A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Saturday, July 4, 2015
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
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| Judi Rever, Montreal journalist and author |
RWANDA - Over the last two decades, Emmanuel Karenzi Karake has cut a striking figure in the world of Rwandan intelligence, having navigated the corridors of power with intellectual prowess.
His former colleagues describe him first and foremost as a master at exploiting weakness, a man able to target enemies with astounding precision and never missing his mark. He understood on a visceral level what Paul Kagame wanted to accomplish in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide and knew on a cerebral level how it should be done.
“Quite simply, Karake is the most brilliant officer that Kagame has ever had,” said an ex-colleague now in exile.
“He is observant and careful. Kagame trusted him most of the time…except when he suspected Karake might be building his own power base,” the officer explained.
Another officer who worked with Karake for years said his boss excelled in organizing “abductions, targeted killings and mass killings.”
“At the planning and killing level, he is more shrewd than most. It is hard to escape his traps. Karenzi doesn’t miss a target,” the source explained.
Raised by Tutsi refugee parents in the Congo, Karake was schooled in Uganda and underwent military training in Tanzania before becoming a civil intelligence officer at Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni’s office following the ouster of dictator Idi Amin in the 1980s.
In the early 1990s, after Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) invaded Rwanda and unleashed a civil war, Karake became a member of an African Union military observer group before becoming a key liaison officer for the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) in its dealings with the United Nations peacekeeping mission, UNAMIR.
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| Lt Gen. Karenzi karake Kagame's Spy chief and mass-murderer |
Karake’s ability to move freely throughout Rwanda with internationally sanctioned military missions enabled him to gather crucial information at opportune moments: “It was a golden opportunity to see every corner of the country. He gathered really good intelligence for the final assault on Kigali.”
The experience put Karake in good stead when the RPF swooped into the capital, swore in a new government and promised to rebuild Rwanda from its ashes.
Having a predilection for socializing and enjoying the company of women, Karake is the polar opposite of socially austere Kagame. Unlike his boss, he is actually popular with Tutsi officers and soldiers, even among the lowest rank.
His only real nemesis, colleagues pointed out, was Kayumba Nyamwasa, his predecessor who headed the notorious Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) before and during the genocide.
Just what was the role of DMI, an institution led by Karake for nearly three years after the genocide? Rwandans have variously described DMI as a repository of malevolence and pain.
Investigators at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) set out to discover what DMI did during and after the genocide. Their findings were compiled in a confidential report submitted to Prosecutor Hassan Bubacar Jallow and accessed by this journalist.
“The Directorate of Military Intelligence was created in late 1990 as part of the RPA military structure. From its creation and until the end of the war in 1994, Colonel Kayumba Nyamwasa was in charge of this directorate. The DMI is hated and feared by most of the Rwandan population, inside and outside of Rwanda due to its reputation for cruelty and killing operations. Most of the massacres attributed to the RPA were committed by the DMI,” the document states.
The report emphasizes that Nyamwasa was DMI chief until the formation of the RPF government and “‘nothing was done without his knowledge.” Investigators later state that Nyamwasa “was replaced by Lt Colonel Karenzi Karake.”
The report—written by the ICTR’s Special Investigations Unit that looked into crimes committed by the RPF—goes on to say that DMI representatives were in every military unit, and that special DMI forces were under the control of DMI headquarters, and special agents called ‘technicians’ were part of DMI operations.
The report states that technicians were trained to use pharmaceutical products to kill and poison water; they were given courses on how to murder with ropes and hoes, how to smother people with plastic bags, how to inject oil from syringes into victims’ ears, and how to tie people’s elbows behind their backs and bind their feet as a means of torture. The technicians were also instructed to use bayonets, guns and grenades, in addition to laying landmines.
Karake’s reign of terror at the helm of DMI
Immediately after Kagame’s troops seized the capital and in the smoky weeks before being named DMI chief, Karake directed a series of operations from all over Rwanda that lured and screened young male Hutus into the RPA, in schemes that brought them to killing centers, mainly in remote areas of Akagera Park which was off limits to the UN and NGOs, sources said. He worked closely at the time with Patrick Nyamvumba, who headed the Training Wing and is now Rwanda’s chief of defense staff.
The practice of screening Hutus and transporting them to execution sites started during the genocide but was implemented in earnest afterward, entrenching a deadly policy that continued, in varying degrees, for years to come.
From testimony collected from witnesses, investigators stipulated that “after the war, the Hutu population were arrested by DMI agents in given places and eliminated at a great rate. The bodies were incinerated and ashes were buried.” Sports grounds and military camps were often created over common graves.
“Places where massacres executed by agents of the DMI sometimes with the assistance of soldiers were: Gabiro, Kami, Masaka, Giti, Nyamirambo, Kidaho, Butaro, Kirambo, Ruhengeri city, Kinihira, Nyungwe Forest, Kabutare, Butare Aboretum, Save, Gikomero, Ndera, Runda, Musambira City, Rambura, Muhura-Buyumba City,” investigators wrote.
