A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Sunday, December 7, 2014
by Ann Garrison
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Many marchers held banner
images of Rwandan political prisoner Victoire Ingabire. Others wore
windbreakers of pink and orange, the colors worn by Rwandan prisoners, over
heavy winter clothes. After watching the video of the demonstration, I spoke to
Jean Flammé, a Belgian attorney for a Rwandan facing extradition for supporting
Victoire Ingabire.
San
Francisco Bay View/Ann Garrison: Jean Flammé, I know that the Rwandan government accuses those Rwandans
facing extradition from the Netherlands and elsewhere in Europe of genocide crime
after they’ve spoken out against the Rwandan government, so the threat of being
charged with genocide crime by the Rwandan government basically serves as a gag
order.
Could you say something about
how your work as a defense attorney at the International Criminal Tribunal on
Rwanda informs your work in defense of Rwandans facing extradition?
Jean Flammé: I defended a Rwandan facing
extradition before a Dutch court in The Hague, and one thing I said was that
there had not been a genocide. According to international law on genocide, as
defined by the U.N. Convention on
Genocide, there had
not been a genocide, because the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
(ICTR) ruled again and again that there was no evidence of a plan or conspiracy
to eliminate Rwandan Tutsis. Not a single defendant was convicted of
“conspiracy to commit genocide” because there was no evidence of conspiracy.
I also explained that another
reason why the Rwandan tragedy was more accurately described as mass killing,
not genocide, was because the killing was not aimed at one single group, being
the Tutsi, as is commonly accepted. Indeed, at least as many Hutu as Tutsi were
massacred.
Bay View: But the U.N. Tribunal, the
ICTR, just ignored the U.N.’s own definition of the crime of genocide, didn’t
it? Didn’t it hand down convictions for “genocide,” even though a defining
element of the crime – planning and “intent” – was never proven?
The Rwandan
government accuses those Rwandans facing extradition from the Netherlands and
elsewhere in Europe of genocide crime after they’ve spoken out against the
Rwandan government, so the threat of being charged with genocide crime by the
Rwandan government basically serves as a gag order.
Jean Flammé: The ICTR ruled that there
had been a genocide without previous planning, which is theoretically possible
if one establishes the intent to destroy a group, as defined by the U.N.
Convention. But how could such a common intent exist on such a scale without
planning, and the court ruled that planning had not occurred?
Bay View: So what happened when you
told the judge that in the extradition case there had been no genocide, despite
the ICTR rulings?
Jean Flammé: The judge just looked at me
as if I were from another planet or something. “No genocide? What is he saying?
It is a known fact that there has been a genocide.” And then it started to
become very difficult, as it always does, because of course it has been indeed
generally accepted not only by the press but also by the ICTR.
Although there are so many
arguments to say no, there had not been a genocide; there had been a civil war,
which would be totally different of course. The violence exploded because of
the invasion of the country by the Rwandan Patriotic Front in October 1990, and
the war it waged for the next three and a half years. Bernard Lugan explains
this exactly in his book, and so does Professor Peter Erlinder.
Bay View: Well, it would be a qualified
civil war because it began when troops invaded from Uganda with Ugandan
weapons.
Flammé: And American weapons.
Bay View: Yes, and American weapons.
Do you have an outcome for that extradition trial yet?
Flammé: Well, the judges have denied
what we told them and approved the extradition, so now it’s before the high
court, the Dutch Supreme Court.
Bay View: So you are defending this
case in The Netherlands?
Flammé: Yes, the Dutch lawyers asked
me to support them.
The case is Mugimba, Jean
Baptiste Mugimba. He was supporting Victoire Ingabire. He had organized a group
in Holland to support Ingabire’s attempt to be allowed to run for president in
Rwanda in 2010 and then to free her from prison, where she has been since
October 2010.
So I told the court, “Look,
this man is in front of you because of what he did for Victoire Ingabire. And
Holland should know what’s happening to that very brave woman. And this is the
reason why they want him.”
And I even told them, “Look,
the death penalty doesn’t exist in Holland anymore, but if you send this man to
Rwanda, you send him to his death and it will be the death penalty.”
“Look, this man is in front of you because of what he did for Victoire Ingabire. And Holland should know what’s happening to that very brave woman. And this is the reason why they want him.”
Bay View: In Rwanda, they don’t have
the death penalty legally, but bodies keep floating down
the river into Burundi.
