Uganda and now he is wanted there because of spying and killings in 2000 and 2001. His success in these [terrorist] operations for the Kagame regime earned him a diplomatic post in London.”

112Rwandan intelligence agent James Wizeye lives inside the Rwanda Embassy compound at 120-122 Seymour Place in London. Wizeye has attended high-level conferences with U.S. officials, including Ambassador Jendayi Frazer.

113 According to Rwandans familiar with Wizeye’s activities, he is one of the RPF’s top weapons and minerals agents working in London—possibly a key player in Kigali’s fencing of contraband resources stolen from the Democratic Republic of Congo and arranging of weapons transfers.114
Raised and educated in Uganda, Claver Gatete is the Rwandan Ambassador in London appointed to the Cabinet on September 7, 2005. Gatete is an economist who left Uganda for higher education in Canada. He is known to be an “extremist” RPF official—one of the actual “Masterminds” of RPF strategy to seize and consolidate power in Rwanda—who supported the RPF movement from Canada and the U.S. as a key member of the Association of Banyarwanda in Diaspora.

115 Gatete organized the RPF campaign abroad, working on funding, lobbying and political alliances, and went on to become a senior Presidential adviser to Paul Kagame. Gatete also worked as Secretary General at the Ministry of Finance and Economic Planning, and he was Steering Committee member as part of President Clinton’s euphemistically named New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD), a hegemonic U.S. state department project in neoliberal economics and protectionist trade.

116 “Claver Gatete is 500% involved in hunting down Hutus and spreading the genocide ideology of Kigali,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro.

THE GENOCIDE MISERY INDUSTRY

Bogus asylum seekers in the U.K. are also working to raise tens of millions of pounds annually, ostensibly to support genocide survivors and social programs in Rwanda. Instead much of this money reportedly disappears behind the smokescreens of “aid” and “development”.
There are many charities and non-government organizations from the U.S. and U.K. that run large money-making operations that claim to benefit Rwanda. These charities complete the circle of propaganda and seal the doubt of public opinion by legitimizing a terrorist government under the unimpeachable veneer of humanitarianism and goodwill.

These charities work the media system, providing expert spokespeople and framing issues for the mass media. The media system works the charities, using them to institutionalize ideology and further their select political agendas. Like the media, the charities peddle the establishment line throughout, meanwhile claiming that they are “not political.” But it is always the same: like Praxis, they unflinchingly adhere to the upside-down mythology which turns victims into killers and killers into victims with very little middle ground in between.

For example, Fergal Keane is a patron of MSAADA, a “charity based in Dorset, England, that helps surviving orphans and widows of the Rwandan genocide.”117 With the assistance of the British media system, MSAADA advances the standard mythology about genocide in Rwanda.
“In 100 days an estimated one million people were butchered in the Rwandan genocide, while the United Nations refused to intervene to halt the bloodshed,” reads the MSAADA

disinformation. “The world turned its back on the people of Rwanda once, and now the country is largely forgotten again.”
RPF agent and false asylum seeker Ignatius Mugabo is on the management committee of IMIZI, a U.K.-based Rwanda charity.

118 Vivenie Niragira Mugunga, the RPF agent and false asylum seeker—who served as Fergal Keane’s critic of Praxis—is the director of a Rwanda/U.K. charity called RYICO.119
One of the largest and most influential charities working the Rwanda Genocide for political and economic profit is the big U.K. non-government organization (NGO) Aegis Trust.

Aegis works closely with several U.K. government departments on Holocaust and genocide issues and plays a leading role in the Intergovernmental Task Force for Holocaust Education, Remembrance and Research established by Bill Clinton, Goran Persson (former Prime Minister of Sweden), and Tony Blair in 1998. Aegis Trust is also the primary financial sponsor of the Genocide Memorial in Gisozi, the largest memorial in Rwanda. Aegis Trust patrons include General Romeo Dallaire, Bob Geldof, Desmond Tutu and Elie Wiesel, and the organization is believed to also be deeply tied to the intelligence community.

