A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Tuesday, July 29, 2008
Dear Friends,Ladies and Gentlemen,
On behalf of many of Kagame's victims mainly hutu ethnic members, On behalf of Intabaza,
the Association of Survivors of the Rwanda Genocide of Rwandan Refugees in the DRC,
I would like to say that our story is very sad. In solidarity with who, at this moment in time, can not anymore celebrate these interesting events like the Chrismas or the New year, On behalf of those who hunger for justice in the death camps(returnees imidugudu) and homes within the fascist state of Rwanda, 7 years have now passed since millions of our fellow citizens have been slaughtered in DRC(Ex-Zaire). I do not want to remember you those ten of thousands of hutu women, wildly raped or gathered in burned houses, those who have been injected HIV because they happen to be the wives of that hated majority in Rwanda.
Neither I do not want to forget those who tried to free our country of origine Rwanda, Those who have been wrogly assimilated to insurgents, interahamwe, infiltrators, etc. But Let me tell you that these heros,
men,women and children have fought a battle head-on against the brutality, the injustice and
policies of criminalisation, categorazation by prejudicing against our mums, dads, brothers
and sisters. This criminalisation has been created by the well-known RPF philosophers and
wrongdoers who are inside and outside Rwanda. What we have to do ? To create more and
more parties and to divide our forces and consequentely to weak ourselves? The answer is
NO. There is NO WAY.
men,women and children have fought a battle head-on against the brutality, the injustice and
policies of criminalisation, categorazation by prejudicing against our mums, dads, brothers
and sisters. This criminalisation has been created by the well-known RPF philosophers and
wrongdoers who are inside and outside Rwanda. What we have to do ? To create more and
more parties and to divide our forces and consequentely to weak ourselves? The answer is
NO. There is NO WAY.
We have to remember rightfully thi significance of such a sacrifice that our heros gave or are giving in different fascist death fast camps and prisons throuthout Rwanda. It was and it is a brave gesture again refucused the world's attention on enslaved Rwanda with scene's not witnessed in the course of recent killings in Rwanda and/or in DRC.Who doesn't remember THE BLOODBATH TRAIN in Kisangani? A battle that began
with a simple refusal of cultivating, that struggle eventually lead to mass massacres in Kanama, Nkuli, Kigombe,Byumba, Kigali Ngali, in those Gitarama communes that border Gisenyi. The struggle and the resistance of our Heros has been compared to ".
with a simple refusal of cultivating, that struggle eventually lead to mass massacres in Kanama, Nkuli, Kigombe,Byumba, Kigali Ngali, in those Gitarama communes that border Gisenyi. The struggle and the resistance of our Heros has been compared to ".
This year, as we look back on the significance of that vital point in our recent and sad history as survivors and on the men who died in those mountains of Bymba, Gitarama, Ruhengeri and Gisenyi. So too must we remember the nature of their battle, the battle for Freedom, Justice and Democracy of all of us . I guess the Kenyan Elections is a Warning and a sad event for the rwandan dictators and A LIGHT FOR HOPE for those who have lost their rights because it happens to be the majority in their country. It is during this time that the world learns of the pain, struggle, and sacrifice of many young men and women who were going trough, not ten thousands of miles from this Rwanda. A struggle, that in many ways ressembled and even mirrored that which Abaparmehutu embarked on since 1957. A struggle against a policy of criminalisation of political prisoners and ordinarly people held in those inhuman prisons.Likewise so too must we engage, here and elsewhere in the world, daily with as much energy as possible, ensuring that our children, friends and relatives of the ongoing death fast will be forgotten. Their cry must be our battle cry in Rwanda and elsewhere in this world. Wherever you are you must stand to pay tribute to those men and women who have already given their lives on battle for freedom to the death, we must renew our commitment and warm solidarity to our brothers and sisters who at this moment and in the future fast for the right of international, diplomatic and political status in the struggle against the rwandan fascist Paul Kagame and RPF members. It is with pride that we rightfully acknowledge and support the many-sided battle against Kagame's cruelties.
As we in Rwanda and ouside remember our 1996, 1997 and 1998 martyrs of the criminal
Kagame, your courage and your strength will contribute to retrieve our homeland. For this
you have to play an important role. To you, our friends and the rwandan community in
Europe and the North America, Intabaza, the Association of Survivors of the Genocide of
Rwandan Refugees in DRC is with you! We are right! We Will Win!
Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana (www!)