“It appears that the principal heads of the DMI are responsible not only because of their personal actions but also because of the orders given. They are also accountable on the basis of the responsibility of the superior hierarchy,” the investigators concluded.
Camp Kami: a slaughterhouse
One of the preferred killing grounds under the authority of DMI was Camp Kami, a sprawling base on the outskirts of Kigali adjacent to bush. ICTR investigators discovered that “thousands of civilians who had taken refuge in the camp were executed. In May 1994, military prisoners would dig graves during the day, and during the night the bodies of the executed persons would be buried in these mass graves. For many years Camp Kami continued to be used by the DMI as an execution site.”
One of Karake’s close colleagues confided that while Kayumba held sway at Kami for two months, it was Karake that transformed the military camp into “a true slaughterhouse.”
“No one knows how many Hutus were slaughtered at Kami. Those who returned from Zaire and others were killed there,” the Tutsi officer said. “Even Tutsis were slaughtered at Kami, but for Tutsis there had to be a reason for being killed.”
He said one day in August 1994, at about 5:30 pm, he was heading to Kami just as a soldier was leaving. The soldier said he was exhausted after killing Hutus for eleven hours straight. “There are still many and Afandi KK (Karenzi Karake) wants the job to be completed before tomorrow,” the soldier told him.
The Tutsi officer arrived on site and found hundreds of Hutu men “screaming and agonizing,” their arms tied behind them and legs bound. “It was horrible,” he recounted, adding that soldiers were looking for hoes to bury them alive.
He said Karake visited the camp that night, was pleased with the scene and quickly retreated to DMI headquarters, which was called Ku Kabindi (the Calabash) because it was next to a building with a calabash and straw.
Karake’s Achilles Heel, shared by many upper echelon members of the RPF, was his antipathy toward Hutus.
“He hated Hutus. He would kill a person just because he or she was Hutu,” the officer said.
And yet many years ago, Karake fell in love with a Hutu girl who was very beautiful. But for a senior ranking Tutsi officer it was unheard of—and even dangerous—to contemplate marrying a Hutu woman.
“He had to drop her and it killed his heart. He became emotionally challenged after that.”
Another colleague had a different view. “It wasn’t so much that Karake hated Hutus more than other RPF officers did. It was just that killing Hutus was the policy. It was part of the program.”
The RPF’s Hutu extermination policy reached its apotheosis under Karake’s tenure, when DMI supervised with great precision the 1996 invasion of Zaire and the mass killings of Congolese and Rwandan Hutu refugees.
The killing squads in Zaire, now the Democratic Republic of Congo, were supervised by DMI and instructed by Karake, according to an officer involved in operations.
“No intelligence officer could operate without orders from KK. All intelligence officers from all units and sub-units were provided by DMI and could be replaced by DMI,” he said, adding that DMI worked closely with the gendarmerie, military police and external intelligence.
In an interview, a former soldier from a mobile DMI unit recounted killing Hutus in the Congo in November 1996.
“We stopped in Kasindi (in Zaire) and conducted ‘clean up’ operations throughout the area. We got rid of everyone considered an enemy: that meant all Hutus. We found the refugees in the forest. There were starving and sick. There was no water or food for these people. But we were told to eliminate them. So we killed them all. We even killed those who were dying, with perhaps only a few minutes to live. We didn’t use guns on the weakest. We used traditional weapons like agafuni (hoes) to finish them off.
“Most of the killings of refugees took place in the jungle. But if refugees tried to hide in towns, we went after them and identified them.
“At this stage, there were no ex-FAR (Hutu soldiers) in the area. There were only civilians.”
By the time Rwandan troops reached Bafwasende near Kisangani in January 1997, many refugees, more than ten thousand, were killed, the soldier said.
“I was part of a team that unearthed corpses from mass graves. We worked day and night for a long time to take bodies to other locations to be incinerated. It was about the time when people were calling for an investigation to confirm whether indeed there had been massacres of Hutu refugees in the area. Rwanda of course was denying the allegations and we had to destroy the evidence. We needed to hide the proof.
“Bodies were decomposing. It was shocking to be forced to carry out such operations. We did this with our own hands, with no protection or gloves. Our superiors were behind us. These commanders hit us from time to time. It’s hard for you to imagine but we had to put corpses on our backs and dump them onto trucks. When we were discouraged they would beat us and force us to carry on. It was forced labor. I became ill afterward.”
In 2010, an investigation by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights concluded that Rwandan troops committed crimes against humanity and possibly genocide in the former Zaire.
The author of that report, a war crimes prosecutor from Montreal named Luc Coté, said that Rwandan Tutsi troops and their rebel allies targeted, chased, hacked, shot and burned Hutus—men, women and children—in the DRC.
