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Monday, February 23, 2009

The victims get all the blame, and their suffering never ends.

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Three Cheers for Eve Ensler?

Many of the criminals involved were named in the United Nations Panel of Experts reports on illegal extraction of natural resources from Congo. Countless others have been named by numerous independent journalists, including this author, over, and over and over.

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John Bredenkamp. Billy Rautenbach. George Forrest. Louis Michel. Paul Kagame. Yoweri Museveni. Salim Saleh. James Kabarebe. Walter Kansteiner. Maurice Tempelsman. Philippe de Moerloose. Dan Gertler. Étienne Viscount Davignon. Bill Clinton. Simon Village. Ramnik Kotecha. Jean-Pierre Bemba. Romeo Dallaire.

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Nothing is ever done. After the production of the United Nations Panel of Experts reports on the plunder of Congo’s natural resources, nothing was done. Criminal syndicates lobbied to have their names cleared and the United Nations bucked under. Emboldened by toothless international legal instruments and spineless international leaders, the corporations and their criminal syndicates stepped up their operations. Plunder, depopulation, rape, sexual slavery—anything goes.

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A major propaganda front has swept the Western media decrying the unprecedented sexual violence in the Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. As this story goes to press the war in Congo—claiming 1000 lives a day in the East and more than 7 million people since 1996—is escalating yet again.

More than 1.2 million were reported displaced in June, with at least 8000 additional displaced persons on October 22 after fighting escalated—as Western-backed forces perpetrate genocide and terrorism to depopulate and secure the land for multinational mining interests.

Needing to explain away the failure of the 2006 “elections process” and the “peace” that never was, the propaganda system has embraced the theme of femicide. As always, the white champions of human rights and humanitarian concern in the end blame the black victims for their own suffering. While raising much needed awareness, the propaganda front serves a selective and expedient agenda, a tool used to pressure certain political groups and provide cover for the real terrorists.

On a visit to Eastern Congo in May 2007, Eve Ensler—the playwright and producer of the Vagina Monologues—was witness to the profound human suffering and unprecedented sexual violence.

“I have just returned from hell,” Ensler wrote, in Glamour Magazine in August. “I am trying for the life of me to figure out how to communicate what I have seen and heard in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. How do I convey these stories of atrocities without your shutting down, quickly turning the page or feeling too disturbed?”

Ensler came to see what those whose eyes are open cannot deny: the sexual violence and predation in Central Africa is unacceptable, unfathomable, and stoppable. And she has the courage and audacity to write and speak about it.

Three cheers for Eve Ensler!!

Or not?

Through her global campaign to end violence against women, called “V-Day,” and with a nine-page feature article in Glamour magazine in August, Ensler launched a campaign calling for an end to rape and sexual torture against women and girls in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. One of the voices she uses to tell the story is that of Christine Schuler Deschryver, described as a human rights activist in Congo.

Ensler, Deschryver and the campaign have received a lot of press, with stories in Glamour, interviews on the BBC, PBS and Al Jezeera. The New York Times picked up the issue of rape in Eastern Congo in early October, and the Times story was followed the next day with a Democracy Now! interview with Christine Schuler Deschryver.

“Stop Raping Our Greatest Resource, Power To The Women And Girls Of The Democratic Republic Of Congo,” Ensler’s web site explains, “is being initiated by the women of Eastern DRC, V-Day and UNICEF on behalf of United Nations Action Against Sexual Violence in Conflict. The campaign calls for an end to the violence and to impunity for those who commit these atrocities.”

[1]An end to impunity for those who commit these atrocities?

Ensler’s Glamour article is an apt documentary of human suffering and courage. The doctors working to save and heal the survivors of sexual brutality are heroes. The women and girls who have survived are themselves portraits of courage and human dignity.

The issue demands international condemnation and action. However, in her nine-page portrait of heroism and suffering, there is a single half paragraph that ostensibly addresses the roots of the problem.

“The perpetrators include the Interahamwe,” Ensler writes, “the Hutu fighters who fled neighboring Rwanda in 1994 after committing genocide there; the Congolese army; a loose assortment of armed civilians; even U.N. peacekeepers.”

[2] THE GLAMOUROUS GENOCIDE

Who is responsible for the brutality?

According to Glamour and Vanity Fair, it is always those rag-tag Rwandan genocidaires who fled justice in Rwanda, or those ruthless Congolese soldiers from the heart of darkness, and the loose assortments of obviously “loose” civilians, and even the U.N. peacekeepers who, in the United Nations Observers Mission in Congo (MONUC), are men from India, Uruguay, Nepal, Pakistan… and in Darfur, Sudan, it is those damned Janjaweed—Arabs on horseback, you know, the usual dark-skinned subjects.

And there is no mention whatsoever of the deeper realities and responsibilities of white people and predatory capitalism. Where is the discussion of the backers behind this warfare? Who sells the weaponry? Who produces it? Who photographs the UNICEF poster children and peddles the images of suffering in the Western press for billion dollar profit-driven campaigns that do not in the end uplift the people who they claim to care about?

Why are there gala UNICEF “fundraising” benefits—the Annual Snowflake Ball—in New York hotels with white-tie U.S. Presidents as honorary ambassadors and state department officials from the National Security Council—and $10,000 tickets—held by and for officials who remain silent about genocide in Ethiopia or northern Uganda or the U.S.-backed coup d’etat that occurred in Rwanda in 1994 or Zaire (Congo) in 1996?

[3] What we know to be true is that Eve Ensler was lucky to get this article in Glamour at all. The magazine is a travesty of violence against women—cosmetics, luxury aids, “health” and “beauty” products, liposuction, breast implants and sexually seductive advertising peddling the “perfect” female body and great American culture of sexual violence—and yet Glamour offers a platform for Ensler’s message about sexual brutality of unprecedented human proportions.
What’s going on here? There is a reason these stories proliferate and it is not about life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Glamour’s publishers do not care about the suffering of black people. It is pure Western white supremacist propaganda serving to underscore the accepted narratives of Central Africa and assist in the consolidation of power over the region, but this is neither seen nor appreciated by white “news” consumers.

What Eve Ensler and Glamour have not addressed are the warlords behind the warlords, the corporations and white collar crime which is never—or selectively, now and then expeditiously, if ever—reported on the pages of Glamour, Vanity Fair, the New Yorker, or the other promoters of popular propaganda brought to us by the Conde Naste corporate empire.
Behind the warfare always blamed on Africans, behind the warlords’ deadly battles, are other warlords and corporations from Western countries.

The reason people—U.S. and Canadian citizens—are unaware of the issues involved is because of publications like Glamour and the corporations that control them. Ensler’s article begins to look like an advertisement for UNICEF and the so-called “humanitarian” AID industry, which is itself part of the problem, because it remains silent about corporate plunder, “humanitarian” organizations partnering with the corporate exploiters, shared directorships with mining, defense, petroleum and other multinational interests. UNICEF and “not-for-profit” organizations like it are in the business of perpetuating their own survival, the vanguard of transnational capital.

Asked what to do, Ensler points to UNICEF: “Right now, [the best thing to do is] to give to the V-Day UNICEF campaign at vday.org/congo.”

In the end Ensler’s article—like the few racialized articles about rape in Rwanda, Congo and Darfur that have appeared in Ms. Magazine [4]—is a compelling portrait that serves a narrow political agenda of which Ensler appears not to be conscious. Such articles—appearing in gendered white spaces of privilege like Glamour or Ms. or Cosmopolitan—blame the very (African) victims of an international system of oppression that revolves around permanent warfare economies—U.S., Canada, Britain, Belgium, Israel, France, Canada, Australia—and they serve to promote the interests of these by never challenging the perpetrators of chaos and terrorism that are directly aligned with the predominant military-intelligence establishment.

When reporting on rape in Central Africa, articles in Conde Naste group publications—as with almost all publications—have never challenged the governments of either Rwanda or Uganda, soldiers of which have committed massive sexual atrocities, crimes against humanity and other war crimes.

[5] How does it happen that a notorious “dictator” and “cannibal” like Uganda’s legendary dictator Idi Amin could live out his life in splendor in Saudi Arabia? Far more people have suffered terrorism under President Yoweri Museveni in Uganda, than under Idi Amin, yet Museveni remains the West’s golden boy in the old Pearl of Africa.

It was Paul Kagame—“the Butcher of Kigali”—who in the early years—circa 1981 to 1988—wielded the iron fist of terror in Uganda. Kagame was Museveni’s director of Military Intelligence and is now President of Rwanda. Taban Amin, Idi Amin’s eldest son, is today in charge of the Uganda’s dreaded Internal Security Organization, the private terror instrument of President Yoweri Museveni.

While Ugandan troops are perpetrating atrocities in Eastern Congo at this writing, no one says anything about them. Uganda remains near the top of the list for AID to ARMS scandals, even as Museveni visits with George W. Bush at the White House (October 30). Similarly, the Kagame government always gets away with murder because Kagame has friends in high places.
An end to impunity for those who commit these atrocities?

Indeed, it turns out that Eve Ensler is collaborating with certain powerful interests whose involvement in Central Africa has never come under scrutiny. In a September 17, 2007 interview with Ms. Magazine journalist Michele Kort, broadcast by PBS, Ensler was joined in a dialog about sexual violence in Eastern Congo by Christine Schuler Deschryver, described by PBS as “from Bukavu in the Congo, who is an activist against the sexual violence.” [6] This is the same “human rights activist from Congo” interviewed by Amy Goodman on Democracy Now!

Who is Christine Schuler Deschryver?

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF RAPE REPORTING

Jumping on the bandwagon, on October 8, 2007, Democracy Now! ran an interview between Amy Goodman and Christine Schuler Deschryver about sexual violence in Congo. [7] Deschryver claimed that studies were done that show that sixty percent of the sexual violence in Eastern Congo is committed by “these people who did the genocide in Rwanda, by Hutu’s who made the genocide in their country.”

Christine Schuler Deschryver describes the process where militias enter a village, kill all the men, and sexually assault and brutalize the women. [8]

This is “femicide” says Deschryver, a charge repeated by Eve Ensler and echoed by Amy Goodman. “People can help me first of all being an Ambassador and talking about the problem going on in Congo because it’s a silent war. They are killing, they are raping babies… It’s like Darfur: Darfur started four years ago. But Congo started almost eleven years ago and nobody’s talking about this femicide, this holocaust. It’s a femicide because they are just destroying the female species…”

Femicide? Congolese women sexually traumatized, Congolese men killed? It is a process of depopulation and ethnic cleansing.
Speaking from the Democracy Now! studios in New York City, Christine Schuler Deschryver describes a war involving African countries outside Congo, but she does not name Western interests involved.

Christine Schuler Deschryver describes her personal sacrifice to help the victims of Congo’s wars. She states that she works in “administration, in her office…” Until 2002, at least, Christine Schuler Deschryver was known for gorilla conservation, not human rights, in Congo.

Christine Schuler Deschryver is married to Carlos Schuler, a Swiss German working for decades in the Kahuzi-Biega National Park in South Kivu. Carlos Schuler and Christine Schuler Deschryver both work for GTZ— Deutsche Gesellschaft für technische Zusammenarbeit—a “German technological cooperation agency.” Carlos negotiates with warlords for “conservation.” Because of his gorilla conservation interests, Schuler has been described as “Dian Fossey’s successor.” Schuler has maintained very private relations with all military forces in the region, and there are questions about mineral plunder and military collaboration and GTZ’s role in structural violence and warfare in Congo.