Secretery Executive
As we in Rwanda and ouside remember our 1996, 1997 and 1998 martyrs of the criminal
Kagame, your courage and your strength will contribute to retrieve our homeland. For this
you have to play an important role. To you, our friends and the rwandan community in
Europe and the North America, Intabaza, the Association of Survivors of the Genocide of
Rwandan Refugees in DRC is with you! We are right! We Will Win!
Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana (www!)
Secretery Executive
Dear Friends,
Brothers and sisters,
I would like to draw your attention on these different findings. I guess you will have a fixed
image of Kagame and his RPF on Power in Rwanda:
1) Political and economic power in Rwanda rests in the hands of people who not only
returned from Uganda but also have family links.
Theogene Rudasingwa, the Chief of Staff of Rwandan President Paul Kagame is Gerald
Gahima's brother. Gahima is the Rwandan Attorney General. Their sister Beatrice
Mukabaranga served as Deputy Minister in the Ministry of Education shortly after the
Rwandan Patriotic Front overthrew the former government.
Major Denis Karera is Major Kwikiriza's brother. Their brother Musinge is Deputy Attorney
General (Avocat General) at the Supreme Court.
Lieutenant Camille who heads the communications systems of the Rwandan Patriotic Army
(APR) is Lieutenant Colonel Karemera's brother, former Minister of Education and
ambassador to South Africa.
Lieutenant Colonel Karemera is Donat Kaberuka's first cousin. Their fathers are brothers.
Kaberuka is minister of Finance.
Mutemberezi, the Governor of the National Bank of Rwanda is married to Muligande's sister.
Muligande is the current Rwandan minister of Foreign Affairs. Mutemberezi's brother is
mayor of Commune Musambira. These are Tutsi returnees from Burundi.
Musoni Protais, Deputy Minister in the Ministry of Interior is Patrick Mazimpaka's brother in
law. Mazimpaka is Special Envoy in General Kagame's office.
Dr. Richard Masozera is Aloysia Inyumba's husband. He is director of Immigration and
Emigration
Hope Mulera is married to Gasana, the Director General of ENGEN, former BP FINA bought
by a South African company.
Other powerful returnees from Uganda are: Colonel Frank Rusagara, former Deputy Minister
of Defense; Colonel Andrews Rwigamba, President of military courts; Colonel Frank
Mugambage, Commander of the Police; Colonel Kayonga, Advisor to Rwandan President
Kagame, Lieutenant Karera, and Lieutenant Camille.
Lieutenant Jacques Nziza oversees the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), a
paramilitary agency specialized in carrying out assassinations of RPF enemies while
Lieutenant Patrick Karegeya runs External Intelligence, a DMI branch that coordinates
assassinations abroad and the looting of the natural resources of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo.
Musoni James is another RPF heavy weight. He represents General Kagame in the RPF. As
such he is above Muligande in terms of pecking order. He is also a major figure of Rwanda
Revenue Authority.
Some women who joined the RPF during the bush war still play a major role. There are
Christine Umutoni, Emilie Rusera, Aloysia Inyumba, Hope Murera, Rose Kabuye,
The RPF recently expelled Kabuye from the National Transitional Assembly (NTA) and there
is rumor that she might have been expelled from the RPF and the APR. According to Jean-
Pierre Mugabe, a former RPF intelligence officer, she is implicated in the assassination of
former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana.
The most powerful of these women is Aloysia Inyumba. She has been closely associated
with General Kagame since the creation of the RPF. She is Kagame's confidant. She holds
the signature and secret numbers of the RPF bank accounts in foreign countries such as
Canada, Belgium, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
Political sources say RPF leaders abused most of these women during the bush war. After
the victory of the RPF they rewarded them with political positions.
2) General Paul Kagame's and his Rwandan Patriotic Army's criminal records(some of them):
A. BEFORE APRIL 1994
Massacre of Burundian refugees resettled in Commune Muvumba and massacre of Hima in
Commune Muvumba, Prefecture of Byumba in October 1990 when the Rwandan Patriotic
Front (RPF) invaded Rwanda from its military bases in southwestern Uganda.
Massacres of the population of Shonga, Commune Muvumba, Prefecture Byumba. The RPF
occupied Shonga from October 1990 until its victory in July, 1994. The RPF decimated the
population living in Shonga.