Flammé: That’s what I mean, yes.
People disappear, and even get killed. Also in Belgium, there was a gentleman
who died, who was found in the river with his arms cut off. His mutilated body
was found in the river.
Bay View: Was this a Rwandan?
Flammé: Yes.
Bay View: And when did that happen?
Flammé: It happened in Brussels,
about two, three years ago.
Bay View: Jean Flammé, thanks for
speaking to the SF Bay View.
Flammé: My pleasure.
Oakland
writer Ann Garrison contributes to the San Francisco Bay View, Counterpunch, Global Research, Colored Opinions, Black Agenda Report and Black Star News and produces radio news and
features for Pacifica’s WBAI-NYC, KPFA-Berkeley and her own YouTube Channel. She can be reached at anniegarrison@gmail.com. If you want to see Ann
Garrison’s independent reporting continue, please contribute on her website, anngarrison.com.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, November 18, 2014
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Stephen
Sackur talks to Rwanda's president, Paul Kagame, The Rwandan Genocide
mastermind
Kagame Hard Talk Video par Paul899
The killing Fields - Part 1
The killing Fields - Part1- Meilleur résolusion par xiao_wuu
The killing Fields - Part 2
The killing Fields - Part 3
The Killing Flields - Part 3 par xiao_wuu
Prof . Allan Stam: Understanding the Rwanda Genocide - Full version
Documentary:
RWANDA'S UNTOLD STORY
Rwanda's Untold Story Documentary from RDI-Rwanda Rwiza on Vimeo.
Rethinking Rwanda - Prof. Davenport
Peter Erlinder comments on the BBC documentary "Rwanda's Untold Story
Thursday, November 6, 2014
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Le 01 octobre2014, la chaîne britannique de télévision publique BBC Two a diffusé pour la première fois un documentaire intitulé « Rwanda’s Untold Story ».
Aussitôt, dans les cercles du pouvoir à Kigali, ce fut un tollé. Les réactions le plus souvent épidermiques et dictées par les services de propagande officiels ont éclaté dans tous les sens. A Kigali même, des jeunes « Intore », la milice du parti-Etat qu’est le FPR, a été jetée dans les rues pour scander des slogans hostiles à la BBC tout en chantant les louanges du président Kagame. Les femmes aussi furent mises à contribution : des centaines parmi elles ont convergé vers le bureau local de la BBC dans un quartier de Kigali, mais certaines d’entre elles croyaient encore être là pour dénoncer « l’Allemagne qui avait arrêté leur Rose Kabuye » !
A Londres, toutes les représentations du régime en Europe reçurent ordre d’acheminer des manifestants devant le siège de la BBC. Sur le plan des mesures gouvernementales, les émissions de la BBC en langue Kinyarwanda furent suspendues au Rwanda sans que l’on sache pourquoi étant donné que le documentaire est en anglais et qu’il est diffusé sur la seule chaîne TV accessible à quelques rares privilégiés rwandais. Mais, ce n’était pas fini car l’inénarrable ministre des Affaires étrangères et porte-parole du gouvernement Louise Mushikiwabo déclara entre-temps que son gouvernement étudiait encore la réponse à réserver à la BBC suite à cet « affront » fait au « Rwanda » et à son cher président Paul Kagame. Il semble que la fameuse réponse ne va pas tarder à venir puisque Kigali vient de mettre en place une Commission dite « Des experts pour analyser le documentaire de la BBC, Rwanda : Untold Storry ».
Avant de réfléchir sur la nécessité, de voir la mission et la composition pour le moins bizarre de cette Commission, il y a lieu de se poser la question de savoir pourquoi ce simple documentaire de quelques minutes a fait sortir de ses gonds un des régimes les plus prétentieux du monde. A défaut d’apporter une réponse absolue, force est de constater ce qui suit :
- Le petit documentaire s’attaque et fait écrouler les mythes fondateurs du régime du FPR-Inkotanyi, mythes dont il tire une légitimité à laquelle il ne pourrait jamais prétendre. En effet, jusqu’ici, la conquête du pouvoir par une armée étrangère était présentée comme une mission humanitaire « pour arrêter un génocide ».
Dans ce cadre, les mensonges du régime même les plus grossiers étaient tolérés sinon occultés par la même communauté internationale pour ne pas embarrasser leur protégé. C’est ainsi que les statistiques fantaisistes ont été admises comme fiables dès lors qu’elles allaient dans le sens de la propagande du FPR. Pour la première fois, le documentaire de la BBC a osé sortir de ce carcan, sans polémique, mais par un raisonnement et des calculs élémentaires.