GTZ is a German government institution with a corporate structure. The GTZ Supervisory Board has representatives of four Federal [German] Ministries: the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ), Federal Foreign Office, Federal Ministry of Finance, and Federal Ministry of Economics and Labour. Since 1998 the Supervisory Board Chairman has been State Secretary Erich Stather from the BMZ.

GTZ’s involvement in Eastern Congo is notable, given the German links to the Lueshe mine in North Kivu, and the German embassy’s role in exploitation, depopulation and genocide in Congo. One top GTZ executive appears to be linked to German corporate interests seeking to control the Lueshe mine, now controlled by their U.S./German competitors (see below).

The German government has been understandably mute about plunder in Congo, and the presentation of Christine Schuler Deschryver’s—a GTZ agent in Bukavu—as a champion of human rights is a perfect example of the twisted “charity” and “philanthropy” dumped on the Congolese people.
Like the rest of Congo, Kahuzi-Biega is rich in minerals coveted by corporations and governments that include German multinationals like Bayer—subsidiary H.C. Starck—involved in coltan in Congo.

But the interests of Carlos Schuler and Christine Deschryver run much deeper than “gorilla conservation” and “human rights” activism in Eastern Congo. The Deschryver family is one of the elite families in Belgium. Christine’s father, Adrian Deschryver, was one of the first “rangers” of the Kahuzi-Biega National Park. [9] The Deschryver family worked with the Mobutu dictatorship. The great patriarch was August Deschryver, Belgium’s Minister to the Congo at transition, in 1960, a likely candidate involved in undermining and destroying the Patrice Lumumba government, and assassinating the man, in the twilight of Congo’s Independence.

The Kahuzi-Biega National Park began as a Zoological and Forest Reserve gazetted in 1937 after over-hunting threatened to wipe Congo’s big game off the map. Adrien Deschryver helped found the Kahuzi-Biega Park in 1970. [10] One of the first actions was to forcibly displace the huge pygmy population from the park. The pygmies were consulted only to find locations of elephants and gorillas, and then they were removed: they were lured, tricked, forcibly driven out, and some died refusing to leave.

This is exactly what is happening in other parts of Congo today, involving USAID, GTZ, and big “conservation” and “humanitarian” interests like CARE International. [11] Five pygmy groupements—groups of villages spread over large geographical areas—were destroyed. GTZ and UNESCO, the United Nations Scientific and Cultural Organization, got involved in the 1980s, after UNESCO designated Kahuzi-Biega a “World Heritage Site”—clearly another mechanism designed by Western interests to establish cultural and geographic control over people and landscapes. When the GTZ sought to implement “community development” they did not consult with the pygmies to determine their true needs, or wants.

The result was armed violence and death. There was no compensation, and the pygmies—forced out of their universe of knowing, the forest—were left homeless and destitute in a world they did not understand. In 2000 era discussions involving some “440 stakeholders” under the new mantra of participatory involvement, there were only two people of pygmy origin, but these were lauded as representation of all the pygmy peoples.

As one Congolese consultant wrote, “Over the two-month period of research into the situation of the Bambuti Pygmies and the protected areas in North and South Kivu—the Kahuzi-Biega National Park—none of the indigenous Bambuti, Barwa, Batwa and Babuluko [people] displayed any enthusiasm for or awareness of the Kahuzi-Biega National Park conservation project. This project has left them worse off than before it was introduced and implemented. The Pygmies have been expelled and driven out with neither indemnity nor other compensation. They have been cast aside. They belong nowhere.” [12]
This is genocide.

Genocide is the congregation of femicide and homocide, the destruction of an entire people, and that is what is happening to people in Central Africa, regardless of their ethnicity.

The human rights of the pygmies in Eastern Congo are the most violated of the most violated on earth, thanks to the Belgian family Deschryver, UNESCO and the GTZ.
The Amy Goodman report ends with a plea by Christine Schuler Deschryver for funds to put a roof on a house for survivors of sexual violence. How to help? Give to UNICEF, she says, or to Eve Ensler’s international organization “V-Day”.

The Democracy Now! report about rape in Congo followed in rather interesting coincidence with a New York Times feature. Goodman opens her report noting that she interviewed Deschryver “last month” [September] in New York. But the Democracy Now! report appeared on October 8, 2007.

On October 7, 2007, in “Rape Epidemic Raises Trauma of Congo War,” Jeffrey Gettleman reported on rape in Congo for the New York Times.

If Amy Goodman was shocked and horrified about Christine Schuler Deschryver’s descriptions of the scale and nature of sexual violence in Congo, why did she wait so long to run the interview? Why did the Democracy Now! report follow one day after the New York Times feature? Coincidence? Or is the Democracy Now! report just another expedient piece of a coordinated propaganda strategy?

The Gettleman report was a travesty of deception in classic New York Times form. “Eastern Congo is going through another one of its convulsions of violence,” Gettleman writes, “and this time it seems that women are being systematically attacked on a scale never before seen here.”
In fact, the situation in Central Africa has been one steady “convulsion of violence” since, at least, the Rwandan Patriotic Front invasion of Rwanda from Uganda in 1990.

Zaire exploded in 1996, and the killing and raping has never stopped. This author has consistently and repeatedly reported on massive rape, sexual mutilation, and slavery as weapons of war and depopulation in Central Africa since at least 2001, and these were widely reported by others before that. Now, barely a year after the “historic national elections” that brought President Joseph Kabila to power in October 2006, The New York Times is doing damage control.

“The days of chaos in Congo were supposed to be over,” wrote Gettleman. “Last year, this country of 66 million people held a historic election that cost $500 million and was intended to end Congo’s various wars and rebellions and its tradition of epically bad government.”

Things don’t just fall apart in Congo. “Epically bad government” and “chaos” are typically manufactured to serve powerful interests—the “shock doctrine” defined by Naomi Klein [13]—and are the result of epically bad reporting and the impunity that is insured by Western disinformation and propaganda campaigns. Hundreds of millions of dollars pumped into the 2006 electoral process, and much was stolen.

But the elections exercise was not even a band-aid on the festering war in Congo. To describe the ongoing warfare in Eastern DRC as the most recent convulsion of violence is to feed the Western stereotype of the hopeless African condition and run cover for multinational plunder and depopulation, backing warlords, on and on.
Gettleman’s choice of sources and experts is very interesting. One of these, also referenced by Amy Goodman, is Sir John Holmes, a British diplomat with a long history of support for predatory imperialism.

“The sexual violence in Congo is the worst in the world,” said John Holmes, the United Nations under secretary general for humanitarian affairs, to the New York Times.
Holmes provides a tidy commentary about African savagery. What we don’t learn from the New York Times is that Holmes previously worked for the British security firm Thomas De La Rue, one of the top companies in the world that prints money, security documents (e.g. passports) and postage stamps for 150 countries; currency instruments are used to entrench and maintain structural violence.

Thomas De La Rue prints money for the Isle of Man, an offshore tax haven connected to money laundering and mercenaries Tony Buckingham and Simon Mann, and they have printed special currency notes for war-torn Sierra Leone. More significantly perhaps, Holmes was the British Ambassador in Lisbon, Portugal from 1999 to 2001, the period of war in Congo where Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba, partnered with Uganda, a close British ally, launched the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC) rebellion.

Bemba has a villa in Portugal, and his criminal syndicate involves his brother-in-law, blood diamonds and mercenary partner Antony Teixeira, a Portuguese tycoon living in South Africa. Bemba’s troops committed massive rape and sexual violence in DRC, and the Effacer Le Tableau campaign was a genocide campaign against pygmies, but Bemba has never been held to account.[14] U.N. Under Secretary General John Holmes is selectively used by the New York Times to legitimize their propaganda, but Holmes himself should be deposed about his role as an economic hit-man supporting plunder and money laundering.

“The sheer numbers, the wholesale brutality, the culture of impunity — it’s appalling,” says John Holmes, in empty platitudes.

A PORNOGRAPHY OF VIOLENCE

Jeffrey Gettleman goes on to attribute violence to “one of the newest groups to emerge” called “the Rastas, a mysterious gang of dreadlocked fugitives who live deep in the forest, wear shiny tracksuits and Los Angeles Lakers jerseys and are notorious for burning babies, kidnapping women and literally chopping up anybody who gets in their way.”

In fact, the Rastas have been operating in Eastern Congo for at least three years, have previously committed atrocities, and are not a “new group to emerge.” Gettleman has to explain away the violence in African terms, never the white multinational corporations, arms dealers, criminal Western syndicates or “conservation” organizations (they fund) occupying the soils of North or South Kivu provinces on vast tracts of land.

Further, these feature articles express some very white supremacist thinking about rape in Congo. “Because there has been no justice,” Eve Ensler states, “because so few perpetrators have been held accountable for the crimes that they're committing, it's becoming as Christine [Schuler Deschryver] said to me when we were there, like a country sport: rape.”

So, according to this description, Congolese men are universally castigated for “rape as sport,” no matter that this is committed by armed forces backed, armed, and licensed by the West to commit massive sexual atrocities, or that Congolese men are killed outright when militias enter villages. As shown below, the Congolese militias and National Army serve a deeper, hidden, Western corporate agenda: organized white-collar crime. They are paid in kind for services provided to maintain and insure natural resource plunder and the acquisition and control of vast tracts of Congolese territory.

Eve Ensler’s privilege and white supremacy here is illuminated by her feminist perspective, her feminist crusade, and it becomes acceptable for Eve Ensler—and Ms., Glamour, PBS, The Washington Post, Newsweek, etc.—to label all Congolese men as sexual predators. This, of course, is the chorus of the Western media to begin with—Africans are sexually licentious, they copulate like monkeys—only it transcends boundaries and becomes an African condition. Isn’t that why they [those savages] are all HIV/AIDS positive?

Jeffrey Gentleman took it a step further with a direct quote by a Congolese doctor that describes men in Congo as primates. “There used to be a lot of gorillas in there,” he said. “But now they’ve been replaced by much more savage beasts.” Such language would not be tolerated by the New York Times to describe rape elsewhere. Rape as a weapon of war is happening in Afghanistan and Iraq, committed by US soldiers, but the depiction of savagery would never be applied. But here the propaganda system knowingly reduces the issue to sub-human animal behavior by black savages.

There are extensive case studies analyzing and exploring the systematization of sexual violence and the wounds it inflicts in warfare in Eastern Congo. [15] Institutions like Columbia and University of Denver have studied rape and war in eastern Congo for years—funded by private foundations and the euphemistically named United States Institute for Peace.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, UNIFEM and other UN agencies have huge budgets dedicated to “humanitarian” reporting and research. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), alone, has a 2007 budget of $US 686,591,107, “roughly the same level as in 2006,” with an additional $40,000,000 infusion announced by MONUC on October 22, 2007. OCHA merely coordinates 126 organizations, including 10 United Nations agencies and 50 international agencies.

The “humanitarian” misery industry is part of a system perpetuating, supporting, and facilitating a permanent state of emergency in Eastern Congo.
People know about sexual atrocities in Congo and they have known about it at the highest levels for years. The New York Times shares culpability in the proliferation of war in Central Africa; the Western media merely generates war propaganda.

WHERE IS ANDERSON COOPER (360)?

It is well known that orders come from military officers. The orders given call for mass rape and sexual violence as a means of terrorizing and destroying communities, with permanent psychological and physical effects on survivors. The chain of command determines what soldiers do and don’t do. There are hierarchies, and soldiers include young boys and men conscripted into terror networks.