Coté previously worked in the ICTR’s Office of Prosecutor and was responsible for indicting Colonel Theoneste Bagosora, considered the architect of the 1994 genocide against Tutsis.
In the first disordered weeks of the Rwandan invasion of Zaire, several hundred thousand Rwandan refugees headed eastward back home, while another mass of humanity fled deeper west into the jungle, chased by RPA forces. Mainstream media, channeling officials in Kigali, declared the forced return of Hutus as a victory against genocidal forces that had used the camps in Zaire as rear bases to mount attacks against Rwanda. What journalists did not say was that thousands of Hutu men were systematically separated from their families after crossing the border in late 1996, only to be transported in trucks and killed in Nyungwe Forest, Akagera Park, Camp Kami and other execution sites, according to dozens of Tutsi officers familiar with operations and families of Hutu men who disappeared.
The coordinated killings of Hutu refugees inside Zaire and the elimination of Hutu men that returned home also coincided with a brutal counterinsurgency campaign the RPA had begun to wage in areas along the western border, particularly in Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. The RPA was accused of going house-to-house, slaughtering civilians, burning huts, and of targeting local critics who dared to raise their voices.
It was during that time that Kagame and Karake made a strategic error of epic proportions, their critics say. They decided to target witnesses—several of them foreign nationals working for NGOs—who knew what was going on in the area. On January 18, 1997, three Spanish nationals working for Doctors of the World were murdered in Ruhengeri. The Spanish court holds Karake responsible for the massacre.
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| General P. Kagame The Rwandan Genocide Mastermind but Still President of Rwanda |
An individual who worked with Karake said he indeed organized and monitored the killings of the Spanish humanitarian workers and the murder of Guy Pinard, an outspoken Québecois priest who openly condemned RPA atrocities against civilians during his sermons.
According to a source with knowledge of the operations against the Spanish and the priest, which occurred within two weeks of each other, the killings were organized by DMI in conjunction with the Gendarmerie. The DMI departments involved were Counter Intelligence led by Charles Karamba and the Criminal Investigation & Prosecution, led by Joseph Nzabamwita.
Father Guy Pinard was shot in the back on February 2, 1997 in front of parishioners while giving communion. His attacker, a Tutsi with connections to the RPF, fled the scene and was never charged. Unlike Spain, Canada did not investigate or seek justice.
ICTR investigators collected testimony indicating that RPA troops had temporarily occupied the Catholic Church in Ruhengeri, Father Pinard was in charge of the church when 20 bodies were found in a latrine pit on the premises, after the RPA vacated the site. Pinard was killed shortly thereafter. The priest who was in charge of exhuming the bodies was also murdered, according to the ICTR document.
Absent from the Spanish indictment is the role that DMI, under Karake, played in the murder of another Canadian priest, Claude Simard on October 17, 1994.
Simard, who was beaten to death with a hammer in his home in Butare, had been gathering evidence of RPA killings in the form of audio recordings that he planned to hand over to the international community.
A UN civilian police report concluded that the army had learned of Father Simard’s plans to give the recordings to the United Nations.
“From all indications, Father Claude Simard was murdered by the RPA,” the UN report said. “The image of the RPA was at stake and they could not simply sit by. Father Claude Simard was about to expose them with a recorded cassette of their crimes.”
Spain demands justice
Karake is currently director general of Rwanda’s National Intelligence and Security Services (NISS), an umbrella spy agency that oversees intelligence gathering in civilian and military spheres.
Karake’s formidable and horrifically violent reign as military intelligence chief after the genocide, and his role in murdering three Spanish nationals led to his arrest on June 20 in London under a European Arrest Warrant issued by the Spanish government. He faces an extradition hearing in October.
In 2008, Judge Fernando Andreu Merelles indicted Karake and 39 other RPA commanders on charges of genocide, crimes against humanity, and other offenses that include terrorism in a case of universal jurisdiction. Since then, the Spanish court has collected additional evidence against Karake and other RPF officers, a Spanish lawyer handling the case confirmed.
If the 1994 genocide against Tutsis stands as the most depraved and tragic chapter in Rwanda’s history, its corollary is certainly the three years that followed in which a slower, largely hidden campaign of abject cruelty was meted out against Hutu civilians in Rwanda and the DRC, with barely a whimper of international outcry.
If extradited to Spain, Emannuel Karenzi Karake could become the jewel in the crown of witnesses against Kagame’s two-and-a-half decades of crime. He was, by all indications, the most successful of Kagame’s willing executioners.
And yet Karake’s friends insist his culpability is complex. “Yes he was at the center of killing operations in Rwanda for years. But he’s been humiliated too, and was aware that things were not going well,” said one friend.
“Many bad decisions were taken. But what Kagame wants, Kagame gets,” the friend said.