120 Another high profile charity working in the U.K. is Survivor’s Fund—SURF—a large NGO that “works to improve the lives of the Rwandan Survivors of Genocide.” According to their web site, “SURF was founded by a British Citizen of Rwandan origin (who lost family members and relations during this tragic event) and other Rwandans based in U.K., and concerned British individuals. Although support to survivors dates back to 1995, SURF was formally established and registered in 1997.”

121 According to legitimate Rwandan refugees, however, SURF founder Mary Kayitesi Blewitt gained British citizenship after falsely claiming to be both a genocide survivor and a Tutsi from Rwanda. She is also reported to be the first RPF “diplomatic” representative to have arrived in the U.K., and the one who effectively opened the new Rwandan Embassy in London—running RPF operations out of one small room at the Uganda High Commission at Trafalgar Square—after the RPF “victory” of July 1994.

122 “She is 100% Ugandan and 100% liar,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “Ask her what village she came from in Rwanda, which prefecture, which commune. Ask her where she lived, where her family lived in Rwanda. She can’t answer. She doesn’t speak the language fluently and she claims she lost 50 members of her family in Rwanda in 1994, but her family was all in Uganda.”

“A year after the genocide in Rwanda, Mary Kayitesi Blewitt returned to her village to dig through a mass grave in search of her family,” reported the U.K.’s Independent on October 12, 2004. “The rains had washed away the topsoil, revealing the bodies of about 200 people… She lost 50 members of her family in the genocide, including her brother John Baptiste, 27, whose leg was hacked off by his killers.

He was left to bleed to death in front of his wife and children.”

123 According to Rwandan sources Mary Kayitesi Blewitt has used fake genocide survivors and their sympathy stories to perpetrate a massive fundraising swindle—raising millions of pounds for the RPF regime. Like most “humanitarian” NGOs, the fundraising relies on the mass media for brand recognition (brand names like ‘UNICEF’, ‘CARE’, and ‘Save the Children’) and to broadcast images of suffering African ‘survivors’ of genocide. Fortunately, Mary Kayitesi’s Survivor’s Fund benefits from the patronage of Fergal Keane and Lindsay Hilsum—two high-profile storytellers always pressing the establishment’s Rwandan genocide narrative.

In return, and closing the cycle, the media personalities endorse the organization.
“Mary Blewitt is quite a remarkable human being,” said Fergal Keane, “one of the most remarkable I have ever met. Her work has involved extraordinary personal sacrifice. Those of us who witnessed genocide in Rwanda know that Mary Blewitt stands among the bravest of the brave, the kindest of the kind.”

124 “The money goes to the criminal networks in Kigali,” says U.K.-Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “They are killing each other fighting over the money. That is why you see RPF sometimes falling out with Kagame. They had even arrested Mary Kayitesi in Kigali in 2007; they held her a few days while they were fighting over the money, but of course they had to release her because she is their fundraising source!”

For her sacrifice “to the survivors of the Rwandan genocide in Rwanda and the U.K.,” Mary Kayitesi Blewitt was awarded the Order of the British Empire by Prince Charles on February 28, 2008.125 After the publication of his book, Season of Blood, and for his “services to journalism,” Fergal Keane was awarded the Order of the British Empire by Prince Charles in 1996.
Mary Kayitesi Blewitt is also listed as a member of the U.K. Holocaust Memorial Trust.

126 The compromised mission of the Survivor’s Fund—ostensibly an apolitical non-government humanitarian organization—and its true political agenda is further underscored by the false asylum status and sudden financial windfall of its founder, Mary Kayitesi Blewitt.
In early March, 2008, Mary Kayitesi Blewitt resigned her post as the Founder and Director of Survivor’s Fund. According to sources in London, Blewitt has informed her closed friends that she is moving back to Uganda where she has built a big health spa—Ultimate Escape Health Spa—that will operate in the heart of Kampala, Uganda’s capital city.

According to the promotional materials, “Ultimate Escape Health Spa is a social enterprise which will offer holistic healing treatments, health, fitness and beauty regimes in a soothing stress relieving environment. Scheduled to open in 2009, Ultimate Escape Health Spa will offer sanctuary and safe haven. Profit will be donated to survivors of the Rwandan genocide to enable them to escape from their troubles and trauma.”