To disobey orders is certain death in these militias, and escape is a deadly proposition. For thousands of men and boys in Central Africa the “least dangerous place to be” is in the military—be it a militia or national army. For thousands of women and girls in Central Africa the “least dangerous place to be” is wedded to a soldier or taken “captive” by him. Becoming a soldier, or “marrying” one, is a necessary and positive choice for many people. [16]

The agency of Congolese men and boys and women and girls is therefore rendered invisible and neutralized by such generalizations and stereotypes pronounced by western elites both in and out of the “humanitarian” business sector.

Further, by castigating all Congolese men, or all soldiers, the blame and responsibility are shifted away from officers and civil authorities who run these criminal networks, and who give orders to rape and plunder as policy. All of the rape stories in the recent propaganda front characterize rape as wanton sexual chaos, rather than weapons and instruments of warfare and social disintegration.

It is the standard message: African chaos, savagery, sexual licentiousness, and primitive, sub-human brutalization. This is the heart of darkness, after all, a place in the “middle of nowhere, a primeval jungle landscape where it is every man for himself, every woman for any man.

Eve Ensler further demonstrates the arrogance of whiteness and ignorance of events by effectively stating that the United States has said nothing about rape in Congo, because we are allies with Rwanda and Uganda, who suffered genocide and saw the so-called genocidaires flood into Congo, who graciously accepted them. In fact, the U.S. overthrew the government of Rwanda in 1994, and the when Rwandan and Ugandan forces shelled refugee camps in Eastern Congo (1996) they followed this with a campaign of extermination where hundreds of thousands of women and children were hunted, raped, and massacred.

This genocide has not been named. Howard French, New York Times bureau chief in Nairobi in the 1990’s, tried to name it, and he comes close in his lukewarm treatise on Western plunder—Africa: A Continent for the Taking—but his efforts were too little. French moved on to become bureau chief in China, leaving Africa behind, with no commitment to act on what he learned. Everyone has tried to bury the truth with the skeletons. The recent thrusts by the Clinton Foundation in Rwanda—dumping millions of dollars into “humanitarian” programs—are a perfect example.

The U.S. factions—the Rwanda Patriotic Front and Uganda People’s Defense Forces that backed their invasion of Rwanda—committed massive rapes in Rwanda as well. From 1990 to 1994 the Ugandan/RPF invaders in Rwanda raped as policy, and Human Rights Watch covered it with their reports of mass rape attributed, universally and solely, to the Hutu genocidiares. This is the political economy of rape and genocide.

Eve Ensler and Christine Schuler Deschryver regurgitate the accepted narratives and blame the victims of corporate and military plunder aligned with Anglo-American-Israeli interests. To her credit, Eve Ensler mentions SONY Playstation and cellphones as culprits, and she suggests action should be taken against corporations, but she blames the illegal mineral trade on the genocidal murderers from Rwanda, the Interahamwe (just as all violence in Darfur is blamed on Janjaweed, and all violence in Afghanistan is blamed on Taliban).

But she states that “we don’t know who” is involved behind or beside these. This cultural reductionism feeds the mainstream media discourses that perpetuate oppressions and consolidate Western power.
Many of the criminals involved were named in the United Nations Panel of Experts reports on illegal extraction of natural resources from Congo.

Countless others have been named by numerous independent journalists, including this author, over, and over and over.
John Bredenkamp. Billy Rautenbach. George Forrest. Louis Michel. Paul Kagame. Yoweri Museveni. Salim Saleh. James Kabarebe. Walter Kansteiner. Maurice Tempelsman. Philippe de Moerloose. Dan Gertler. Étienne Viscount Davignon. Bill Clinton. Simon Village. Ramnik Kotecha. Jean-Pierre Bemba. Romeo Dallaire.

Nothing is ever done. After the production of the United Nations Panel of Experts reports on the plunder of Congo’s natural resources, nothing was done. Criminal syndicates lobbied to have their names cleared and the United Nations bucked under. Emboldened by toothless international legal instruments and spineless international leaders, the corporations and their criminal syndicates stepped up their operations. Plunder, depopulation, rape, sexual slavery—anything goes.

And the media provided its smokescreens: Anderson Cooper “360”.
Eve Ensler has no idea what she is talking about and, on a certain level, like all the rest of us, Eve Ensler is another Mazungu whitey who has no business being in Central Africa at all, because she has no idea what has happened, or is happening, or why.

Her white skin and feminist crusade act as a badge of credibility and insures her privileged access to Western media corporations that benefit from “chaos” and depopulation. When “peace” is discussed it revolves around Western “charity” and “goodwill,” yet more than 100 years of Western involvement in Africa have culminated in permanent slaughter and depopulation across the continent. The raw materials continue to leave.

Christine Schuler Deschryver represents another face of privilege. When times got hard in 1996 she packed her suitcase and left with her two children for Belgium. She flies to New York and is interviewed on Democracy Now!

Listeners in the U.S. believe she is a Congolese native, but she is a Belgian expatriate whose family is a mainstay of colonialism and neocolonialism in Congo. And the Congolese women are never allowed to fly to New York or to tell the deeper story of deracination in “the middle of nowhere,” in Congo. What is the Deschryver family relationship to Philippe De Moerloose or Louis Michel or Étienne Viscount Davignon or the other principal interlocutors in the Belgian money and power syndicates involved behind the scenes in Congo today?

To get a sense of what Glamour does not report—what the New York Times, Ms., Harper’s, Atlantic Monthly, Newsweek, The Nation, BBC, National Public Radio and CNN’s Anderson Cooper “360” will not tell us—take a look behind the scenes in eastern Congo and juxtapose the unreported realities with the personal stories of trauma and recovery told by Eve Ensler in Glamour magazine. While the mainstream corporate media always reduces these stories to a few simple facts, and a panoply of supposedly unfathomable black-on-black violence, there are always some skeletons to be found lurking in the shadows of white society.

THERE’S GOLD IN THEM (BLOODY) HILLS

The North and South Kivu provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo remain awash in blood. Over the past decade hundreds of thousands of women have suffered sexual violence in these provinces as a weapon of war meant to terrorize local populations and gain control of natural resources. Sexual violence includes mutilations, rape and other forms of torture.
Rwandan-backed General Laurent Nkunda has occupied eastern DRC for several years, and was involved in atrocities, war crimes and crimes against humanity in Congo during the first (1996-1997) and second (1998-2004) Congo occupations by Uganda and Rwanda.

The United Nations Observers Mission in DRC (MONUC) makes possible the occupation of Congo by General Laurent Nkunda today. Nkunda is backed by the military regime of President Paul Kagame in Rwanda and by the baby-faced Jean-Pierre Bemba, the rebel warlord from DRC’s Equateur province whose interests and ties in DRC go back to his dark alliance with the dictator Joseph Mobutu and his Western backers.

The U.S. and European interests backing General Laurent Nkunda run deeper than the blood in the fields and rivers of eastern Congo. The German Embassy in the Democratic Republic of Congo is involved in shady business deals, backing militias and plundering raw materials from Congo, and behind them is U.S. involvement.

This has partially occurred through the military control of a mine called Lueshe, located in a village called Lueshe, in North Kivu, some 170 kilometers northwest of Goma. But it also involves coltan, cassiterite, diamonds and gold, and the economic benefits that accrue to those who control land and taxes.

One gold mining firm with vast landholdings in South Kivu province is Canada’s Banro Corporation. Banro has control of four major properties, 27 exploration permits and 5730 square kilometers of gold mining concessions. [17] Banro operates only in the Democratic Republic of Congo, in the blood-drenched South Kivu province.

Look at the size of their landholdings: <http://www.banro.com/s/Properties.asp>.

When we talk about International Criminal Tribunals, who are the real war criminals?

What about Simon Village, Peter Cowley, Arnold Kondrat, John Clarke, Bernard van Rooyen, Piers Cumberlege and Richard Lachcik—the directors of Banro Corporation? [18] What is the definition of “white collar” crime? How does a company of white executives like Banro from Canada gain control of such vast concessions? Through bloodshed and depopulation with black people pulling the triggers.
What has changed since King Leopold’s era?

NIOBIUM & THE POLITICS OF SCARCITY

In North Kivu province the Lueshe mine provides a well-documented example of the kinds of nefarious activities that all Western governments are involved with in Congo, and in Africa more generally, and these activities certainly apply to Banro and other corporations—this is how the system works, and who works it. The Lueshe Niobium mining scandal merely provides an excellent case study where the thief has been caught red-handed with his hands in the illegal minerals pot.

The Lueshe Niobium mine has been under the control of pro-Rwandan forces for the past eight to ten years, first under the Congolese Rally for Democracy (RCD) rebels allied with Rwanda and Uganda and Jean-Pierre Bemba, and now under the “protection” of General Laurent Nkunda. But Lueshe’s history is deeply rooted in the controlling interests of the German government and its U.S. and European partners.

The rare earth metal, niobium or “niob” for short, formerly also known as Columbium, is found there, together with tantalum, in the mineral Pyrochlore. Niobium became extremely important within the last twenty years because of its enlarged range of application for aerospace and defense purposes.

Niobium is mainly used as an alloying addition in the production of high quality steel used in the aircraft and space industries, as well as in medicine. It is also widely used in basic applications of machinery and construction and in quite large quantities in the production of stainless steel. Niob, like tantalum and columbium-tantalite or “coltan,” is also coveted for the emerging and secretive “nanotechnology” sector—also pivotal to state-of-the-art and futuristic aerospace, defense, communications and biotechnology applications.

There are three principal niobium deposits in the world, all controlled by a company named Arraxa: one in Brazil, one in Canada and the Lueshe mine in DRC. The owner of Arraxa is the U.S. based company Metallurg Inc., N.Y. Mettalurg Inc. is itself a subsidiary of Mettalurg Holdings of Wayne, Pennsylvania, and Mettalurg Holdings is one of many companies in the investment portfolio of Safegaurd International Investment Fund of (Philadelphia) Pennsylvania, Frankfurt and Paris.

[19]In 1982 Metallurg signed a mining convention with the Republic of Zaire, enabling them to exclusively extract all Pyrochlore at the Lueshe niobium deposit for the next twenty years. A company named SOMIKIVU (Societè Miniere du Kivu) was established. Metallurg ´s 100% subsidiary, the German company GfE Nuremberg (Gesellschaft fuer Elektrometallurgie GmbH), became a 70 % shareholder.

By 1990, SOMIKIVU stopped all production, which was never much at all, because it was apparently insured by HERMES AG, backed by the German Government, to prevent production from the Lueshe mine in order to drive up and control the price of niobium mined and processed at the other sites outside of Congo/Zaire. It was also important to prevent any competitive venture from acquiring the mining rights and subsequently from actually operating the Lueshe mine.

According to available documents, employees of the German Embassy have personally benefiting from, and are involved in, the business of GfE/Metallurg. This involvement has included complicity in extortion, assault, murder, war crimes and crimes against humanity. This involvement includes complicity in sexual atrocities committed by the paid agents of white, Western corporations.

In 1999, after years of inactivity and lost incomes to the Congolese state—a very minority partner manipulated into a position of exploitation as usual—the Lueshe niobium mine was expropriated from its owners by Congo’s new president Laurent Kabila and turned over to the firm E. Krall Investment Uganda (Edith Krall), under a Congolese subsidiary company E. Krall Metal Congo. Nonetheless, with the military backing of Rwanda, RCD rebels operated the mine from 1999-2005 with the help of German Embassy (Kinshasa) affiliate Karl Heinz Albers, also a close business partner of the Rwandan Patriotic Front Government of Paul Kagame. It is also alleged that mercenaries have been involved in securing the mine.