“If Karake is as smart as we think he is, he will not save Kagame this time. He’ll tell the truth. It’s what Rwanda needs.”
Judi Rever
Judi Rever is a Montreal-based freelance journalist, formerly with Agence France-Presse and Radio France Internationale. She has reported from the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Sierra Leone, Ivory Coast and the Middle East. She specializes in human rights issues, and is currently doing research for a book that would explore war crimes committed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front and its army.
Thursday, July 2, 2015
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]
Tiré de Emmanuel Ndahayo et Aimable Dufatanye,La violence politico-militaire contre les femmes au Rwanda, Editions Sources du Nil (commander le livre ici: www.editions-sources-du-nil.fr)
Les pratiques d’agafuni (houe usée) et d’akandoyi ont été infligées aussi bien aux hommes qu’aux femmes. La pratique d’agafuni que les Inkotanyi du FPR ont utilisé de manière très large et fréquente consistait à broyer les têtes des victimes par une houe usée. agafuni était souvent pratiquée après la torture akandoyi qui consistait à ligoter les jambes et les bras de la victime ensemble dans son dos et à tirer la corde jusqu’à ce que les os de la poitrine craquent. Spécialement envers les femmes, d’autres pratiques de violence physique ont été commises. Elles englobent plusieurs formes de cruauté dont les plus fréquentes étaient :
L’
Le viol sexuel
Cette barbarie a touché toutes les catégories de femmes, quelle que soit leur origine ethnique ou régionale, leur niveau d’éducation, leur âge, leur situation socio-économique etc. Dans cette période de guerre, ce sont les femmes associées au camp ennemi qui étaient principalement et systématiquement visées. Ceci signifie que dans le nord du Rwanda dans les territoires contrôlés par le FPR des victimes étaient des femmes hutues qui étaient associées au camp du gouvernement. Les viols contre les femmes tutsies, globalement associées au camp du FPR par leurs violeurs, ont été surtout commis vers la fin de la guerre quand celle-ci s’est étendue sur d’autres régions du pays.
Alors que les viols collectifs ou en masse ont eu lieu pendant la guerre et le génocide ainsi que pendant les mois qui ont suivi la fin de la guerre, les viols individuels continuent jusqu’à présent sous plusieurs formes avec des motifs différents. Le fait que le Rwanda n’est pas un pays où la loi et l’État protègent les citoyens, mais bien l’endroit où le plus fort piétine le faible, les femmes tout comme beaucoup d’autres personnes sans protection restent à la merci de ceux qui ont le pouvoir de trancher sur leur sort.
Le climat de guerre est délibérément et ingénieusement maintenu au Rwanda : les soldats campent partout sur les collines et marchent avec leurs armes dans les rues des villes, les civils armés formant d’innombrables « unités de défense locale » (local defence force), appelées DASSO (District Administrative Security Support Organ), sont disséminés partout sur le territoire rwandais. La loi du plus fort favorise le viol et d’autres abus contre des personnes faibles. Dans une telle situation, les femmes qui ne sont pas protégées par des acteurs armés, sont exposées aux viols permanents, autant que d’autres personnes sans défense sont obligées de payer sans cesse des rançons pour acheter leur vie.
Mutilation des organes génitaux
Pendant cette guerre, beaucoup de femmes ont subi la mutilation de leurs organes génitaux. Cet acte de barbarie se faisait surtout à l’aide de simples couteaux de poche. Dans certains cas, les sexes des femmes victimes étaient « travaillés » à l’aide de
baïonnettes. Selon les témoignages recueillis, ces mutilations étaient commises lors des escarmouches par des rebelles qui n’avaient pas le temps de violer leurs victimes. Dans la plus part des cas, les victimes ont succombé à l’hémorragie.
Dans l’histoire du Rwanda il est connu que seuls les hommes vaincus lors des expéditions des conquêtes subissaient l’amputation des sexes dont les dépouilles servaient à décorer le tambourKalinga (signe du pouvoir des monarques tutsis). Notons en outre que les guerriers récupéraient et emportaient les organes masculins amputés de leurs adversaires comme preuves à présenter au roi qu’ils avaient réellement tué l’ennemi afin d’en être récompensé. La barbarie qui consiste à mutiler les organes génitaux n’avait jamais été commise contre les femmes au Rwanda avant l’introduction de la guerre nouvelle. La raison de la mutilation des sexes des femmes n’a donc rien à voir avec la culture et le passé des Rwandais. C’est une nouveauté étrangère.
Mutilation des seins
Les mutilations des seins des femmes est un acte de barbarie qui accompagnait souvent celle de la mutilation des sexes. Mais il arrivait que seuls les seins soient coupés et les sexes épargnés ou vice-versa.