127 “What an interesting move for someone who has spent the last 14 years working for genocide survivors,” notes Rwandan Patrick Mahoro. “Moving into business now? And not in Rwanda, but in Uganda? The reason is it is the only country she knows well. She was born in Uganda and lived in Uganda although she falsely represented herself as a Rwanda genocide survivor to raise money. And this is another scam. Making people feel good thinking they will help Rwanda genocide survivors. Scam, scam, scam.”

128 THE MEDIA AS GENOCIDE TRIBUNAL

Prior to confronting Dr. Vincent Bajinya in person, Fergal Keane collaborated with the Kagame regime to collect the “evidence” of genocide crimes. Thus it is important that Fergal Keane make public his connections with the Kagame government and the facts surrounding his sudden interest in Dr. Vincent Bajinya.

Keane’s role as an apologist for the Kagame regime and the Rwanda Patriotic Front began in April of 1994 when Keane contacted the RPF in Belgium, met their agent in Uganda, and traveled with RPF assurance and protection in Rwanda during April and May 1994.

129 In 2003, Keane also served as a prosecution witness against Sylvestre Gacumbitsi at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda. According to the ICTR Press Release, Keane “was in Rwanda in the months of May and June in 1994, told the court about the many dead bodies he saw in various parts of the Kibungo prefecture and in particular at Nyarubuye Catholic Church. The witness who has written a book, Season of Blood; the Rwanda Journey, showed a video film about the killings.”

130 The ICTR Press Release does not point out that Fergal Keane set up his visit to Rwanda in 1994 through the Rwandan Patriotic Front office in Belgium; that he met his RPF escort in Uganda at the border, and that he travelled with the assurance of safety from the RPF. Further, it seems the atrocities that occurred at Nyarubuye were staged by the RPF.

Professor Jean-Marie Vianney Higiro, former director of ORINFOR, offers the “massacre of Tutsis” at Nyarubuye as another example of how the Kagame regime manufactured and tampered with massacre sites before inviting the media to “witness” and document the evidence of genocide blamed on Hutu extremists.

“In Nyarubuye, the Interahamwe killed Tutsi at a parish in a building used for religious education where Tutsis had sought shelter,” says Higiro. “When the RPF arrived with the Interahamwe they had rounded up in commune Murambi, they took them to the local Catholic Church and executed them and left their bodies there. Then RPF soldiers killed civilians in and around Nyarubuye and brought the bodies to the church. After its victory and to show the world what had happened in Rwanda, the RPF dug up bodies and placed them on stilts outside of churches. But all the people killed by the RPF were blamed on Hutus.”

131 Fergal Keane tracked down Sylvestre Gacumbitsi in a refugee camp in Tanzania and accused him on film much as he did with Dr. Vincent Bajinya. The “evidence” for Keane’s charges likely was fabricated by the Kagame regime much as it was fabricated to frame Dr. Vincent Bajinya.
“Sylvestre Gacumbitsi was defended by a Mr. Kouengowa and Ms. Anne Mbattang, both from Cameroon,” says former ICTR defense investigator Phil Taylor. “Hirondelle [news agency] reported that the trial was one of the ‘fastest’ in ICTR history. I have not read his testimony but according to his book Fergal Keane was tight with one of his RPF handlers and it was this man who led him to two people who claimed to be witnesses.132 The massacre occurred mid-April [1994] and Keane went to the site in June.”

133On June 17, 2004, Sylvestre Gacumbitsi was found “guilty” of crimes against humanity and genocide by the court.
The work of Fergal Keane and the BBC in framing “the Rwanda genocide” story is mirrored by numerous other award-wining journalists. At the top of the list are Lindsay Hilsum of Britain’s Observer newspaper and Channel Four television, and Stephen Kinzer, the New York Times writer who recently published A Thousand Hills: Rwanda’s Rebirth and the Man Who Dreamed It, a shamelessly positive biography of the heroic Paul Kagame.

“Ten years ago, one million Rwandans perished in the worst genocide since the Second World War,” Lindsay Hilsum says. Hilsum was working with the Observer in 1994 and was reportedly the only British journalist in Kigali as the killing began.134 Hilsum echoes the standard tripe about Rwanda. “Rwanda’s genocide could have been prevented.”