The new owners of E. Krall Metal Congo reportedly tried to visit their new mine in 2000, amidst some of the most serious and brutal fighting in the entire war. The officials were arrested by RCD military who immediately called Karl Heinz Albers, then a permanent resident in Kigali, Rwanda.

According to documents provided by Krall, Albers explained that the RCD should not ask questions but “eliminate” the Krall group—kill them on the spot. The RCD Goma secret service chief apparently refused to execute this order and released the people of the Krall group. This action helped the Krall delegation to escape to Uganda but made the RCD secret service chief in Congo subject to assassination attempts by killers from Kigali. The RCD chief only saved his life by immediate emigration to Uganda, where he was nonetheless also subject to several assassination attempts reportedly ordered by Karl Heinz Albers.

Albers was reportedly selling coltan from the Krall concessions to the German firm H.G. Starck. From August 2000 to October 2001 Somikivu shipped some 669 tons of Pyrochlore concentrate to Rotterdam harbor in Amsterdam. After October 2001 shipments went to A&M Minerals in London, a company on the U.N. Panel of Experts blacklist who are alleged to have purchased illegally some 2,246 tons of Pyrochlore concentrate before 2004.

Dr. Johannes Wontka, German citizen and technical director of SOMIKIVU, informed the members of Krall Métal that while Krall may have the legal titles from Kinshasa to operate Lueshe, the SOMIKIVU (Karl Heintz Albers) gang had the power to do so, therefore they should in their own physical interest “disappear”. Dr. Wontka reportedly requested a Major of the RCD army to kill the chief of the “Syndicate Global” the labor union leader of the workers in Lueshe who were on strike due to months of non-payment of salaries.

Dr. Wontka reportedly requested that the RCD Major shoot the “whites” that would come soon to Lueshe—the technical delegation of Krall Métal who were on their way—and promised money for the job. By chance the RCD Major was the brother-in-law of the trade union leader whom he was tasked to shoot and therefore he neither shot him nor the ”whites” he was meant to kill, but reported the case to the police. The general prosecutor of North Kivu eventually confiscated the passport of Dr. Wontka, and Wontka, who tried to flee Congo with his family, was arrested at the border and brought to Goma, DRC. And then the German Embassy in Kinshasa cranked into gear.

THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF AMBASSADORSHIPS

The German Ambassador to Kinshasa, Mrs. Doretta Loschelder, informed the public by giving press statements that German investors will not invest in Congo projects and that economic support by Germany will not be transferred to Congo if the authorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo are going to treat investors in the way authorities in Goma were treating the SOMIKIVU agent Dr. Wontka. Under this pressure, Dr. Wontka was released from prison and within 30 minutes fled Congo against orders of the police and immigration officials.

Mrs. Johanna König, employed at the ministry of foreign affairs of Germany until 2001, and serving at the German embassy in Kigali as Ambassador of Germany in Kigali, was until February 2004 a member of the board of KHA International AG, the holding parent company of the Karl Heinz Albers companies. Konig apparently visited the Lueshe mine with Rwandan military protection. The RCD were also operating the Lueshe mine under forced labor conditions, at one time reportedly involving prisoners from Rwanda accused of genocide by the Kagame regime.

The Krall complaints—well documented—have been brought to officials in Holland, Germany, Switzerland, England and the U.S., all of which have some financial interest or some link in the chain of exploitation. No action has been taken anywhere, and officials of the German Embassy in Kinshasa reportedly continue to benefit from the illegal exploitation of the Lueshe mine. The multinational firm PricewaterhouseCoopers is also invested in the companies exploiting Lueshe and profiting from war, slavery and depopulation in Congo.

At this time, the Karl Heinz Albers may have transferred his “rights” to Lueshe to one Julien Boilloit, a businessman in Kigali who has a big office in Goma and operates behind militias in the Kivus. Julien Boillot’s partners reportedly include Mode Makabuza—a Congolese businessman with multiple interests in Goma. The governor of North Kivu has certainly been paid off.
The recent spate of “news” reports and broadcasts on sexual violence in Eastern Congo are part of a coordinated campaign. It is interesting that sexual violence became an issue when it did. Sexual violence is off the charts, but the appearance, slant, framing and timing of reportage suggests is being used to manipulate public sentiment to serve the interests of certain powerful actors at the expense of others.

It is certainly a lever used against the Congolese government of President Joseph Kabila, and it may be that it is coordinated in response to Kabila’s recent deals with China. After all, it has now been reported by the BBC that the Kabila government is working with the Hutu genocidaires, the FDLR—Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda—the ultimate evildoers. It doesn’t matter that the Paul Kagame government’s military and corporate machine has dealt with FDLR all along, when it serves their interests, to import terror and export raw materials. This is all very well-documented.

The Western public is unaware of these greater readings, and merely gobble up the news reports as examples of an equitable and humane Western media system that is attuned to tragedies, even if they were late to decry and report them. Western feminists are all over the rape story, but where should the outrage be directed?

Rape was off the agenda at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda (ICTR) until Hillary Clinton showed up in Arusha, Tanzania—the city that became the economic beneficiary of the lucrative ICTR boondoggle—and pledged $600,000 to be paid after the first ICTR rape conviction. And then they had to find someone to pin rape charges on—but the RPF who committed the rapes were never at risk. It was Bill and Hillary’s blood money, and another financial incentive used to whitewash the Clinton’s role in genocide and covert operations in Central Africa.

The Rwandan Patriotic Front led by Paul Kagame committed massive sexual atrocities from 1990 to 1994 in Rwanda, and throughout the RPF campaign in Congo, but these were covered up by Western reporters at the time and later blamed, universally, on the Hutus. [20] The establishment narrative on rape in Rwanda was dictated from the start by Human Rights Watch with their pro-RPF treatise Shattered Lives: Sexual Violence During the Rwanda Genocide, published in 1996.

[21]Who should help the victims of sexual violence in Congo? How about the German multinational corporation Bayer AG—whose subsidiary H.C. Starck was directly involved in the coltan plunder by the RPF.

How about GTZ, involved in Congo (Zaire) since 1980 and the expropriation and exclusion of the pygmy’s way of life. How about Nokia. Intel. Sony. Barrick Gold Corporation. Anglo-American Corp. Banro. Moto Gold. Belgian Philippe de Moerloose and his Damavia Airlines. Bill and Hillary Clinton and their diamond buddy, Maurice Tempelsman, and De Beers. Tempelsman and DeBeers have plundered Congo for more than fifty years. And how about Royal/Dutch Shell, another backer of the Kagame regime.

Add sexual violence to the list, sure, but Eve Ensler and the Western media propaganda campaign for “an end to sexual violence in Congo” must be placed in its proper context: white supremacy and the shock doctrine of global corporate plunder. In this context rape and depopulation are permanent conditions, the real killers get away with murder, and there is endless, brutal revenge by the victors.

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The victims get all the blame, and their suffering never ends.
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The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Sunday, February 22, 2009

PRESS RELEASE N ° 06/SE/CD/FEBRUARY/2009 OF THE FDLR

Rwandan new tactic to tarnish the FDLR image will backfire.

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All of the information alleged and spread up by agents of Kigali, some of which are infiltrated within the UN to tarnish the FDLR image on Human Rights abuses has proven to be false.

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The Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) inform the public, the media and the International Community that the information published by the UN Mission in DRC (MONUC) and taken by Ms. Michèle Montas, Spokesperson for the UN Secretary-General in her briefing of February 18, 2009 and by some news agencies that the combatants Abacunguzi were surrounded by the coalition of the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and the Armed Forces of DRC (FARDC) are totally false.

The FDLR invite all those who want to know the truth about the balance of this war to check in hospitals of Goma and Gisenyi the number of military injuries and deaths in the morgues. Then they will understand whom of the FDLR or the armed coalition RPA / FARDC encounter insurmountable difficulties in this unnecessary, senseless and unjust war.

The FDLR encourage the RPA/FARD coalition and MONUC to stop publishing lies in the media about the so-called members of the FDLR killed in this war or voluntarily repatriated to Rwanda . The truth will soon or later burst into the open.

The FDLR are convinced that any loss of lives in this war is unnecessary and should be avoided at all costs and call upon members of the FARDC and the RPA to refuse to go to die in a useless, unjust and senseless war, without issue and whose interests go far beyond their understanding.

The information from MONUC that the brave fighters Abacunguzi have engaged in looting, abductions, rape and murder are completely false and unfounded, and are only intended to tarnish the image of the FDLR and their leadership.

Rather, it is the military coalition formed by the RPA and the FARDC supported by elements of MONUC who are committing war crimes and crimes against humanity including robbery, rape, destruction of property, forced displacements of civilians, the use of people as human shields, harassment of people, and trampling on the fundamental principles of international humanitarian law against both the Rwandan Hutu refugees in DRC and the indigenous Congolese people accused of sympathizing with the FDLR.

The hunt for Rwandan Hutu refugees in DRC, their deportation in Rwanda in a nazi style is not a crime against humanity? The current use of prisoners of war in the campaigns against the FDLR on the airwaves of Radio Rwanda , different Congolese radios and even on Radio Okapi is not a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law?

It is surprising to note that when charges increase to stigmatize the failure of MONUC to protect civilians of the DRC from armed attacks by the promoters of the Rwandan and Congolese genocide i.e. the RPA, officials of MONUC fire from everywhere.

The charges coincide with the denunciations by Rwandan refugees, the Congolese people of all provinces and a majority of Congolese members of parliament, of the suspicious and lethal role consisting of using UN forces in the DRC as backup forces to the armed coalition by some officials of MONUC.

The FDLR challenge MONUC and other organizations which question the conduct of the FDLR to provide evidence to support their allegations. Specifically, the FDLR declare that the so-called massacre of 100 people in Pinga allegedly committed by the FDLR as MONUC said never happened. Similarly, the famous alleged massacres of Kashebere and Remeka or in South Kivu which were echoed by several media never took place.

The FDLR inform the public and the media that the Rwandan Patriotic Army, in collaboration with the elements of PARECO, has committed massacres in Katoyi, Masisi territory, in January 2009, and that massacre should not be falsely attributed to the FDLR.

The FDLR invite once again the UN Security Council to establish immediately an independent international commission of inquiry in charge of shedding light on the serious violations of human rights taking place in the Kivu, to identify their perpetrators and bring them to book.

The FDLR remain convinced that MONUC should move away from the cynical pre-emptive war undertaken by the Congolese authorities allied to those of Rwanda and stop all attacks while trying to attract the support of international opinion by a series of lies.

The Kigali officials and their sponsors infiltrated in MONUC currently resorting to disinformation and deceit forgetting that facts are stubborn and that the adventure undertaken by the gravediggers of the people of the Great Lakes Region of Africa cannot defeat peoples led by the spirit of justice and self-determination to regain their rights, must understand that the truth will always prevail over falsehood and good over evil, and that if they do not want to respond one day of their crimes before justice, they would do better to engage fully, faithfully and impartially in their mission.

The FDLR urge their brave freedom fighters "Abacunguzi" to remain united and determined to ensure the protection of civilian populations and continue to demonstrate their discipline in order to face the challenges imposed by the enemy.

The FDLR remain convinced that the war imposed by the regimes in Kigali and Kinshasa does not solve the political problem of Rwanda and call again upon any peace-loving people to support an inter-Rwandan dialogue for the final resolution of this political problem.

The FDLR remain committed to peace and remind Rwanda and the DRC that it is not yet late to stop the dirty ongoing war in the eastern DRC.