Cela dépendait de la volonté des rebelles et du temps dont ils disposaient pour commettre ces atrocités. Les instruments utilisés dans les deux cas sont les mêmes. L’analyse des témoignages montrent cependant que la mutilation du sexe se produisait souvent après le viol, et que la mutilation des seins se faisait le plus souvent dans le cadre des actes de tortures commis surtout pour arracher aux victimes des informations ou pour les contraindre à commettre de la bestialité sur d’autres membres de leurs propres familles.
Dépeçage et éventrement des femmes
Cette bestialité consiste en l’ouverture des ventres des victimes du sexe jusqu’au niveau de l’estomac par des objets tranchants. Des fois cette ouverture pouvait aller jusqu’au niveau du cou.
Les femmes enceintes étaient, plus que d’autres, visées par cette cruauté. Après avoir éventré les femmes enceintes, on enlevait les fœtus et on laissait mourir la maman et le fœtus séparément. Ce que nous n’avons jamais compris et dont nos interlocuteurs étrangers n’ont aucune idée, ce sont les motivations ou le but poursuivi dans cet acte barbare de séparation des corps des deux victimes. Probablement que cela tient à des croyances en vigueur en Ouganda ou alors cela tient tout court à la cruauté visant l’objectif de choquer les populations et de les chasser de leurs terres. Ce qui est certain, c’est que ces comportements inhumains du FPR ont provoqué une aversion totale de la population contre ses combattants et une peur bleue ne fut-ce qu’à l’évocation du nom FPR !
Empalement des femmes à l'aide d'objets pointus
Cette forme de cruauté consistait à percer le corps des femmes du sexe à la tête ou au cou, à l’aide des objets comme des bâtons ou des métaux très pointus. Ces objets étaient enfoncés dans le vagin et poussés à travers les intestins jusqu’au niveau de la poitrine. Comme dans les cas précédents, les victimes étaient souvent suspendues à des troncs d’arbres ou sur tout autre objet servant de transversale ou de poteau. Avant que leurs corps soient traversés par des objets pointus, les victimes subissaient souvent le déchirement du sexe, que les criminels effectuaient de la manière la plus atroce en enfonçant
Introduction d'objets dans les parties génitales
Dans de nombreux cas, les rebelles « travaillaient » les parties génitales des victimes avec des objets. Les bourreaux faisaient subir à leurs victimes une souffrance extrême en introduisant sauvagement des objets comme des bâtons, des bouteilles, des bananes vertes, des pilons enduits de piment fort, des patates douces, des canons de fusils etc. dans les parties génitales et les remuaient sauvagement dans tous les sens.
Viol forcé entre les victimes
Les rebelles du FPR ont souvent forcé les membres d’une même famille à avoir des relations sexuelles incestueuses, que ce soit entre mère et fils, père et fille, frère et sœur, oncle et nièce, tante et neveu, etc. Des membres de famille, y compris des enfants, étaient également contraints non seulement à assister à ces viols forcés des leurs, mais aussi à les commettre eux-mêmes. Cette forme de viol allait naturellement au de-là de la souffrance physique des victimes et conduisait à une souffrance profonde psychologique et existentielle. Certaines des victimes qui n’avaient pas succombé à ces atrocités, n’ayant pu supporter de vivre avec le poids de tels souvenirs et d’une telle souffrance, se sont par la suite suicidées.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Monday, June 29, 2015
[Since 1994, the world witnesses the horrifying Tutsi minority (14%) ethnic domination, the Tutsi minority ethnic rule with an iron hand, tyranny and corruption in Rwanda. The current government has been characterized by the total impunity of RPF criminals, the Tutsi economic monopoly, the Tutsi militaristic domination, and the brutal suppression of the rights of the majority of the Rwandan people (85% are Hutus)and mass arrests of Hutus by the RPF criminal organization =>AS International]Rwanda: coup de théâtre au pays de Shakespeare
À l'heure où
les idéologues de Survie en sont encore aux versions canoniques du drame
rwandais selon lesquelles seuls les extrémistes hutus seraient responsables des
centaines de milliers de morts de 1994, l'actualité nous offre une surprise de
nature à modifier radicalement cette perspective.
Voici qu'à la faveur d'un déplacement à Londres, le chef des services de renseignements rwandais, Emmanuel Karenzi Karake, sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt européen émis par l'Espagne, a été arrêté samedi par la police londonienne. Le mandat a été émis dans le cadre d'une procédure pour génocide et crimes contre l'humanité.
Oui, vous avez bien lu: génocide et crimes contre l'humanité.... pour un homme de Kagame.
Extrait Chronique d'un génocide (La partie occultée): 1994 - 1996 les massacres commis par le FPR Voici qu'à la faveur d'un déplacement à Londres, le chef des services de renseignements rwandais, Emmanuel Karenzi Karake, sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt européen émis par l'Espagne, a été arrêté samedi par la police londonienne. Le mandat a été émis dans le cadre d'une procédure pour génocide et crimes contre l'humanité.
Oui, vous avez bien lu: génocide et crimes contre l'humanité.... pour un homme de Kagame.