135Instead of reassessing and revising her original analyses, which would be the appropriate thing to do in the face of the rising evidence of the RPF’s crimes, Lindsay Hilsum—like many others—takes the apology for murder a step further to explain away the RPF terrorism in Congo: “Guilt over their failure to stop the killings spurred donors—especially Britain, the U.S. and the Netherlands—to back the Rwandan Government, despite its poor human rights record and involvement in plundering the Congo.”

136 ike most of the establishment journalists, Fergal Keane’s reporting has attracted widespread critical acclaim. He was named as overall winner of the Amnesty International Press Awards in 1993 and won an Amnesty television prize in 1994 for his investigation of the Rwandan Genocide, called “Journey Into Darkness.”

However, during the years when the government of President Juvenal Habyarimana was under attack by the RPF, the documentation produced by international human rights bodies decidedly took the side of the RPF.137 This pattern has continued, and it should come as no surprise that Fergal Keane and Lindsay Hilsum are the chosen recipients of the Amnesty International Press Award and Television prizes.

According to his own testimony Keane gained access to Rwanda’s killing fields in partnership with the Rwanda Patriotic Front. In late May and early June of 1994, as the killings in Rwanda were drawing to a close—but as pockets of Tutsis were still being hunted down—Keane traveled for several weeks with the advancing Tutsi RPF forces.

138
“By the time we got to the border with Rwanda through Uganda, we had made contact with the RPF in Brussels,” Keane stated in PBS Frontline’s “Ghosts of Rwanda”. “And they had, by that stage, become relatively organized about linking up and giving people safe passage down through the country. It was the most organized guerilla army I had ever come across. And I’d been with the rebels in Eritrea, and they have a name for being very strict and highly organized. But the RPF were certainly in a class of art in terms of organization.”

139 To set up the false dichotomy between savage killers—Hutus—and organized saviors—the RPF—journalists like Fergal Keane and Philip Gourevitch—and like Donatella Lorch and Raymond Bonner of the New York Times and Gary Streiker of CNN—hammered the point home over and over: The RPF is highly disciplined and organized.

140 The RPF’s crimes were not reported because virtually every western journalist was embedded with the RPF.
“We met a very helpful and friendly young lieutenant,” continues Fergal Keane, describing his foray into the killing fields in May of 1994. Keane innocuously introduces “a guy called Frank Ndore who guided us down through the country.”

141 Fergal Keane’s contact and escort, arranged through Brussels in advance, was an RPF soldier. Lieutenant Frank Ndore was born in Uganda to Rwandan Tutsi parents who fled in 1959. He was a veteran of Museveni’s National Resistance Army and the RPF offensive in 1990.142
“And the most striking thing about driving in through Rwanda at that stage was the emptiness,” Keane continues. “I was used to an Africa of crowded villages, of people working in the fields—a vibrant, living Africa. And this place, it was like somebody had got a Hoover [vacuum cleaner] and placed it over the country and just sucked all of the life, hoovered the life up out of the place. There was nothing. Just emptiness.”

143 “In Byumba—where the RPF first invaded Rwanda from Uganda in October 1990—Kagame went to a market and committed so many atrocities,” says Dr. Eliel Ntakirutimana, a Rwandan medical doctor practicing in Laredo, Texas, whose father, Pastor Elizaphan Ntakirutimana, was judged, tried and convicted by “journalist” Philip Gourevitch in his fictitious book.144
“More than a million people fled to Kigali,” says Eliel Ntakirutimana.

“All their farms had been taken, all their goats killed, they were living on the streets. When these people heard that the RPF is coming to Kigali, what do you think they are going to do? They are going to fight!”

145 Philip Gourevitch shares the dubious honor of being one of Kigali’s premier bounty hunters for framing, accusing, judging, and convicting Hutus in his New Yorker features and his fictional [sic] award-winning book, We Wish to Inform You that Tomorrow We Will Be Killed with Our Families: Stories from Rwanda.