Done in Paris on February 20, 2009

Callixte Mbarushimana

Executive Secretary of the FDLR

(Sé)

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Et si le ridicule tuait

Nous vivons dans un monde où les régimes totalitaires et leurs excroissances logiques nous révèlent que plus rien d'humain ne demeure et seul demeure le règne du meurtre. Le mensonge est l'arme tranchant d'un criminel qui commet une infinité d'actes criminels indissociables les uns des autres en imputant sa barbarie meurtrière aux victimes. Ces derniers mènent une vie définie comme tuable sans sanction, ni poursuites. C'est le cas dans la région des grands lacs africains où des millions de citoyens ont perdu la vie ces dernières années et aussi étrange que cela puisse paraître, le destructeur est acclamé et défendu par ceux ou celles qui prêchent la démocratie dans le monde. Paradoxal mais vrai. Ce paradigme assure la survie de l'un par l'élimination de l'autre, ainsi le mal triomphe et devient la règle à quoi tout s'ordonne, rendant inefficace l'application d'un jugement humain voire objectif et d'une pensée rationnelle.

Contre toute logique totalitaire, vouloir éliminer son opposant politique ne constitue en aucun cas la consolidation d'un pouvoir dictatorial et hégémonique, au contraire le système s'autodétruit au fil des temps et la vérité finit par triompher. D'aucuns aujourd'hui considèrent que le pouvoir de Kigali a ces derniers temps dépassé les limites du supportable en attaquant à la nième fois les réfugiés rwandais rescapés du génocide. Cette fois –ci plus rien ne sera pas comme avant car à m'en croire Kagame et ses conseillers se sont trompés sur les signes du temps. En 1996 lorsqu'il a attaqué les camps de réfugiés en ex- Zaïre, actuel RDC, la population sans défense s'est dispersée dans un "sauve qui peut" à travers les forêts impénétrables du Zaïre. Plusieurs d'entre eux ont été décimés et exécutés atrocement par cette armée des extrémistes tutsis du FPR au milieu des forêts et loin des observateurs. Kagame aurait crû que ce scénario se répéterait. Pour le moment les réfugiés n'ont plus d'autres options que de gagner leur mère patrie et puisque c'est lui l'agresseur, il devra assumer les conséquences qui en résulteront car l'opération qui selon lui devait durer une semaine est à son deuxième mois, signe qu'il est entrain de perdre du terrain.

Seulement la vérité sur le bilan des pertes humaines des soldats du FPR sera tôt ou tard connue. Ce qui est certain, les soldats du FPR s'aventurent à tâtons sur un terrain glissant et dangereux à la chasse d'un hutu qu'il soit congolais ou rwandais, sinon comment pourront- t- ils les différencier. Leurs contradictions nous donnent l'idée sur ce qui se passe dans cette région du nord- Kivu car à moins d'être aveugle comment une coalition qui vante leur bravoure par le fait qu'ils ont tué 89 combattants du FDLR et qui croit avoir chassé les combattants du FPR dans les régions du Masisi et Ruchuro se contredit en affirmant quelques jours après que les mêmes FDLR ont exécuté 50 civils dans la même région où ils ont été chassés selon les partisans du FPR. Le FPR a cette habitude de semer la confusion et la zizanie, cela fait partie d'une guerre médiatique qu'il a su toujours exploiter dans le temps. C'est un passé mélancolique dont il faudra malheureusement se souvenir pour en tirer la leçon afin que la même erreur ne puisse plus se répéter.

Ce que les gens ignorent, l'armée du FPR n'a jamais quitté la RDC même si ces derniers temps elle est entrée officiellement après plusieurs tractations officieuses qui ont surpris la population de cette partie de la RDC, théâtre des conflits ethniques. Qui est Nkunda et qui dirige le RCD, la branche politico-militaire congolaise? Pourquoi l'armée de la RDC n'a pas vaincu la rébellion nkundiste soutenue par le régime de Kigali. Pourtant la presse congolaise a dévoilé certaines velléités en pointant du doigt les dirigeants de la RDC et d'aucuns croient à tort ou à raison que cette rébellion menée par Nkunda et soutenue par Kagame bénéficiait d'une complicité à la tête du gouvernement congolais. Si tel est le cas, l'armée congolaise ne devrait pas être condamnée dans sa défaite car les ex-FAR ont été victimes des traîtres au niveau politique et au sein des cadres militaires qui travaillaient à la solde du FPR. Bref cette coalition ne devrait pas inquiéter ceux qui luttent pour que la justice soit faite et que la paix revienne dans la région des grands lacs africains. Dans sa forme l'ennemi du peuple n'a pas changé et on croit mal l'aboutissement d'une coalition entre les vieux ennemis, le peuple congolais n'oubliera jamais les millions de congolais qui sont morts dans cette bataille d'annexion menée par Kagame et ses acolytes. Ridicule serait d'ignorer le passé et par-dessus-tout serrer la main à celui qui a apporté tous les malheurs à ce peuple innocent. Kagame croit fermement à la naïveté de ce peuple majoritaire qu'il voudrait malignement éliminer sans que ce dernier s'en rende compte.A moins d'être trop aveugles l'histoire ne devrait pas se répéter.

Il faut que la raison se transforme en conscience car à cause de l'argent, ce doux petit diable, la corruption désunit ce peuple qui se bat pour une même cause et par conséquent l'ennemi d'hier devient par transhumance l'ami d'aujourd'hui mais cet argent est utilisé pour atteindre des objectifs non déclarés ouvertement et une fois atteints le traître est éliminé et le calvaire de l'oppression oblige à admettre l'omniprésence de la mort et la disparition de tout espace de sécurité. Le peuple sans défense devient captif d'un régime totalitaire traitant ses sujets comme des esclaves. Tous les hutus qui ont soutenu le régime du FPR ont été exécutés un à un et dans des conditions atroces alors qu'en pleine lutte politique ils étaient considérés comme des modérés. Ceux qui ont pu échapper à l'emprise du FPR sont considérés aujourd'hui comme génocidaires ou négationnistes. C'est le même cas pour les militaires qui ont trahi son peuple comme Bizimungu Séraphin, surnommé Amani. Ex-dirigeant du FDLR, il fut accueilli avec des honneurs par le gouvernement de Kigali mais quand le moment est venu il fut jeté dans une prison comme un bon à rien. Il risque d'y passer toute sa vie dans un grand regret d'avoir trahi les leurs. Rwarakabije subira le même sort et les jours sont comptés. Cette dernière défaite risque de lui coûter cher car le FPR compte beaucoup sur lui dans cette guerre insensée qu'il mène contre les FDLR. Dans la même foulée il envoie en majorité les hutus au front en RDC pour s'entretuer avec leurs frères et sœurs. Les plus jeunes sont visés car les adultes pourrissent dans les prisons mouroirs, c'est une nouvelle forme d'extermination du peuple rwandais car même les tutsis envoyés au champ de bataille contre leur gré, très peu sont ceux qui reviennent vivants.

Le peuple congolais également devra se rappeler que les extrémistes tutsis au pouvoir à Kigali veulent les exterminer malicieusement en les entrainant dans ce bourbier meurtrier. Les dirigeants militaires du FPR n'ont appris qu'à tuer. Cela fait partie de leur quotidien, par contre le peuple congolais est un peuple paisible qui aime la paix et la gaieté du cœur reflétée par l'amour de la musique et de la danse. Les réfugiés rwandais ont été bien accueillis dans cette région de la RDC et tissé de bonnes relations avec la population locale, cela n'a pas enchanté le régime de Kigali. Les FDLR n'ont jamais attaqué le Rwanda mais une fois agressés ils n'ont fait que se défendre. Aujourd'hui poursuivis dans les régions où ils ont pris refuge, leur contre attaque est le début d'une libération d'un peuple privé de leur liberté voilà bientôt 18ans. Les jours à venir restent imprévisibles et il est temps que le FPR comprenne que la guerre n'est pas la seule solution pour faire taire son opposant une fois pour toute mais comme le ridicule ne tue pas, le régime dictatorial de Kigali s'en rendra compte quand il sera déjà très tard.

Kaburabuza Mose.

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Saturday, February 21, 2009

Hidden Killings of Rwandan Refugees - Edition 2009

Le Témoin oculaire raconte

Mise au point sur le Document

UNHCR: Hidden Killings of Refugees by Ex-FAR Soldiers

Va-t-on encore tenter d’attribuer le massacre des réfugiés rwandais se trouvant en RDC à leurs protecteurs FDLR comme on l’a fait par diversion à l’égard des Ex-FAR en 1997 ?

Par Kanyarwanda Veritas

18 février 2009

Le Document UNHCR: Hidden Killings of Refugees by Ex-FAR Soldiers mis en cause est trouvable sur le site web Google. Je reproduis ses extraits en italique tel qu’il est écrit sans accents français et avec toutes les fautes qu’il contient.

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Ma mise au point porte sur la personnalité et la crédibilité du témoin et celles de ses interlocuteurs, ainsi que sur le contenu du témoignage et son objectif.
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NDLR: le plus grand reproche: Certains enquêteurs, media et ONGs occidentaux - dans le conflit rwandais - ne prêtent pas leurs oreilles aux deux sons de cloches pour une analyse et une conclusion objectives.

Les deux sons de cloches

Observation sur le témoin Niyonzima Ntagungira Gérard

Niyonzima Ntagungira Gérard est un homme qui, en 1994, venait de passer plus de 9 ans à l’Ecole secondaire et n’avait pas encore terminé les Humanités. Il paraît qu’il était encore en 5ème année. Il devait encore faire deux ans et ainsi passer 11 ans au secondaire au cas où il réussirait, sinon plus, au lieu du cycle normal de 6 ou 7 ans.

Il changeait chaque fois des établissements et des sections de telle sorte qu’il ne maîtrisait rien. C’est ainsi qu’il se présentait différemment selon les circonstances. Par exemple il s’est présenté à l’UNHCR à Bangui comme étant ancien comptable à l’Université Nationale du Rwanda alors qu’il s’était présenté comme assistant médical ou infirmier à Tingi-Tingi. C’est donc un homme qui a des allures d’escroc.

Le témoignage de Niyonzima Ntagungira Gérard n’est que machination. Ou bien il l’a fait en tant qu’agent du Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR) infiltré parmi les réfugiés, cela pouvant s’expliquer par le fait qu’il a quitté le Rwanda tard et est arrivé à Mugunga le 15/10/94, ou bien il l’a fait sur commande pour obtenir des faveurs de ses interlocuteurs.

Observation sur Madame Goumba

Madame Goumba, l’interlocutrice principale de Niyonzima Ntagungira Gérard qui l’a introduit à l’UNHCR, était la représentante du FPR à Bangui.

L’on se demande sur quel critère elle s’est basée pour le recruter si elle ne l’attendait pas ou si elle n’a pas été informée de sa présence parmi les réfugiés par le FPR et reçu de celui-ci les instructions de le chercher et d’acter sa déposition. C’est ainsi qu’elle l’a fait auditionner par l’UNHCR, et lui seulement, dans le sens incriminant les Ex-FAR.

La transmission du témoignage au Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies

L’UNHCR a pris le témoignage de Niyonzima comme la vérité et l’a endossé sans le confronter avec des témoignages d’autres réfugiés et sans lui poser aucune question sur les massacres qui ont été commis contre les réfugiés par le FPR de Paul Kagame et l’Alliance des Forces Démocratiques pour la Libération (AFDL) de Laurent Désiré Kabila.