- Paul Kagame étant l’auteur de l’élément déclencheur du génocide à savoir l’assassinat du président Habyarimana le 6 avril 1994, au lieu de se glorifier de cet « acte de guerre » comme il commençait à le clamer tout haut après le forfait, avait été sommé par ses complices et maîtres de tout nier et avait reçu toutes les assurances pour l’aider à en être disculpé. Le documentaire de la BBC lui ouvre les yeux et lui montre que ces grandes puissances qui l’ont poussé dans sa conquête du pouvoir savent tout ce qui s’est passé et sont à mesure de le révéler au monde quand bon leur semble.
- Avec les témoignages de personnalités comme Carla Del Ponte qui fut Procureur du Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda (TPIR) et qui démontrent que Kagame et son FPR ont bénéficié d’une impunité voulue et exigée par les puissances qui pourtant étaient au courant des crimes que son armée commettait, n’augurent rien quant à l’avenir du dictateur et de son régime le moment où les mêmes puissances n’auront plus besoin de lui.
- Enfin, sur le plan interne, le documentaire détruit en quelques minutes la propagande du régime tutsi dans son entreprise de lavage des cerveaux et de chosification de la majorité hutu qui se caractérise par des campagnes et décisions controversées comme : le bannissement de la langue française dans l’enseignement sans transition ; la diabolisation des régimes d’avant 1994 et la réécriture de l’histoire du pays selon l’idéologie de l’UNAR ancêtre du FPR actuel parti-état ou la chasse aux opposants avec l’accusation vague et passe-partout de « véhiculer l’idéologie du génocide ».
Ce constat peut amener n’importe quel dictateur même le plus téméraire et inconscient à s’alarmer. Voilà pourquoi le documentaire de la BBC dérange au plus haut niveau le pouvoir dictatorial de Paul Kagame.
Une « Commission BBC »
Comme on l’a vu, le régime vient de mettre en place une commission nationale chargée de se pencher sur le documentaire de la BBC. Sans autre précision sur sa mission, on peut supposer qu’elle doit rassembler les éléments pouvant amener le gouvernement rwandais à porter plainte contre la BBC et demander des dommages et intérêts et même plus loin servir de base à ce que des lois internationales sanctionnent ce genre de publications, à savoir celle qui critiquerait le régime en place au Rwanda. Cependant en considérant la composition même de cette commission, nous pensons que le chemin est encore long et que ce n’est pas celle-ci qui contribuera à faire admettre au Monde que la propagande du FPR véhiculée depuis son invasion du Rwanda venant d’Ouganda en 1990 doit être prise comme « la vérité absolue sur ce qui s’est passé au Rwanda ».
Composition de la « Commission BBC »
La commission est composée de cinq personnalités. Mais trois d’entre elles ont d’emblée attiré notre attention car leur profil permet de se faire une idée sur la qualité du rapport final qu’ils vont produire et la crédibilité à lui accorder.
Martin Ngoga
Ce tutsi qui est né et grandi en Tanzanie a été, après la prise du pouvoir du FPR, le représentant du Rwanda auprès du TPIR à Arusha. Il s’est alors distingué dans la chasse aux collaborateurs des avocats de la défense, à l’intimidation des témoins à décharge et à la mise en place d’un véritable « syndicat de délateurs » appelés abusivement témoins à charge. Il reçut alors une promotion spectaculaire et devint « Procureur général du Rwanda ». A ce poste prestigieux, il se distingua dans la fabrication et la publication des listes sauvages de ceux qu’il appelait les « génocidaires » en alertant toutes les polices du monde notamment Interpol qui exécutait sans broncher ses injonctions. Il s’est avéré que sur ses listes figuraient même des personnes décédées bien avant 1990 mais dont les nouveaux maîtres du pays voulaient faire condamner pour s’emparer de leurs propriétés ou dissuader leurs proches de revenir au Rwanda tout en les déstabilisant dans les pays d’exil.
C’est sûrement lui qui va rédiger l’Acte d’Accusation dans des termes qui lui sont familiers quand il s’agit d’accuser les « génocidaires » ou les « négationnistes ». Quelle crédibilité auront les conclusions du « Commissaire » Martin Ngoga ?