146 Philip Gourevitch’s book is “completely one-sided” says Paul Rusesabagina, the real-life subject of the film Hotel Rwanda. “His book took very much the RPF side. He was more or less like an RPF advocate.”147
Gourevitch is known for fabricating a New Yorker story called “The Genocide Fax” in alliance with Clinton’s Secretary of State Madeleine Albright and Undersecretary James Rubin—Philip Gourevitch’s brother-in-law.”148
According to Gourevitch and the New Yorker, the fax, sent by Major General Romeo Dallaire, the U.N. force commander in Rwanda, to peacekeeping headquarters in New York, “reported in startling detail the preparations that were under way to carry out the [Hutu] extermination campaign [against Tutsis].”149 In the official Rwanda genocide mythology, the imaginary fax reportedly sent by U.N. force commander General Romeo Dallaire would have had to have existed prior to April 6, 1994.

But there was no fax sent by General Romeo Dallaire, and the “genocide fax” was a fabricated document meant to divert attention and mislead—and to fill in the gaping hole of a complete absence of documentary proof of planning of a genocide in the official ‘planned genocide’ theory. The ‘genocide fax’ was sent by Colonel R. M. Connaughton of the British Army, based at Camberly, Surrey, England, and the home of the British Military Academy, Sandhurst, and several other British Army establishments.150 Colonel Connaughton also sent a copy of his fabricated fax to British journalist Lindsay Hilsum at the Observer.151 The ‘genocide fax’ was placed in U.N. files in New York on November 28, 1995, and it never existed before that date.

152 Gourevitch’s Rwanda ‘genocide’ project was funded by the U.S. Institute for Peace (USIP), a euphemistically named think-tank that has been very aggressive in peddling the official Rwandan genocide story.153 The USIP has also funded propaganda films and reports on the “genocide in Rwanda,” such as one authored by National Security insider John Prendergast of the International Crises Group, a flack-producing U.S. intelligence group fronting as a “humanitarian” NGO.154
Philip Gourevitch also peddled the fiction that the Tutsis are “the Jews of Africa” and he often speaks about his firsthand experience with “genocide in Rwanda” at Jewish religious events.155
Gourevitch helped facilitate journalist Michela Wrong’s book, In the Footsteps of Mr. Kurtz, which was funded by London’s Financial Times, and is another whitewash of the RPF invasions of Zaire in 1996, the killing of Hutu refugees, and the role of the West in supporting Mobutu and terrorizing the people of Congo/Zaire.

156 But the Gourevitch connection to the information warfare against the people of Congo—and trusting Western “news” consumers back home—doesn’t end there. James Rubin, Gourevitch’s brother-in-law and Madeleine Albright’s Undersecretary of State, also primed his future wife, CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, to cover up the criminal racketeering and plunder, and the Hutu genocide committed by the RPF and UPDF and their backers from the Western defense and intelligence establishment.

157 “Philip Gourevitch came to my house,” says Dr. Eliel Ntakirutimana. “I should have listened to my lawyer. I didn’t know this guy was working with the [U.S.] State Department. I completely believe that Philip Gourevitch accused, tried and convicted my father in his book. Gourevitch set up my father and consistently lied about him. The stories [Gourevitch] tells about the maid and the stories about Genny, my wife, were all fabricated.”

the support of the Kagame regime, and the backing of the U.S. State Department, from the start. Gourevitch’s fictional treatise on genocide in Rwanda was funded by the euphemistically named U.S. Institute for Peace, a U.S. establishment think-tank known for the production of disinformation in service to select agendas.

“Several attempts were made to take the Tutsi workers and hide them by Gerard and Pastor Elizaphan but they declined the offer,” says Eliel Ntakirutimana, speaking about his father and brother’s true actions in Rwanda in 1994. “People stayed at the churches because their Tutsi sons who were in the RPF were telling them to stay there, we will come for you. But Kagame refused to allow RPF soldiers leave to go to the churches to protect their families. He wanted victims, something big to use to gain power. Kagame wanted dead bodies.”