Tandis que le Représentant d’alors du gouvernement de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) aux Nations Unies l’a aussi endossé et l’a transmis au Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies. L’objectif était de disculper le FPR et l’AFDL, et d’incriminer les Ex-FAR en général et le cadre officier en particulier.

Sinon on ne voit pas l’intérêt que ce diplomate avait à transmettre au Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies un témoignage isolé et non vérifié incriminant les protecteurs des réfugiés à la place de leurs assaillants. Tout a donc été fait sur instructions du FPR et de l’AFDL. L’UNHCR fut un instrument sans le savoir !

Observation sur le contenu du témoignage de Niyonzima Ntagungira Gérard

Les incohérences sur les dates de départ du camp de Mugunga prouvent que le témoignage de Niyonzima Gérard n’est qu’un montage.

***

« Depart 28/02/97 de MUGUNGA pour TINGI –TINGI » (date indiquée dans l’identification de Niyonzima).

«Le 01 /10/96:Nous etions au camp de refugie de MUGANGU quand la ville de GOMA a ete attaque. Les ex-Far que nous etions ensemble au camp nous a donne l' ordre de fuir le camp..... »

« Le 3/10/96 nous avons quitte le camp de RUGUNGA vers SAKE, nous avons fait une escale a NYAMIRAMBO. Derniere nous, il y a la ville de Goma la ou il y avait la guerre.... »

« Le 15/10/96 Colonnel RWAMAMYWA a 20 h a donne l' ordre de detruire tous les armes lourds, les bus de L' ONATRACOM tout les vehicules de l' ETAT qu' ils avaient pilles, et tous les jeunes garcons d' aller en avant ».

« La nuit du 15/10/96 nous avons pris le chemin de la foret vers MASISI ... »

D’une part il n’y avait pas de raison de quitter le Camp de Mugunga le 3 octobre 1996 puisqu’il n’y avait pas de menace. Niyonzima Gérard prétend qu’il y avait la guerre derrière eux à Goma alors que la guerre n’avait pas encore commencé.

Par contre si Niyonzima Gérard a réellement quitté le camp de Mugunga le 3 octobre 1996, c’est qu’il savait plutôt que la guerre était proche.

En effet la guerre a commencé au Sud-Kivu (capital Bukavu) le 7 octobre 1996 par l’attaque du camp des réfugiés de Gitembesho. Au Nord-Kivu (capital Goma) elle a commencé par une embuscade du FPR tendue à Rugari entre Goma et Rumangabo le même 17 octobre 1996.

Ensuite les camps des réfugiés Katale et Kahindo furent attaqués le 19 Octobre 1996. La ville de Goma fut attaquée le 1 novembre 1996 et le camp Mugunga fut attaqué et détruit les 14 et 15 novembre 1996, un mois après la date du 15 octobre 1996 citée par Niyonzima.

D’autre part Niyonzima Gérard ne pouvait pas quitter le camp de Mugunga pour Tingi-Tingi le 28 février 1997 puisque le camp de Mugunga n’existait plus. C’est plutôt à cette date du 28 février 1997 que le camp de Tingi-Tingi fut détruit par le FPR et l’AFDL.

Montage des faits rapportés par Niyonzima Gérard comme s’il en fut témoin oculaire alors qu’il n’était plus ou n’a pas été aux endroits cités.

« Quand le militaire ex-FAZ voyaient ca ils ont fait un repris general, ils ont resses un helicoptere PUMA et un avion petit porteur las las a TINGI-TINGI, quand le Colonnel NTIWIRAGABO etait arrive, il a donne l' ordre de detrouir tout et c' est a partir de ce moment las que le Major Piole KANYAMIBWA a donner l' ordre de tuer les personnes qui etaient au cashon 40 personnes et quand il s' agit une personne hospitalise ou le tue dans l' hopital pour qu' il ne parle pas leurs secrets aux militaires gagnant ».

« Nous avons quitte TINGI-TINGI dans la nuit du 28/02/97 et le 01/03/97 vers LUBUT-KISANGANI quand nous sommes arrives a LUBUTU Major KANYAMIBWA il a tue 4 jeunes garcons parcequ'ils ont refuse de transporter des caisses de cartouches ».

Le 28 février 1997 Niyonzima Gérard n’était plus à Tingi-Tingi pour constater les faits qu’il rapporte. S’étant présenté comme assistant médical ou infirmier, il avait quitté Tingi-Tingi au milieu du mois de février 1997 en accompagnant des malades à Kisangani auxquels il devait veiller à l’hôpital de Kisangan.

Il ne peut donc pas prétendre avoir entendu le Général Aloys Ntiwiragabo donner des ordres de détruire tout y compris des aéronefs qui n’appartenaient pas aux réfugiés, et le Major Pilote Kanyamibwa donner des ordres de tuer les gens. De même il n’était pas à Lubutu le 1 mars 1997 pour voir le Major Kanyamibwa tuer les gens.

Pour ce qui concerne les aéronefs, c’est le Colonel Zaïrois Nabyolowa alors commandant des opérations sur l’axe Kisangani-Walikale qui les a détruits le 1 mars 1997 vers 7 heures du matin alors que le Général Aloys Ntiwiragabo avait quitté Tingi-Tingi vers 6 heures du matin. Le Colonel Nabyolowa le dira au Général quand il l’a trouvé sur la route Lubutu-Kisangani dans l’après-midi.

« Le 15/03/97 nous avons traverses la riviere UBUNDU (c'est la ou il ya un chemin de fer UBUNDU-KISANGANI). Nous avons pris le chemin de la foret parceque leurs intentions c'est de passer dans les forets pour ne pas se rencontre avec les nouveaux militaires ».

Comme stipulé ci avant, Niyonzima Gérard se trouvait déjà à Kisangani depuis le milieu du mois de février 1997. Il n’a pas été à Ubundu. Il en a seulement entendu parler et il monte son histoire.

D’ailleurs il dit que Ubundu est une rivière alors que c’est plutôt une ville portuaire qui est à cheval sur le fleuve Lualaba (Congo), dont la grande partie et l’administration se trouvent à l’ouest, tandis que l’aéroport se trouve à l’est du fleuve. Le 15 mars 1997 Niyonzima Gérard a quitté Kisangani et non Ubundu comme je vais le détailler plus loin. Tout ce qu’il rapporte ci-après n’est que machination .

« Le 02/04/97 nous sommes arrives dans un croisement pour ettendre peut etre un moyen de transpor pour se rendre a KISANGANI, le Major MUGARABU a donne l' ordre de les tuer un a un apres avoir tuer 8 personnes les autres sont esseyes de suivre les autres ».[....]

« Le 19/04/97 nous sommes arrives a MONDOMBE village. Ce sont les americains qui ont construis la bas et nous sommes maintenant avec le Capitaine MUBIRIGI il a donne l' ordre d' attaque la paroisse car il y avait des vaches, ces militaires ils ont tues 4 persones Zairois pour recuper leurs vaches et les biens de la paroisse. Les pretres etaient absent parceque au Zaire il y avait l' insecurite ».[...]

« Le 29/04/97 nous sommes arrives au village YEMO il y avait beaucoup de choses (marchandises). Capitaine MUBIRIGI il a dit a tous les transporteurs des minitions de les jetter dans la foret pour les detrouir parceque nous etions tres loin des militaires de KABIRA. Mais ce n' est pas parcequ' il avait pitie de nous au contraire. Ils ont pille 7 villages, pour les hommes des troupe ils ont fait meme la violence aux femmes et aux filles Zairoises et ils ont tue une fille qui a refuse de coucher avec un caporal rwandais » [....]

« Le 17/06/97 nous sommes srrives au fleuve Zaire c' etait a 18h 30 et nous avons passe la nuit la bas apres avoir traverser la foret MITOLE, nous avons fait 5 jours et nuits dans l' eau ».[....]

« Le matin, Capitaine MUBIRIGI a donne l' ordre de traversser le fleuve Zaire, mais il y avait 4 femmes rwandaises dissaient qu' elles doivent traverser le fleuve Zaire apres avoir leur maris parcequ' elle ne savaient la ou ils ont et ils etaient des militaires. mais, parmis ces 4 femmes ils avaient 2 femmes Tutsi. Ce Capitaine a donne l' ordre de les tue tous les 4 avec baillonette et les jetter dans le fleuve et l' une Tutsi elle avait un enfant (garcon) de 1 an le petit aussi il est accompagne sa mere ».

Tous les faits rapportés ci haut sont un montage car Niyonzima Gérard n’a pas été aux endroits cités pour les constater, et là où il a été (le long du fleuve Congo de Kisangani à Lisala) il n’était pas avec les officiers qu’il calomnie.

Se trouvant déjà à Kisangani le 15 mars 1997, Niyonzima Gérard n’a pas fait le chemin du calvaire des réfugiés le long de la rive ouest du fleuve Congo depuis Ubundu, et dans la partie de la province de l’Equateur située au sud du fleuve depuis Kisangani. Comme il ment il ne mentionne nulle part qu’il était à Kisangani avec le Général Aloys Ntiwiragabo le 15 mars 1997.

En effet le Général était arrivé à Kisangani depuis le 5 mars 1997 pour traiter du problème des réfugiés avec les autorités provinciales et faisait la navette Kisangani-Ubundu ; mais il vivait avec Niyonzima Gérard. Ils ont quitté Kisangani ensemble le 15 mars 1997 vers 8 heures du matin avec 2 familles qui avaient pu y arriver et des malades convalescents.

Arrivés à la rivière Tchopo se trouvant à 15 km à l’ouest de Kisangani, Niyonzima Gérard avec une famille et deux officiers qui étaient malades ont pris une pirogue qui y était, par priorité, et sont se sont rabattus sur le fleuve Congo puisque c’était près de l’embouchure.

Ce groupe s’est séparé du reste depuis lors car les autres ne l’ont pas rattrapé. C’est avec ce groupe que Niyonzima serait arrivé aux villages Mandombe et Yemo qui sot situés sur le fleuve Congo avant l’arrivée des réfugiés qui ont échappé aux massacres de Bialo, Kasese, etc…le long du chemin de fer Ubundu- Kisangani et ailleurs dans la forêt.

Donc Niyonzima Ntagungira Gérard n’a fait que le fleuve Congo depuis Kisangani (rivière Tchopo) jusqu’à Lisala, sur la rive nord du fleuve.

Il n’a pas fait le chemin et le calvaire de la forêt dense dans la partie sud de l’Equateur avec le gros des réfugiés et ne peut pas prétendre avoir constaté les faits qu’il rapporte. Ce n’est peut-être qu’à Lisala que les réfugiés venus du sud peuvent l’avoir rejoint alors qu’il s’était séparé de son groupe parti avec lui depuis la rivière Tchopo le 15 mars 1997.

Que dit l’UNHCR des massacres des réfugiés qui sont encours en RDC depuis le 20 janvier 2009? Va-t-on encore recruter un faux témoin pour les imputer aux FDLR et notamment leurs officiers pour disculper les Forces Rwandaises de Défense (FRD) et les Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) ?

*
Va-t-on imputer aux FDLR les massacres et autres exactions commis contre les populations civiles congolaises par les FRD et le FARDC ?

Les commanditaires des opérations en cours ne devraient-ils pas être tenus pour responsables de tous les massacres des réfugiés rwandais et des civils congolais?A quand la poursuite des vraies coupables des massacres des réfugiés en 1996-1997?

Friday, February 20, 2009

The world cannot say again that it had no idea of the scope of this disaster.

Whitout Paul Kagame's prosection and removal, peace is nowhere in sight.