Mfizi Christophe
Ce hutu originaire de Gisenyi comme l’ancien président Habyarimana fut pendant plus de 15 ans le tout puissant directeur de l’Office Rwandais d’Information (ORINFOR), le service étatique qui gérait les médias notamment la Radio Rwanda ainsi que la presse écrite du régime. Il fit sensation quand à la faveur du multipartisme, il changea son fusil d’épaule pour rejoindre l’opposition naissante qui flirtait avec la rébellion du FPR qui avait attaqué le pays à partir d’Ouganda en octobre 1990. Christophe Mfizi, pour ses talents littéraires, fut alors mis à profit pour diaboliser le président Habyarimana qui, malgré tout, restait populaire dans la population. L’on se souviendra de son fameux pamphlet « Ikiguri-Nunga » ou « Le Réseau Zéro » dans lequel il « révélait » ou inventait l’existence d’une organisation criminelle évoluant dans le cercle restreint du président Habyarimana. Une dizaine d’années plus tard, le même Christophe Mfizi était confondu devant le TPIR et il fut incapable d’établir formellement l’existence de son fameux « Réseau Zéro » dont l’un des membres présumé alors jugé parle le TPIR était principalement accusé d’appartenir. Il fut si confus que le Procureur du TPIR n’osa pas présenter son rapport d’expertise comme pièce à conviction, malgré que Christophe Mfizi avait perçu une somme de 10.000 dollars pour élaborer ce document fantaisiste intitulé « Le Réseau zéro B ». L’accusé, dont au passage le nom avait servi à Mfizi de donner le titre à son pamphlet de 1991, fut acquitté de tous les chefs d’accusations. Auparavant Christophe Mfizi aura acquis le titre « à vie » d’Ambassadeur, puisqu’en 1994, en guise de remerciement, le FPR après sa prise du pouvoir, le nomma Ambassadeur du Rwanda à Paris. Arrivé à son poste, il se rendit à l’évidence : il n’était qu’un faire-valoir. En effet il était constamment humilié par ses « subordonnés formels » mais en réalités ses patrons car ils étaient des tutsi venus d’Ouganda. On raconte même qu’il lui arrivait d’être giflé par son chauffer ! De guerre lasse, il démissionna et demanda l’asile politique en France. Hélas !, confronté aux aléas de la vie de réfugié auxquels s’ajoutaient les problèmes d’ordre privé, C.Mfizi se résolut à refaire allégeance à Paul Kagame qui, dans son « indulgence proverbiale », le reprit parmi les Hutu de service.
Voici l’homme qui est ajourd'hui appelé à juger le documentaire de la BBC et à faire des recommandations au gouvernement de Kagame. Quelle crédibilité sera-t-elle accordé aux recommandations du vieux Mfizi vus son parcours et surtout sa situation actuelle ?
Evode Uwizeyimana
Alors là, avec Evode Uwizeyimana, le FPR a touché le fond du ridicule. Voici un garçon qui, il y a encore quelques mois, d’abord comme un « jeune juriste vivant au Canada », ne tarissait pas de reproches envers le régime du FPR surtout sur les antennes de la …BBC ; voici un mec qui, il y a à peine quelques mois, était membre du parti d’opposition RDI Rwanda Rwiza, mis en place par l’ancien Premier ministre Faustin Twagiramungu, n’a cessé de pourfendre le régime pour ses crimes et diverses violations des droits de l’homme ; voici un homme qui, après un problème familiale qu’il eut au Canada, a négocié et obtenu son retour au Rwanda où il fut nommé « Conseiller » au ministère de la Justice et qui, dans sa première interview à Kigali, n’a pas nié ses prises de positions antérieures hostiles au régime et a évoqué la prescription et le classement sans suite... Et c’est ce même homme qui doit juger, en tant que « spécialiste du droit », le documentaire de la BBC ! Quelle crédibilité accorder aux considérations de « Maître » Evode Uwizeyimana ?
En conclusion
Le régime Kagame a certes été touché et ébranlé dans ses fondements par le documentaire de la BBC « Rwanda's Untold Story ». Mais ses réactions sont ridicules, disproportionnées et non productives. Il en va de même de cette « Commission » composée de personnalités qui peuvent se revendiquer de tout comme l’arbitraire (Martin Ngoga), la mesquinerie ( Christophe Mfizi) et l’opportunisme primaire (Evode Uwizeyimana) ; mais surtout pas de commissaires indépendants. On croyait qu’après 20 ans de pouvoir et 24 ans de propagande mensongère, le FPR pouvait nous réserver mieux dans sa lutte pour sa survie. Hélas !, c’est raté.