159 After inciting hatred and fear and driving millions of people into flight, Kagame got exactly what he wanted and this formed the pillars of the genocide ideology successfully used to silence both critics and truth.
Gerard and Elizaphan Ntakirutimana were framed by the Rwanda government, and Philip Gourevitch played the central role in furthering the fabrications in his prize-winning U.S. state department novel.
Elizaphan Ntakirutimana was found guilty of ‘aiding and abetting genocide’ and sentenced to 10 years in prison.160 On December 6, 2006, after serving 10 years in arrest or prison, he was released. The 83 year-old pastor died just over a month later, on January 22, 2007. Gerard Ntakirutimana was convicted genocide and crimes against humanity and sentenced to 35 years in prison.
“Gerard Ntakirutimana was a good doctor with no politics who returned from abroad to help his community in Rwanda in 1993,” says former ICTR defense investigator Phil Taylor. “One year later disaster struck with the assassination of the President and a brutal war. I believe that both Dr. Gerard and his father Elizaphan are innocent and victims of political hysteria.”

161 THE BIG BUSINESS OF GENOCIDE

The war that rocked Rwanda in the early 1990’s set the stage for a complete reorganization of power and control in the tiny landlocked country. The role of Rwanda in plundering Congo has been highly censored by the establishment press, but greatly illuminated by certain independent journalists. Even the U.N. Panel of Experts reports remain apt testimonials to the plunder which continues, no matter the denials and public relations statements to the contrary, under the watchful eyes of the United Nations Observers Mission in Congo (MONUC) and the so-called international “human rights” community.

On February 8, 2008, for one egregious example of politically motivated disinformation, Kemal Saiki, MONUC’s Chief Public Information officer, gave a public interview in which he stated that Rwandan Defense Forces (RDF) were not present or involved in Congo.162 This is an outright lie and it is not the first lie that Kemal Saiki has told.

163 Rwanda continues to pull the purse strings in eastern Congo and strangle all hope for truth, liberty, justice and life for millions of Congolese people. Congo’s gold, coltan, niobium, oil and diamonds continue to pass through Rwanda and Uganda in transit to international markets. General Laurent Nkunda routinely travels freely back and forth from Congo to Rwanda.

164 By depopulating Rwanda, rich land was opened up for new multinational corporate exploitation and the war brought about new ownership and means of control. Excluding the profits from the extractive industries in Rwanda and Congo, Rwanda’s top money makers are tea, coffee and gorilla tourism. Close on the heels of these are the HIV/AIDS scams involving the Clinton and Pangea Foundations, and their pharmaceutical backers like Pfizer.

In the past six to eight years USAID has invested over US$ 10 million in the coffee sector in Rwanda, which was radically reconfigured—in terms of plantations, landholders, and market dominance—due to the power shift that occurred between 1989, when world coffee prices crashed, and 2006, when USAID, the Kagame government and Starbucks—a major promoter of the Hollywood film King Kong and Kong paraphernalia—announced huge economic gains in the international coffee market. Starbucks provided coffee expertise and training in Rwanda, and their ‘superior’ specialty ‘award-winning’ Rwandan coffee was highlighted in 5,000 Starbucks coffee outlets during March and April 2006.

165 USAID and its business partners have estimated that the coffee sector could generate at least US$ 117 million in export revenues per year for Rwanda by 2010. The tea industry has potential to generate US$ 91 million in export revenues by 2010. The goal for the tourism industry is to attract 70,000 tourists to visit Rwanda and to generate US$ 99 million in revenues by 2010.166 Huge development projects are underway.

All of these require land cleared of people. Enter USAID, Africa Wildlife Fund, the Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International, Conservation International, Royal/Dutch Shell, Jane Goodall Institute, Starbucks, Green Mountain Coffee—and Goodworks International, putting a happy face on it all.

“The more you consume coffee from Rwanda, the more you give Rwanda hope,” said Rwanda’s Ambassador Zac Nsenga. “It’s the quality and the story behind it that makes it special.”
The genocide business and the depopulation behind it is a special story indeed.