Cette
arrestation montre que l'analyse d'un génocide dont la responsabilité
incomberait aux seuls hutu est loin d'être admise dans le monde et qu'il n'y a
qu'en France où la presse n'a pas su reconnaître ses errances et s'enferre dans
le déni en omettant systématiquement de traiter depuis des années tout ce qui
remet en cause la doxa. Le cliché d'une armée française engagée dans le
génocide aux côtés des hutu a été propagé en dépit du fait que ladite armée
n'était pas présente au Rwanda au moment des faits. Nous avons eu ici même, sur
Mediapart, un soldat français venu opportunément s'interroger sur sa possible
inculpation devant le TPI au moment du vingtième anniversaire du génocide. Il
est difficile de ne pas voir dans cette attitude un élément d'une campagne de
presse bien orchestrée et visant à empêcher de soulever le voile qui occulte la
responsabilité du FPR (la soi-disant armée de libération tutsi) dans
l'assassinat du président en exercice et dans le génocide qui a suivi.
Il est notable qu'à l'heure ou la presse anglaise rend compte de cette arrestation - notamment la BBC, le Guardian, l'indépendant et le Telegraph - en France, seuls RFI, le point et le Parisien en parlent.
On imagine sans peine que les Malagardis, Dupaquier, Vulpian, Colombat, Bourmeau et autres Saint Exupéry et Mehdi Ba doivent commencer à se dire que leur statut de défenseurs inconditionnels du régime de Paul Kagamé les expose à être démentis par les faits dans un avenir qui se rapproche de plus en plus. Quant au reste de la presse française, qui a massivement gobé l'intoxication tutsi au moment du génocide et qui a fermé les yeux sur les suite des massacres en RDC, il est assez réticent à admettre qu'il a été grossièrement manipulé.
Il y a peu, Le Monde s'était fendu d'un article sur la qualité des prisons rwandaises, nous apprenant au passage que les excréments des prisonniers étaient recyclés en biogaz pour le chauffage.
http://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2015/05/04/au-rwanda-les-prisons-tournent-au-biogaz_4626806_3244.html
Par contre ils n'avaient pas pipé mot de l'assassinat de P. Karegeya, de l'enlèvement de Gafirita - du à la curieuse incurie du juge Trevidic* . Ils avaient en outre fait silence à propos du documentaire de la BBC "Rwanda's untold story" Ledit documentaire a rendu fou furieux le régime de Kigali qui a suspendu la BBC au Rwanda.
https://vimeo.com/112879025
Ils n'ont bien sur rien dit du sabotage de l'enquête par le duo Trevidic - Poux pendant des années. http://www.recim.org/prov/RencontresPaix.pdf (à partir de la page 5)
On espère donc que, fidèle à sa curiosité pointilleuse, le quotidien du soir se donnera la peine de reconnaître qu'il existe une enquête pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité qui vise les responsables tutsi, et que celle-ci n'est pas due aux manipulations de la françafrique mais, tout au contraire, à l'opiniâtreté d'un avocat et d'un juge espagnols.
Bien entendu, ledit quotidien a dû reconnaître les exactions du régime en place envers les membres de la profession journalistique qui ne récitaient pas convenablement le catéchisme autorisé. Mais c'est que Reporter Sans Frontières et Human Right Watch ont suffisamment élevé la voix.
http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2015/03/03/un-journaliste-condamne-a-25-ans-de-prison-au-rwanda_4586522_3212.html
Quant à notre bien aimé journal Mediapart, nous aimerions qu'il ne soit pas d'une discrétion de violette sur ce sujet.
Evidemment, il ne reste plus aux blancs-menteurs français - Malagardis, Dupaquier, Vulpian, Dumas, Colombat, Bourmeau , Saint Exupéry, Mehdi Ba - qu'à nous expliquer que ce sont les espagnols qui sont les cerveaux du génocide rwandais puisqu'ils incriminent Kagame et les siens pour crimes de guerre voire crimes contre l'humanité.
La mise en cause de l'armée française est un leurre bien pratique et a mobilisé tant d'idiots utiles qu'il suffira d'ajouter que le mandat contre Kagamé est un ultime vestige du franquisme. Un peu de passion indignée fera l'affaire. Le franquisme complice de l'armée française génocidaire, ça sonne tellement bien: Pavlov en frétille de joie dans sa tombe.