Rwanda can no longer be given a free pass because of its suffering during

the genocide, and Rwandan President Paul Kagame must be held accountable for the alliance he has formed with Congolese President Joseph Kabila who is turning a blind eye to the crimes committed against innocent Hutu civilians in eastern Congo.==> CNDP

. It is imperative that you understand that with every passing day since the General's detention, Rwandan Tutsi troops have slaughtered more and more Hutu civilians. ==> CNDP

The Tutsi [Rwandan] soldiers accused me of being the wife of an FDLR combatant, just because I'm Hutu," said one woman who was raped by a Rwandan army soldier in Remeka. "After they raped me, they burned my house, saying it was the house of an FDLR. I was pregnant, but there's no more movement in my womb. I think I have lost my first child," says the February 13th press release from Human Rights Watch (HRW).

*****

The war in Congo will end the day USA and Great Britain will stop supporting Criminals Kagame and Museveni. Should people who are accused of war crimes, crimes against humanity, rapes and genocide be protected?

*****

When Kagame and RPF started to kill innocent rwandese in 1990, most of Western media groups said that Hutus were guilty. February 8th, 1993 when RPF mass-murdered innocent hundreds of thousands of women and children in the North-western region of Rwanda, Hutus were accused to be responsible of those crimes. In 1994 when Paul kagame killed two presidents the same medias told us that Hutu Extrimists were responsible.

At the sametime, as hundrends of thousands of Tutsis and Hutus were being killed and massacred, only Tutsis were the only victims; and once again only Hutus were guilty. In 1996, when Tutsis started the war against Zaire and when Hutu refugees and Congolese people were slaughtered, media reports publicly said it was because of Hutus.

As hutu children and women were being killed in the forests of the Congo it was said this happened because of Hutus. Today rapes and massacres are being done against Hutu refugees and Hutu Congolese people in front of the Monuc, supposed to protect them, then Monuc spokesperson says the Monuc soldiers can't be everywere and the blame is again and again shifted to FDLR, their protectors being in the wrong side, the hated Hutu refugees in the Congo.

Whatever happens in that region, there no need to mention how they are killied, slaughtered, humiliated inside Rwanda and always the answer is "it is because of Hutus". Why do they do that? This is done on the purpose of speeding up the genocide against Hutus.

Just to give you an example:

"Hutu leaders at the Kibeho refugee camp feared capture by Rwandan government soldiers and used women and children to shield their escape attempt. Over 4,000 were killed by some estimates, but the government will not allow an accurate count."

Liste des victimes du massacre de Kiwanja in one day of killings

Pour mémoire :

Le 5 novembre 2008, des troupes rwandaises dirigées par Laurent Nkunda ont massacré des civils innocents dans la cité de Kiwanja, Territoire de Rutshuru, Province du Nord-Kivu. L’identification par les proches est en cours.
Cette première liste n’est donc pas exhaustive car certaines zones sont encore inaccessibles aux survivants qui cherchent les traces de leurs frères, sœurs, maris , épouses, fiancées, enfants, voisins, amis, etc.

Les médias des grandes puissances tentent de faire oublier ce massacre qui met à nu la cruauté des Tutsi au Congo.
Quand les Tutsi tuent, il n’y a pas génocide. Merci ONU pour ce silence ! Rappelez-vous que la Monuc était à Kiwanja pendant que les Tutsi égorgeaient les congolais de Kiwanja. Quand un tutsi meurt même de malaria au Congo, il y a génocide, haine ethnique…
.
Deux semaines après le massacre de Kiwanja, les médias des grandes puissances ainsi que les autorités du monde qui défilent à Goma et à Kinshasa font tout pour ne pas parler du massacre de Kiwanja mais de l’aide humanitaire.
La Monuc s’occupe a créer des camps des déplacés au lieu de sécuriser le retour des déplacés chez eux, et le retour des Tutsi au Rwanda. Les medias du monde tentent d’attribuer toutes les cruautés du Nord-Kivu aux militaires congolais. Heureusement que le peuple congolais sait aujourd’hui que la solde des militaires a toujours
été détourné par des membres du gouvernement. Ce fait est une grande trahison. Les Kalachnikov et les uniformes militaires ne sont pas détournés pour faire des militaires congolais des tueurs de leurs propres frères et sœurs. La justice, si on en avait au Congo, devrait s’occuper de près de ce mal pernicieux.
.
Le complot national, régional et international contre la R.D. Congo se révèle grand et en phase finale. Raison pourlaquelle, les fils et les filles authentiques du Kivu doivent utiliser tous les canaux possibles pour faire connaitre au monde l’ampleur du génocide en cours au Nord-Kivu. Les témoignages des Fardc loyalistes sont accablants et n’épargnent personne. Il apparait de plus en plus que le génocide en cours qui a commencé il y a longtemps
vise les militaires congolais (Mushaki, Rumangabo) et les populations civiles (Kiwanja, Rutshuru, Kanyabayonga). Le dépeuplement du Nord-Kivu de militaires et de la population civile, créerait l’espace voulu pour les Tutsi qui attendent de régner en maîtres solitaires sur l’empire du Coltan, du Gaz Méthane, de la Cassitérite, etc. Devoir de Mémoire oblige : mettre par écrits les noms des victimes, les récits des survivants, enregistrer sur des cassettes
audio les témoignages des survivants ( militaires loyalistes et civils) de Mushaki, Rumangabo, Kiwanja, Kanyabayonga,
filmer les événements, prendre les photos des maisons pillées et détruites avant que les bulldozers de l’ONU ne viennent les raser… Envoyer par internet pour conservation ces récits, ces photos, ces cassettes audio, etc., à un frère, un ami loin du Nord-Kivu…. Un jour qui n’est pas loin, quand tous les complices de Nkunda au sein du
gouvernement de Kinshasa auront été mis hors d’état de nuire, et les rwandais renvoyés dans leurs milles collines au Rwanda, ces pièces à conviction serviront la cause de la R.D. Congo, un pays un et indivisible.
.
C’est le moment de faire ce travail de mémoire pendant les témoins du génocide silencieux en cours que les évêques catholiques du Comité Permanent viennent de dénoncer dans leur message. Le Premier Ministre Muzito a effleuré ce génocide silencieux orchestré par la complicité des membres de son gouvernement. Si pour certains on en est encore aux soupçons, le détournement de la solde des militaires au front est un crime monumental pour qu’on
le laisse passer. Muzito a frappé sur la table il y a deux jours. Il a découvert le pot aux roses, l’origine de la démoralisation des Fardc. Va-t-il se montrer courageux là où Gizenga a tout simplement fermé la bouche ? La crédibilité de Muzito est désormais suspendue sur cette question militaire ainsi que de celles des infiltrés de Nkunda au gouvernement congolais. Pour résoudre le mal à la racine, il doit remplacer toute la chaine du commandement militaire et
des services de securité, etc.
.
Cette infiltration nkundiste de l’armée congolaise aurait été discutée par la France et l’Angola. Toute aide militaire de l’extérieur ne réussira que s’il y a changement au sommet du commandant de la Huitième Région Militaire au Nord-Kivu, changement du Chef d’Etat Major des Fardc, changement au ministère
de l’intérieur, de la défense, de la décentralisation, de la communication, des infrastructures, etc. Avec des gouvernants à double face, le gouvernement congolais fait peur a ceux qui veulent l’aider car il ressemblerait à un grand vase avec un trou béat. Les Nande appellent ce genre de vase « OMUTOVOKE ». Ce vase ne retient rien car tout
ce qu’on y met sort par le trou. Dans le cas de la R.D. Congo, tout ce qu’on donne à la R.D. Congo va au Rwanda et en Ouganda. C’est ainsi que Joseph Kabila et Muzito si eux-mêmes ne sont déjà corrompus, doivent secouer le cocotier du gouvernement pour que toutes ses pourritures tombent… Ils doivent incessamment ouvrir un autre front à Kinshasa pour espérer faire du progrès au front du Nord-Kivu. Sans ce front de Kinshasa, l’aide militaire d’où qu’elle viendra ne donnera pas les fruits escomptés.

1. BWAMUNGU MANU (HUTU) , Q. MABUNGO
2 KATSUVA (NANDE ) , Q. BUUMBA
3 KAKAGANGA SERUNDO (Hutu),Q. MABUNGO II AV. ISHASHA CEL. RUGABO
4 SENZIZE (Hutu), Q. Mabungo
5 NDUNGUTSE (Hutu) Q. NYONGERA
6 KAMBALE KASUMBA(Nande), Q. MABUNGO II
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7 MUMBERE BUUSA BOSKO (Nande) Q. Mabungo
8 KASEREKA ROGER (Nande), Q. Mabungo
9 MUHINDO ELIZE( Nande) , Q. Mabungo
10 KASEREKA CRISON (Nande) , Q. Mabungo
11 NDAMUHANGA MUBERUKA(Hutu), Q. Mabungo
12 MASIKA ELIZA MARIA (Nande), Q. Mabungo
13 NDABISHOBOKA (Hutu), Q. Mabungo, Déplacé de KATWIGURU
14 NYAMENGERE FRANCOISE(Hutu), Q. NYONGERA
15 LAMBERE BAZIRAKE ( ?), Q. Nyongera
16 INNOCENT BITAKA ( ?), Q. Nyongera
17 PALUKU KAMATE (Nande) , Voisin de Eglise Kimbangu
18 MUHINDO KALIVUHA ERIC (Nande) plus 22 corps non loin de l’Eglise KIMBAGU
19 SUMBE (Nande) - PEAGE ROUTE MABUNGO
20 SABIN (Nande) - Idem
21 JANVIER (Nande) - Idem
22 MANIROGUHA MUTUNGUYE (Hutu) , KAMULIMAKOLO
23 SENGIYUMWA MIZERERO (Hutu) , Kamulimakolo
24 SEMAHANE(Hutu) brulé dans sa maison
25 KAKURU ( Nande), Kamulimakolo
26 NZUMBA MAYALA ( ?), KAMULIMA
27 MUTOKA ( ?) , Même famille KAMULIMA
28 TEMBEYA ( Nande) Idem
29 JACKSON( Nande), Idem
30 DESIRE ( Nande), Idem
31 CHIZA (?), Idem
32 LANGO LOHAKA ( ?), Idem
33 RAPHAEL DUNIA (Nande) , Idem
34 BEBE (Nande), Q. KAMULIMA
35 A coté du camp militaire 5 morts des civies, même famille, non identifiés
36 HARERI MANO MAHANO (Hutu), Q MABUNGO
37 BYAMUNGU (Hutu), Fils de KATANA à MABUNGO
38 BIRINGIRO (Hutu) Famille MABUNGO II
40 NDUNGUTSE (Hutu) , Q Mabungo
41 BIENVENU (Hutu) 1 ½ de parties d’un corps d’enfants, Q. Mabungo
42 IMANI (Hutu), Rescapé de Katwiguru
43 NYANGANYI (Hutu), Q. MABUNGO II
44 1 mort non identifié à Rwabera -
45 6 morts dont Papa NEEMA et 5 inconnus (fosse commune) -Q. MABUNGO II/
46 6 morts Av. NYONGERA au bord de la route ISHASHA Roger seul identifié -
47 JORO (Nande), une Fille de NYONGERA
48 BIRINGIRO (Hutu),Q. MABUNGO II AV. ISHASHA
49 BOSCO MUHUBA (Hutu), Q. MABUNGO II AV. RUGABO CHEZ PAPA MUHINDO KAMASUHA
50 KAMBALE KASUMBA (Nande), Q. Mabungo
51 KASEREKA ROGER (Nande), Q. Mabungo
52 MUHINDO ELIZE (Nande), Q. Mabungo
53 KASEREKA CHRISO (Nande), Q. Mabungo
54 NTAMUHANGA(Hutu), Q. MABUNGO II AV. RUGABO
55 NTIBASHOBAKO (Hutu), Q. NYONGERA rescapé de KATWIGURU
56 2 morts inconnus ( ?) Q.NYONGERA au bord de la route
57 KAKULE FRANCOIS ( Nande), Q. BATURANDE AV. SEMULIKI
58 Fils de BANGAMWABO ( Hutu), rescapé de BUSANZA
59 MUHINDO ( Nande), MABUNGO II, Eglise Neo-Apostolique
60 MBALE (Nande), Q. MABUNGO I
61 ROGER MOTARD (Nande), PETIT MARCHE MABUNGO
62 MBAFU( Nande), Hotel GREFAMU
63 Petit frère de MOISE (Nande), Q. BUHUNDA
64 KASEREKA FIMI(Nande), Q. BUHUNDA AV. BATANGI
65 KAPALATA(Nande), Petit frère de MANDEFU ( interco)
66 DAMI (?), Q. BUHUNGA
67 FRANCOIS (?), Q. BUTURANDE
68 ELIZA ( ?) Q. MABUNGO II AV. RUGABO
69 NSENGI YUNWA (Hutu), Q. BUHUNDA Près de l’institut KIWANJA Cité
70 KASEMA (Nande), Q. Buhunda
71 KASIWA MUNDEKE (Nande), Q. Buhunda),
72 KASEREKA Justin (Nande), Q. Buhunda
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73 PALUKU HALIKI (Nande), ELEVE A L’INSTITUT WANDA 4e HP
74 KAKULE MALEMO (Nande), Q. BUTURANDI
75 6 morts tués à KAHUNGA au champ (Noms inconnus) -
76 Champ de maman KOLETA 3 morts civils inconnus -
77 3 morts enfants (fosse commune), KAMULIMA MERGO