HUNTING AND KILLING HUTUS

The state security and intelligence networks in Uganda and Rwanda today revolve around terrorism, and state-run “safe” houses proliferate with very little, if any, attention from human rights organizations or western media institutions. Anyone who violates the code of state-orchestrated silence will be silenced, themselves, perhaps by being ‘disappeared.’
Said one source working in Central Africa: “By the ‘undercover iron hand’ in Rwanda I mean that people are whisked away by government operatives into ‘safe houses’ or [unidentified] torture houses. Nobody knows the whereabouts of these houses but they exist, for some of those who have been taken there can reveal their horrendous experiences.”167
But the true history or terrorism in the region is well- hidden by the media propaganda system, the public relations, and the official Rwanda genocide story.

“We now know that the Rwandan Patriotic Front operated 36 active clandestine cells in Rwanda when it invaded on October 1, 1990, and that these cells worked through human rights groups,” writes Canadian author Robin Philpot in his book, “Colonialism Dies Hard.”168
In 1988, Rwandan multi-millionaire Assinapol Rwigara financed a 1988-1989 bicycling tour of Rwanda in which Paul Kagame and other RPF agents secretly toured the country in a support van belonging to the Ugandan cycling team. Such people as Assinapol Rwigara create inconvenient truths that challenge the establishment narrative about “Hutu extremists planning and organizing genocide” in Rwanda: Rwigara was a Tutsi businessman and close associate of Juvenal Habyarimana, whom he betrayed by financing the RPF.

169 In a situation report (SITREP) dated May 17, 1994, Mark Prutsalis of Refugees International (RI), a U.S. State Department and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) linked non-government organization (NGO), described the situation of Hutu refugees arriving at the rate of 3000 people per day and crossing the Tanzanian border from Rwanda. Some 70,000 refugees had already crossed three major crossing points and the presence of the RPF at the border was noted and described. The document provided “incident” excerpts from a UNHCR protection report made on May 14 and 15, 1994.

170 n the Kigarama Sector of the Rusumo Commune, “The RPF came and called for a ‘peace meeting.’ Those who did not participate voluntarily were forced to the meeting. At the school people were tied together three by three—men/women/children—and stabbed. The bodies were put on trucks and thrown into the Kagera River, north of Rusumo Bridge.”171
In the Nyamugari, Gisenyi, and Nyarubuje sectors of the Rusumo Commune, “The RPF comes at 05h00 waiting for villagers to open their doors. The villagers are caught and taken away to the river by trucks. No one has returned. Refugees of the area have seen people being tied together and thrown into the river. It seems as if guns are only used if somebody tries to escape.”

172 At Rusumo commune, sector Muzaza, Gasarabwayi Village (four kms from the Kagera River): “The RPF launched several attacks on the village and its population. On [May 13] 40 RPF soldiers came at 07h00. They surrounded the village. Villagers were gathered in houses, which were burned down. An eyewitness saw 20 people being killed this way. Eight villagers were thrown into a latrine, and the latrine was filled with soil. Asked by a UNHCR field officer, the refugee said that the RPF did not care whether the victims were Hutu or Tutsi villagers.”173
At the Mugoma border crossing: “The refugees report that on 15 May as many as 100 refugees (maybe more) were killed by the RPF on a hill opposite the closest crossing point [Mugoma].”174
The report cites only RPA/F soldiers involved in killing and the conclusion section includes comments by an International Rescue Committee (IRC) staff member sent to the IRC offices. “Things are getting very bad at the border here… Someone really needs to do something about all of the killing and torture on the other [Rwandan] side. Each day there are more and more bodies in the river and most of them without their heads; the count is between 20 to 30 [bodies] each thirty minutes.”

175 If Fergal Keane were working as an unbiased journalist he could have taken the opportunity to interview refugees in the Tanzanian camps about the RPF slaughter they witnessed. Instead, Keane was on a personal crusade to the Tanzanian camps to track down and convict a supposed Hutu genocidaire named Sylvestre Gacumbitsi.
Similarly, CNN’s Gary Streiker reported from the Tanzanian border during this period—in the first two weeks of May—but the RPF involvement in killing was hidden from the world: like everyone else, Streiker was embedded with the RPF.