Voici les articles de la presse française:
http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20150623-rwanda-karenzi-karake-londres-foreign-office-espagne-interpol-kagame/
http://www.leparisien.fr/faits-divers/genocide-au-rwanda-le-general-emmanuel-karenzi-karake-arrete-samedi-a-londres-23-06-2015-4885629.php
http://www.lepoint.fr/monde/londres-arrete-le-chef-des-renseignements-rwandais-23-06-2015-1939079_24.php
*Trévidic ne voulait pas que Gafirita, qui craignait pour sa vie, témoigne sous X à propos de l'attentat contre l'avion présidentiel. Il était donc convenu que l'identité de Gafirita ne serait révélée qu'à son arrivée en France. Hélas, cet accord ne fut pas respecté et Gafirita fut enlevé à Nairobi dès que sa convocation par le juge fut émise. Pourtant, Trévidic avait accepté le témoignage sous X d'un ancien d'Abou Nidal dans l'affaire de la rue des Rosiers.
Il est notable qu'à l'heure ou la presse anglaise rend compte de cette arrestation - notamment la BBC, le Guardian, l'indépendant et le Telegraph - en France, seuls RFI, le point et le Parisien en parlent.
On imagine sans peine que les Malagardis, Dupaquier, Vulpian, Colombat, Bourmeau et autres Saint Exupéry et Mehdi Ba doivent commencer à se dire que leur statut de défenseurs inconditionnels du régime de Paul Kagamé les expose à être démentis par les faits dans un avenir qui se rapproche de plus en plus. Quant au reste de la presse française, qui a massivement gobé l'intoxication tutsi au moment du génocide et qui a fermé les yeux sur les suite des massacres en RDC, il est assez réticent à admettre qu'il a été grossièrement manipulé.
Il y a peu, Le Monde s'était fendu d'un article sur la qualité des prisons rwandaises, nous apprenant au passage que les excréments des prisonniers étaient recyclés en biogaz pour le chauffage.
http://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2015/05/04/au-rwanda-les-prisons-tournent-au-biogaz_4626806_3244.html
Par contre ils n'avaient pas pipé mot de l'assassinat de P. Karegeya, de l'enlèvement de Gafirita - du à la curieuse incurie du juge Trevidic* . Ils avaient en outre fait silence à propos du documentaire de la BBC "Rwanda's untold story" Ledit documentaire a rendu fou furieux le régime de Kigali qui a suspendu la BBC au Rwanda.
https://vimeo.com/112879025
Ils n'ont bien sur rien dit du sabotage de l'enquête par le duo Trevidic - Poux pendant des années. http://www.recim.org/prov/RencontresPaix.pdf (à partir de la page 5)
On espère donc que, fidèle à sa curiosité pointilleuse, le quotidien du soir se donnera la peine de reconnaître qu'il existe une enquête pour crimes de guerre et crimes contre l'humanité qui vise les responsables tutsi, et que celle-ci n'est pas due aux manipulations de la françafrique mais, tout au contraire, à l'opiniâtreté d'un avocat et d'un juge espagnols.
Bien entendu, ledit quotidien a dû reconnaître les exactions du régime en place envers les membres de la profession journalistique qui ne récitaient pas convenablement le catéchisme autorisé. Mais c'est que Reporter Sans Frontières et Human Right Watch ont suffisamment élevé la voix.
http://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2015/03/03/un-journaliste-condamne-a-25-ans-de-prison-au-rwanda_4586522_3212.html
Quant à notre bien aimé journal Mediapart, nous aimerions qu'il ne soit pas d'une discrétion de violette sur ce sujet.
Evidemment, il ne reste plus aux blancs-menteurs français - Malagardis, Dupaquier, Vulpian, Dumas, Colombat, Bourmeau , Saint Exupéry, Mehdi Ba - qu'à nous expliquer que ce sont les espagnols qui sont les cerveaux du génocide rwandais puisqu'ils incriminent Kagame et les siens pour crimes de guerre voire crimes contre l'humanité.
La mise en cause de l'armée française est un leurre bien pratique et a mobilisé tant d'idiots utiles qu'il suffira d'ajouter que le mandat contre Kagamé est un ultime vestige du franquisme. Un peu de passion indignée fera l'affaire. Le franquisme complice de l'armée française génocidaire, ça sonne tellement bien: Pavlov en frétille de joie dans sa tombe.
Voici les articles de la presse française:
http://www.rfi.fr/afrique/20150623-rwanda-karenzi-karake-londres-foreign-office-espagne-interpol-kagame/
http://www.leparisien.fr/faits-divers/genocide-au-rwanda-le-general-emmanuel-karenzi-karake-arrete-samedi-a-londres-23-06-2015-4885629.php
http://www.lepoint.fr/monde/londres-arrete-le-chef-des-renseignements-rwandais-23-06-2015-1939079_24.php
*Trévidic ne voulait pas que Gafirita, qui craignait pour sa vie, témoigne sous X à propos de l'attentat contre l'avion présidentiel. Il était donc convenu que l'identité de Gafirita ne serait révélée qu'à son arrivée en France. Hélas, cet accord ne fut pas respecté et Gafirita fut enlevé à Nairobi dès que sa convocation par le juge fut émise. Pourtant, Trévidic avait accepté le témoignage sous X d'un ancien d'Abou Nidal dans l'affaire de la rue des Rosiers.