Jane Mugeni
05/11/2014
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, November 2, 2014
The blog of African Survivors International is like a library or a public park where we can all go to think, learn and get
the trustful information about the Truth on Rwanda.
African survivors survives on donations averaging about €10.
African survivors survives on donations averaging about €10.
Now is the time we ask. If everyone reading this right now gave €2, our
fundraiser would be done within an hour.
Monday, October 27, 2014
Rwandan political prisoner Victoire Ingabire has filed an appeal to the African Court of Human and People's Rights in Arusha, Tanzania.
Lin Muyizere (49) uit Rwanda dreigt zijn Nederlandse paspoort te verliezen vanwege beschuldigingen van betrokkenheid bij genocide. De bewijzen zijn flinterdun en in Rwanda loopt hij groot gevaar. Deel 1 van een tweeluik over actuele asieldrama’s.
Geachte heer Teeven, waarom wordt deze man van genocide beticht?
Excellentie,
Meneer
de staatssecretaris,
Geachte
heer Teeven,
Twee
weken geleden heb ik in de buurt van Rotterdam CS een colaatje gedronken met
een genocidepleger. Althans, dat vinden uw diensten. Lin Muyizere, een Rwandese
vader van 49 die al twintig jaar in Nederland woont en Nederlands staatsburger
is, zuchtte en schoof mij het dossier van de IND toe. Hij had het enkele dagen
daarvoor per aangetekende post ontvangen.
‘De
unit 1F van de IND heeft onderzoek ingesteld naar uw mogelijke betrokkenheid
bij de genocide in Rwanda,’ stond er. ‘Genoemde unit 1F heeft een beoordeling
uitgebracht en geconcludeerd dat er ernstige redenen zijn om te veronderstellen
dat u zich schuldig heeft gemaakt, dan wel verantwoordelijk bent te houden voor
één of meerdere gedragingen als genoemd in artikel 1F van het
Vluchtelingenverdrag. […] Gezien het bovenstaande ben ik van oordeel dat u op
onjuiste gronden het Nederlanderschap is verleend.’
Lin
Muyizere keek mij doodmoe aan. ‘Ik heb zes weken tijd om te reageren. Ik heb
drie kinderen, de jongste is twaalf. Als ze mijn nationaliteit afpakken, kan ik
teruggestuurd worden naar Rwanda. Dan vlieg ik onmiddellijk de gevangenis in.
Of word ik vermoord.'
The lady in pink
Verstaat
u mij niet verkeerd, meneer de staatssecretaris. Ik ben niet het type dat moord
en brand schreeuwt zodra een asielaanvraag geweigerd wordt. Ik begrijp dat anno
2014 asiel en migratie buitengewoon complexe materies zijn waarin de overheid
heldere keuzes dient te maken tussen nationale belangen en individuele noden.
Tussen schrijnende verhalen en verzonnen miserie.
Maar
Lin Muyizere, meneer de staatssecretaris! Weet u wel wie hij is? Laat mij het u
vertellen: hij is de echtgenoot van de beroemdste dissidente in Rwanda,
Victoire Ingabire, de lady in pink.Roze is de kleur van het gevangenisplunje in
Rwanda. Deze bevlogen, strijdlustige vrouw keerde na zeventien jaar
ballingschap in Nederland in 2010 vrijwillig terug om deel te nemen aan de
presidentsverkiezingen.
Zover
kwam het niet. Haar medestanders werden op alle mogelijke manieren geboycot,
gesaboteerd en gemolesteerd; zijzelf werd gearresteerd en veroordeeld tot
vijftien jaar onvoorwaardelijke hechtenis in een proces dat met haken en ogen
aaneen hing. Ze zit nu vier jaar in de gevangenis. En nu wilt u haar man de
Nederlandse nationaliteit afnemen, terwijl het Rwandese regime bekendstaat om
het intimideren van familieleden van dissidenten?
Sunday, October 26, 2014
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
What Really Happened in the Ugly, Bloody Chaos of Rwanda?