“The rapidly moving water of the [Kagera] River,” wrote Thomas Lang in the Columbia Journalism Review, ten years later (2005), in remembrance of Gary Streiker’s reportage of May 9, 1994, “carrying with it hundreds of Rwandan bodies, slaughtered and dumped in the river, creating a picture not seen since the Nazi death camps of the 1940s. An image of almost unimaginable horror. Will the world react to these pictures and do anything? […] Simply put, if you watched CNN in the summer of 1994, you were made aware of a genocide taking place on a nationwide scale—and you were given a working understanding of what triggered it.”

176 According to a U.N. cable dated October 14, 1994, UNHCR special investigator Robert Gersoni gave a detailed verbal briefing (from his notes) on his findings and conclusions after completing an investigation in Rwanda during August and September of 1994. The meeting was attended by Kofi Annan, then the Under-Secretary General for Peacekeeping Operations, by UNAMIR II Force Commander Major General Guy Tousignant, and by several others. Annan had attended a previous meeting with Gersoni on September 14 and warned high-level officials that if Gersoni’s findings were correct they would be very damaging to Kagame’s government and to the United Nations.

177 Robert Gersoni was not known for making mistakes. He was a professional investigator of high-repute known for 25 years of well-documented work for UNHCR, USAID and other bodies. According to UNHCR, Gersoni’s report was based on a five-week investigation that interviewed 300 Rwandans in 41 of Rwanda’s 145 communes and at 9 refugee camps. The secret cable was designed to mitigate the repercussions of the Gersoni charges and institute damage control.

178 We are now engaged in a damage limitation exercise,” wrote Shaharyar Khan, Special Representative to Kofi Annan from the U.N. Assistance Mission to Rwanda II (UNAMIR II).179
According to the cable: “In a two hour briefing, Gersoni put forward evidence of what he described as calculated, pre-planned, systematic atrocities and genocide against Hutus by the RPF, whose methodology and scale, he concluded (30,000 massacred), could only have been part of a plan implemented as a policy from the highest echelons of the [Kagame] government. In his view these were not individual cases of revenge and summary trials but a pre-planned, systematic genocide against the Hutus. Gersoni staked his 25 year reputation on his conclusions which he recognized were diametrically opposite to the assumptions made, so far, by the U.N. and international community.”

180 The document noted Gersoni’s claim that the RPF traveled around committing a genocide against Hutus with hoes, clubs and machetes.181
The above excerpts come from a huge cache of official documents, some of which have been seen only by attorneys at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda.182 These documents and the many more that remain secret provide a substantial body of incontrovertible evidence about who knew what, and when, and about what really happened in Central Africa in the 1990’s, and about how the RPF orchestrated and carried out a highly coordinated and calculated program of depopulation and terror.

“Scratch the surface, the red earth of Rwanda, and you will, it appears, find one vast cemetery,” wrote British journalist Nick Gordon in a shocking 1996 expose. “The people who passed me the document know it will be hard to investigate. Many areas are no-fly zones. The government has exhumed graves, dried the skeletons and burned them. Some graves have been used more than once: they contain bodies from both the first genocide and the counter-genocide. Often the people who have buried the dead, the creusers, are themselves killed so they cannot bear witness.”

183 After 14 years this correspondent has slowly but surely come to the conclusion that if anyone planned genocide in Rwanda, it was the RPF, and only the RPF. If I must accept that a pre-planned genocide was committed by the Interahamwe and “extremist Hutus” as defined by the official Rwanda genocide narrative that is now deeply instilled in the public mind in what can only be considered a collective insanity, then I must insist that the same people who make this claim acknowledge the genocide planned and committed by the RPF.

“Every April, Rwandans remember the 1994 genocide during a week of national mourning,” wrote Dutch journalist Thijs Bouwknegt on April 4, 2008 in an article which explores ‘genocide negationism’. “This year’s official motto is ‘Let us commemorate genocide while fighting against genocide ideology; render assistance to survivors while working for development’. The crimes of the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), however, will be officially forgotten.”

184 In the lastest show of military and political support for terrorist partners serving the U.S. military expansion and natural resource plundered from Africa, the Pentagon in late 2007 extended the Kagame government a military training package worth $7-12 million. When President Bush was in Kigali in 2008, the Pentagon extended another $12 million ‘aid’ package for ‘peacekeeping’ training in Darfur—a euphemism for exporting terrorism of the RPF kind.185

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

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