Statement from
the families of the Spanish victims on the arrest of Karenzi Karake in London,
UK.
We, the families of the Spanish nationals who died violently in Rwandaand the Democratic Republic of Congo between 1994 and 2000:
-JOAQUIM VALLMAJÓ SALA (BYUMBA,NORTHERN RWANDA, +April 26, 1994)
- SERVANDO MAYOR GARCÍA, JORGE JULIORODRÍGUEZ, MIGUEL
ANGEL ISLA ANDFERNANDO LUCIO DE LA FUENTE DE LA FUENTE (BUGOBE / BUKAVU, EASTERN DRC, +October 31, 1996).
- Mª
FLORS SIRERA FORTUNY, MANUEL
MADRAZO OSUNA, LUIS VALTUEÑA GALLEGO(RUHENGERI, NORTHERN RWANDA, +January
18, 1997).
- ISIDRO UZCUDUN
POUSO (MUGINA, GITARAMA,CENTRAL RWANDA, + June 10, 2000).
having learned of the arrest of General KARAKE KARENZI in London(UK), under an international arrest warrant and a European arrest warrant issued by the Spanish courts in accordance with international lawand the principles of international law:
DECLARE
I.- In the absence of a judicial enquiry by the International CriminalTribunal for Rwanda or the national courts of Rwanda and theDemocratic Republic of Congo into the circumstances surrounding theviolent death of our relatives in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic ofCongo, we found ourselves compelled to press criminal chargesbefore the Spanish
courts.
II.- After over three years of judicial investigation at national andinternational levels, the Central Court of Instruction No. 4 of theNational Court issued a reasoned indictment, laying out detailedprima facie evidence on 40 senior military officers of the RwandanPatriotic Army (RPA / RPF) for criminal acts committed betweenOctober 1, 1990 and July 1, 2002, both in Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo (http://www.veritasrwandaforum.org/dosier/resol_auto_esp_06022008.pdf). These 40 senior military officers areunder investigation for their alleged involvement in genocide, crimesagainst humanity, war crimes, crimes of terrorism or association to anarmed group with terrorist intent.
III.- The arrest of General KARAKE KARENZI in London (UK)represents a major step forward towards the end of impunity forinternational crimes carried out during that period in those two
African countries, which has caused -and continues to cause- so much suffering to individuals, families and communities of differentnationalities and peoples.
IV.- We, the families of the Spanish victims, express once again oursolidarity and sympathy to all the survivors of human rights abuses, andthe families of victims of violent death in Rwanda and the DemocraticRepublic of the Congo at that time, regardless of their age, gender,ethnicity, nationality or any other status. In their memory, and afterdecades of having being ignored as victims, particularly the countlessRwandan and Congolese victims, each and everyone have the right totruth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non-recurrence.
REQUEST
First.- In accordance with universal human rights and applicableinternational law, we request that a trial affording all legal guarantees toboth defendants and victims takes place.
Second.- To the Spanish authorities:
- That, in compliance with international obligations and treaties towhich Spain is party, legal validation is provided to the direct delivery andreception of General KARAKE KARENZI arrested under a European
arrest warrant issued by the Spanish courts.
- That once the arrested General KARAKE KARENZI is in Spain underthe Spanish jurisdiction, and after any required procedures and possiblecomplementary research, an oral trial is opened to prosecute the facts subject of
research in this cause of justice.
- That request again from the authorities of the Republic of SouthAfrica, in accordance with the unanimous decision of the Government
of Spain dated September 17, 2010( http://www.veritasrwandaforum.org/dosier/sol_extrad/100917_consejo_ministros.pdf ) the arrest and surrender of General KAYUMBANYAMWASA, under international arrest warrant and demand forextradition of the Central Court of Instruction No. 4 of the AudienciaNacional (Spanish courts of justice), recalling that both Spain andSouth Africa are states party to the European Convention on
Extradition.
Third.- To the British authorities:
- That, in compliance with the international obligations and treaties towhich the United Kingdom is party, legal validation is provided to the
direct delivery of General KARAKE KARENZI arrested under aEuropean arrest warrant issued by the Spanish courts.
- That the situation of arrest remains, at the disposal of the courtsuntil released to the Spanish judicial authorities.
Fourth.- To the international community:
- That considering that the criminal acts that took place betweenOctober 1, 1990 and July 1, 2002 in Rwanda and the DemocraticRepublic of Congo are under investigation by the Spanish courts sincemost of them do not fall within the temporal jurisdiction of theInternational Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda based in Arusha, Tanzania(1994) nor that of the International Criminal Court based in TheHague, Netherlands (July 1, 2002 onwards), cooperation from theauthorities of the states of the international community and members ofthe United Nations is sought in order to deliver the defendants for thepurpose of conducting a trial with all legal guarantees underapplicable international law.
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