For approximately 14
years, GenoDynamics has been attempting to understand exactly who did
what to whom in Rwanda during 1994 with an emphasis on evidenced-based
research. What we know is that there was a significant amount of
violence. What we do not know as well is exactly who was engaged in
what activity at what time and at what place. |
| Professor Allan Stam, University of Michigan |
Our research was funded by the National Science Foundation and undertaken with partners at the University of Maryland (the Center for International Development and Conflict Management as well as Government and Politics), Dartmouth College, the National University of Rwanda at Butare (The Centre for Conflict Management), The University of Notre Dame, the University of Michigan, the Office of the Prosecutor as well as the Office of the Defense at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda.
On this webpage, we provide a summary of our work thus far, the sources employed, the methodology used to combine them, the data that emerged from our efforts as well as responses to the project that we received. In addition to this, you will find animations of diverse phenomenon relevant to the topic, links to other data that is generally not made available to the public as well as photographs of Rwanda that we took while in the field.
GenoDynamics makes all of this information available in order to facilitate the systematic and transparent examination of what took place during 1994. One of the difficulties with comprehending what occurred is that very few have had access to the information necesary to make an informed opinion. Only by making all raw materials available are we able to overcome this problem. We encourage all of those studying and interested in the Rwandan case to do the same. There are still many data sources that have not been released (we will start listing them at the beginning of 2015 on our new blog regarding Rwandan political violence [forthcoming]). This lack of disclosure and transparency has hindered analysis, discussion as well as truth.
Sincerely
Christian Davenport - Political Science & Center for Political Studies, University of Michigan
Allan Stam - Frank Batten School of Leadership and Public Policy, University of Virginia
What's New on the webpage that merits a relaunch? A great deal actually.
- Our commune level data is now available
- We provide some background as well as the resonance of our recent feature in the BBC documentary
- We eliminated dead links
- We provide our original materials employed in our analyses (a few more need to be digitized)
- We provide our earlier efforts to document, understand and map violence
- We provide additional animations regarding troop movements and different ways of viewing the violence (e.g., under 100 deaths per day, under 500, under 1000, over 1000, over 5000 and over 10000, dichotomized and categorical)
- We provide numerous presentation slides from different presentations offered
- We provide new data: the Rwandan census from 2002, migration data, ICTR case evaluations as well as extradition lists
- We also provide new resources: an annotated bibliography of 300+ articles (more are on the way)
- We have initiated a blog to provide updates about what has changed
Project Summary
While there are many issues we seek to understand, thus far we have concluded several things about the violence that took place in Rwanda during 1994: 1) there were several forms of political violence being enacted at once (genocide - mass killing of an ethnic group, politicide - mass killing of a political group [moderate Hutus], civil war [between the invading Rwandan Patriotic Front and Rwandan government], random violence and vendetta/reprisal killings), 2) the extremist Hutu government as well as the Rwandan Patriotic Front engaged in violent activity against Rwandan citizens (i.e., civilian targetting) and 3) the majority of victims were likely Hutu and not Tutsi.
These findings have implications for public policy, advocacy, humanitarian intervention as well as post-conflict reconstruction as they fundamentally shift our understandings regarding the “lessons” of Rwanda 1994. A more detailed discussion of our three points developed several years ago are found here.
At present, we are writing up our research findings in two formats: 1) an academic article for submission to a peer reviewed article and 2) a more popular book which discusses our now 14/15 year effort to understand what took place in 1994. As these are completed, drafts will be placed on this site and our respective webpages.
Why has it taken us so long to finish? Fourteen years is a long time. There are several reasons for this. First, we believe that despite the fact that we are not always producing scholarship at the pace of popular and political debates, it is better to take time and be as close to accurate as one can be. This is the best way to honor those that have passed. Collecting source material, interviewing individuals, comparing information and then rechecking it all takes time. In addition to this, new source material has become available over time and sometimes this prompts us to modify something. Some times it does not. Second, we began our research with an effort to understand what took placed in Rwanda during 1994 and we were naive in believing that that was the interest of all that we came across as well as most that engaged in similar work. This assumption has not been uniformly accurate and the growing pains with this realization took some time to deal with. Third, we have not been disengaged or uninformative. Specifically, we feel that making our research and research process as transparent as possible (by posting information as it is being compiled) and taking advantage of the technology available to us (e.g., the internet and webpages) has allowed us communicate to an audience in a way that more traditional models of scholarship do not facilitate. Rather than simply work on a project for ten years in silence and then publish our work in the often inaccessible prose of academia while real-world discussions about Rwandan political violence are underway, we chose to provide some insights and data as we were completing our more traditional effort.