© Du Blog des congolais

posté par Beni-Lubero Online
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Tuesday, February 17, 2009

COMMUNIQUE DE PRESSE N°05/SE/CD/FEVRIER/ 2009 DES FDLR

Les FDLR mettent en garde les Nations Unies contre l’entrée en guerre de la MONUC au côté de la coalition militaire APR/FARDC contre les réfugiés rwandais en RDC et les membres des FDLR..

Les Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) informent le public et les médias qu’un hélicoptère de la Mission des Nations Unies au Congo (MONUC) a participé au raid aérien de la coalition des Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) et de l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR) le 12 Février 2009 à Gashebere dans le Nord Kivu en République Démocratique du Congo.

Le bilan malheureux de ce raid aérien est de deux (2) blessés légers et de centaines de déplacés parmi les réfugiés rwandais et les populations civiles locales. Le 13 Février 2009 la coalition APR/FARDC lança un raid aérien à Kayanja et Kanyabutsindo qui n’a fait aucune victime pour appuyer ses forces terrestres qui étaient en débandade face aux vaillantes troupes des FDLR qu’elles étaient allées attaquer.

Les FDLR condamnent fermement cet acte de barbarie contre des populations civiles innocentes et mettent en garde la MONUC contre le danger qu’occasionnerait son alignement aux côtés des troupes rwando-congolaises dans leur campagne contre les réfugiés rwandais et les populations congolaises du Kivu.

Les FDLR rappellent qu’elles ont toujours privilégié et continuent à privilégier une solution pacifique au problème rwandais. Elles rappellent à la MONUC que sa mission n’est pas de faire la chasse aux réfugiés rwandais et aux populations civiles innocentes mais d’assurer plutôt leur protection. Les FDLR invitent le Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies et l’Union Africaine à condamner sans ambages l’utilisation des Forces de la MONUC par certains officiels onusiens au service des fossoyeurs des populations de la région des Grands Lacs Africains.

Les FDLR demandent encore une fois aux autorités rwandaises et congolaises d’arrêter immédiatement leur sale guerre lancée contre les réfugiés rwandais et les FDLR et de s’engager sur la voie du dialogue.

Les FDLR déclarent qu’elles continuent à privilégier la voie de la paix mais que si les armées coalisées continuent à pourchasser et tirer sur les réfugiés rwandais et les populations congolaises innocentes, elles n’auront pas d’autre choix que de protéger les réfugiés rwandais et les populations civiles, ce qui est leur leitmotiv depuis leur création.

Les FDLR espèrent qu’il y a encore aux Nations Unies, au Rwanda et en RDC des femmes et des hommes de bonne volonté pour arrêter cette folle guerre en cours en RDC.

Fait à Paris, le 17 Février 2009

Callixte Mbarushimana

Secrétaire Exécutif des FDLR

(Sé)

*****

PRESS RELEASE N ° 05/SE/CD/FEBRUARY/ 2009 OF THE FDLR

*****

The FDLR warn the United Nations against the fighting of the MONUC alongside the military coalition RPA / FARDC against Rwandan refugees in the DRC and members of the FDLR.

The Democratic Liberation Forces of Rwanda (FDLR) inform the public and the media that a helicopter of the United Nations Mission in DRC (MONUC) has participated in an air raid of the coalition of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) and the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) on 12 February 2009 in Gashebere, North Kivu in DRC.

The record of this unfortunate air raid is two (2) minor injured persons and hundreds of displaced Rwandan refugees and local civilians. On 13 February 2009 the armed coalition of RPA / FARDC launched an air raid in Kayanja and Kanyabutsindo, which made no victim, to support its ground forces which were in disarray in face of the brave troops of the FDLR they had gone to attack.

The FDLR strongly condemn this act of barbarism against innocent civilians and warn the MONUC against a danger resulting of its alignment with the Rwandan-Congolese troops in their campaign against the Rwandan refugees and Congolese civil populations in Kivu. The FDLR recall that they have always favoured and continue to favour a peaceful solution to the political problem of Rwanda . They point to MONUC that its mission is not to hunt Rwandan refugees and innocent civilians, but rather to ensure their protection.

The FDLR invite the Security Council of the United Nations and the African Union to condemn unequivocally the use of MONUC forces by some UN officials serving interests of gravediggers of the people of the Great Lakes region of Africa .

The FDLR urge once again the Rwandan and the Congolese authorities to immediately stop their dirty war launched against the Rwandan refugees and the FDLR, and to engage in dialogue with them. The FDLR reaffirm that they continue to favour the path of peace, but if the armed coalition against them continue to chase and shoot at the Rwandan refugees and Congolese innocent people, they will have no other choice but to protect Rwandan refugees and civilian populations, which is their leitmotiv since their creation.

The FDLR still hope that within the United Nations, Rwanda and the DRC there are women and men of goodwill who will do everything possible to stop this insane war in progress in the DRC.

Done in Paris on February 17, 2009

Callixte Mbarushimana

Executive Secretary of the FDLR

(sé)

A la mémoire de toutes ces Victimes de toutes ces guerres injustes dont Bernard Kouchner a été complice

Pour en savoir plus:

Bernard Kouchner, l'imposteur démasqué
Bernard Kouchner contre Michel Collon

http://www.oulala.net/Portail/spip.php?article3931

© C' était Grégoire,
Pour Investigation

The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine

Ibinyoma by'inkotanyi

Gashyantare 17, 2009

***

Inkotanyi nkuko zibimenyereye ngo abacunguzi bishe abasivili 100 ikigaragara ni uko baliya bapfuye ali abasilikari ba FPR ahubwo nkuko isanganye amayere yabo imara gutakaza abantu ku rugamba ikabambura imyenda ya gisilikari ikabambika iya gisivili kugira ngo baharabike abacunguzi.

Na nibwo bafata intumbi z'abahutu akaba alibo zerekana kuko abatutsi baguye ku rugamba babajyana mu Rwanda iyo bashoboye gutwara imirambo ngo nta mfura igwa ku gasi abahutu bo babarwanilira ntacyo babavuze.

Ikindi kigaragara ni uko inkotanyi zimaze gutakaza. Amakuru ya nyuma mperuka hafi abantu barenga 600 ku rugamba i Karongi honyine haguye 80 mu bice bya masisi hagwa abarenga 120 n'ahandi zagiye zihasiga agatwe. Mu gihe bo bavuga ngo bamaze kwica aba FDLR 89 ku ruhande rwabo bakemeza ko nta muntu baratakaza nkaho umututsi cyangwa se umuhutu urwanilira FPR atava amaraso.

Ikindi balimo barigamba ngo misiyo yabajyanye muli Congo muli rusange imaze kugerwaho ngo kubera ko bakuye abacunguzi mu bice bya Masisi na Rutchuro nahandi aha niyo byaba alibyo uretse ko ali ibinyoma, inkotanyi zigomba kumenya ko abcunguzi badashinzwe kulinda imisozi ya masisi cyangwa se ibihuru, nibareke inkotanyi zizerere muli ayo mashyamba nta numwe uzasubira inyuma. Ikibabaje ni uko Mu Rwanda ibyo byose batabimenya kuko bakomeje kubeshya abaturage batakariza abana babo ku rugamba rwo kurengera inyungu za Kagame n'agatsiko ke n'iz'abagashaka buhake.

Ikindi abantu bagomba kumenya aho kugira ngo abakina politiki bashyigikire mu buryo bugaragara abagambiliye kubohoza abanyarwanda iliya ngoyi ya gihake abenshi bakomeje kubaca intege analiyo mpamvu ba mutima muke tujya kwumva ngo bishiliye umwanzi kubera amafranga bahawe cyangwa se bahaye abo banyapolitiki bibereye mu bihugu by'amahanga.

Ntawakwiyumvisha impamvu nyuma y'ifungwa rya Amani undi wiyita umu colonnel yakwishira buliya butegetsi. Burya ngo uw'akubitira imbwa gusutama yazimara kandi burya uwavukanye ububwa arabupfana ngo kandi kamere ntikurwa na reka. Icyo nzi ni uko ibyo byose bitazaca intege abacunguzi ahubwo bizabongerera umurava n'ubushishozi, urukumbi rubi rwo mu masaka iyo ruranduwe niho amasaka yera neza kandi akagira umusaruro uhagije.

Aha abakunda abanyarwanda bose bunga ubumwe n'abacunguzi bakima amatwi baliya bose bagendera ku bibazo by'uturere kuko niyo mayere umwanzi yakoresheje kandi agikoresha. Ubumwe buruta intwaro yose uko yaba imaze mwibuke ko intambara zose ibihugu by'ibihangange zatsinzwe kubera ubufatanye bw'abashaka kwibohora simbisubira mo kuko abazi kwitegereza babonye ubutwari bwagaragaye mu bihugu bya vietnam, palestine n'ahandi. Kurwana uzi icyo urwanira n'imwe mu mpamvu ituma abibohoza ingoyi batsinda urugamba uko intwaro z'uwo bahangana zaba zimeze zose.

Ngo urwishigikiye ararusoma iyi minsi ili mbere ishobora kuba iy'amahindura mabi cyangwa meza mu mpande zombi byose bizaterwa n'ubumwe bw'abanyarwanda no gushira ingufu hamwe kugira ngo batsimbure mu birindiro umwanzi rusange. Uretse ubugambanyi nta nahamwe ku isi rubande nyamuke rwatsinze rubanda nyamwinshi. Rubanda nyamwinshi mvuga ni abahutu cyangwa se abatutsi barangwa n'ukuri kuko uko byagenda kwose kiliya gihugu tuzakibanamo kandi igihe kirageze.

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