In addition to completing the work identified above, Davenport has begun an investigation into what has been taking place both in the ICTR as well as around the world with regard to the identification of alleged perpetrators. This has involved not only a review of what has taken place in the ICTR but also an evaluation of who has been accused, who is looking for them, who has been found and what happened to them after detection. This will result in a few academic articles. The relevant data generated thus far are posted on this webpage.
The Twentieth Anniversary of Rwandan Violence in 1994 (2014)
At the 20th anniversary of the political violence in Rwanda during 1994 many things had stayed the same since the 15th anniversary. On the one hand, the world came together to mourn one of the most horrific events in human history: the genocide of ethnic Tutsi that took place in 1994. On the other hand, barely anyone came forward to discuss the other violence that occurred during the same year. Part of the reason for this neglect was clear. The current Rwandan government has outlawed the discussion of any other form of violence - especially if the number of casualties begins to approach the number of ethnic Tutsi killed in the genocide. Accordingly,
Under the Rwandan constitution, "revisionism, negationism and trivialisation of genocide" are criminal offences.[275]
Hundreds of people have been tried and convicted for "genocide ideology", "revisionism", and other laws ostensibly
related to the genocide. Of the 489 individuals convicted of "genocide revisionism and other related crimes" in 2009,
five were sentenced to life imprisonment, a further five were sentenced to more than 20 years in jail, 99 were
sentenced to 10–20 years in jail, 211 received a custodial sentence of 5–10 years, and the remaining 169 received
jail terms of less than five years.[276] Amnesty International has criticized the Rwandan government for using these
laws to "criminalize legitimate dissent and criticism of the government."[277] In 2010, even an American law
professor and attorney, Peter Erlinder, was arrested in Kigali and charged with genocide denial while defending presidential candidate Victoire Ingabire against charges of genocide.[278] - Wikipedia entry for Rwandan Genocide
(October 8, 2014)
Despite such laws as well as behavior relevant to sanctioning those who are believed to violate it, discussion has begun to emerge. In part this has been due to the post-genocidal violent activities of the existing Rwandan government in the Congo (under the leadership of Paul Kagame). While under the framework of finding those who engaged in genocidal activities in 1994, it is not always clear that violent activities undertaken in this region can be linked to genocidal violence. Restrictions on political and civil liberties within Rwanda (indexed by Freedom House or the Cingranelli and Richards Human Rights Measure) have not returned at a pace that many deem reasonable. And, political opponents to the Kagame regime often end up being treated in a somewhat violent or coercive manner. Many will speak of the requirements of bringing political and economic development as this is believed to involve some political violence. What is interesting however is the discussion of exactly how much violence is accepted along the way as one attempts to build their society? How many individuals are allowed to be killed both domestically and internationally in order to build a nation state? These conversations are only just beginning.
Not only should one look after 1994 to frame their discussions. There is also the issue that there was essentially little political violence being directed against anyone in Rwanda prior to the invasion - neither Tutsi or Hutu. Consulting the Political Terror Scale database which documents personal integrity violations within countries from 1976 to the present, it is clear that it is not until 1990 that human rights violations in Rwanda become relatively violent. The scale itself is described here. This prompt some interesting questions. For example, if there was no political violence before the international invasion, then how should we frame what takes place after 1989? Were the Tutsi in the country somehow communicating that life for them was unlivable and the RPF were simply responding to this call? If this is the case, where is that information? This is another discussion that we are beginning to have. Granted the issues now being raised are a bit more complicated than the ones that we have been having in the communities examining Rwandan violence in particular and those that have been examining violence as well as governance more broadly conceived. At the twentieth anniversary, however, we believe that these are the discussions that we need to start having. This is one of the reasons why we participated in the new BBC documentary "Rwanda's Untold Story" (which we imagine will be available on and then removed from the internet for quite some time until it comes to the US - if it comes).
Statements/Reflections regarding 15th and 10th anniversaries of the violence
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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SurViVors SPEAK OUT - Rights of Victims Seeking Justice and Compensation for the RPF Genocide. This is an Exciting Collaborative Project launched by The AS International Founder Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Economist and Human Rights Activist. Join US and Be the First to know about the Mastermind of the Rwandan Genocide Still At large and enjoing Impunity.