Between 1991 and 1992, RPF massacred Hutu in the communes of Bwisige, Cyumba,
Cyungo, Kibali, Kivuye, Kiyombe, Mukarage, Muvumba, and Ngarama of the prefecture of
Byumba.
Massacres were also carried out in the communes Butaro, Cyeru, and Nyamugali of
Ruhengeri. Some of the people from these communes were deported to Uganda and
disappeared. RPF killings generated massive internally displaced persons who sought refuge
at makeshift camps. The RPF shelled these camps although these internally displaced
persons were not armed.
On February 8, 1993, the RPF attacked the town of Ruhengeri and massacred unarmed
civilians. During the attack the RPF summarily executed a large number of civilians including
Barengayabo, President of the Appeal's Court and Philippe Gakwerere, Inspector of mining
and their families.
During its military offensive of February 1993, the RPF massacred unarmed civilians in
Ngarama, Commune Gituza, Prefecture of Byumba.
On May 18, 1993, the RPF assassinated Emmanuel Gapyisi, a member of the political
bureau of the Democratic Republican Movement (MDR) and president of MDR in the
prefecture of Gikongoro.
On August 25, 1993, the RPF assassinated Fidele Rwambuka, mayor of the commune of
Kanzenze, prefecture of Kigali and a member of the central committee of the Republican
National Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND).
In the night of November 17 and 18, 1993 the RPA under Colonel Kayizari massacred 48
unarmed civilians in the sous-prefecture of Kirambo, prefecture of Ruhengeri.
In the same month of November 1993, the RPF Massacred of unarmed civilians in
Commune Mutura, prefecture Gisenyi and Commune Bwisige, prefecture of Byumba. The
United Nations Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) investigated the massacre of Mutura and
Kirambo and never published its findings.
On February 21, 1994, the RPF assassinated Felicien Gatabazi, the executive secretary of
the Social democratic party (PSD).
On February 22, 1994, the RPF assassinated Martin Bucyana, president of the Coalition for
the Defense of the Republic (CDR). Colonel Karenzi of the RPF coordinated these political
assassinations.
On March 15, 1994 RPF soldiers under Colonel Kayonga carried out the assassination of
Nathanael Nyilinkwaya, director of the tea factory of Cyohoha Rukeri, his wife, and two
factory employees.
From 1991 to 1993, RPF agents posed mines and bombs on roads, minibuses, and public
places. Some of these agents were arrested carrying explosives. Others were arrested
crossing into Rwanda from Burundi, Tanzania, and Zaire (the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC).
B. FROM APRIL 6, 1994 TO PRESENT
According to a UN secret report and to Jean-Pierre Mugabe, a former RPF official, General
Kagame ordered the shooting down of the plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana
and his Burundi counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira. The plane was shot down on April 6, 1994
at 8:30 PM as it was about to land at Kanombe International Airport. Presidents, their aides
and the crew died on the impact.
In April 1994, the RPF under Colonel Kayonga went from house to house in Remera, Kigali
killing businessmen, intellectuals, politicians, and all members of their families. RPF soldiers
executed unarmed civilians who fled to Amahoro Stadium.
Following are the names of the people executed by the RPF. The list is not exhaustive.
- Ndagijimana, Celestin, Chief Administrator officer at IMPRISCO
- Claudien Habarushaka, former prefect of Kigali;
- Baliyanga, Sylvestre, then prefect of Ruhengeri, his wife and children;
- Jean-Marie Vianney Mvulirwenande's wife and children;
- Mujyanama, Theoneste, former attorney general;
- Habimana, Aloys, former director in the ministry of agriculture;
- Stanislas Niyibizi's wife and children;
- Hategekimana , Raphael, director of Village Urugwiro
- Major Bugenimana, Helene and her children;
- Bahigiki, Emmanuel, former secretary general in the ministry of planning, his wife, and
children;
- Gahutu, Jean, his wife and his children;
- Nsengiyaremye, Theodore, pharmacist, his wife and his children; Munyangabe, Marcel,
former president of the General Accounting Court, his wife and his children;
- Ndaziramiye, Herson, his wife and children.
- Gashegu, Dismas, former vice chancellor of the National University of Rwanda;
- Mbanzarugamba, Felicien, employee at Bralirwa, his wife and children;
- Kayibanda, Irenee, employee at Societe Nationale d'Assurances (SONARWA);
- Hategekimana, Jean, president of the Court of Kigali, his wife and children;
- Mupenda, Frederic, employee at the ministry of public works
- Donat Hakizimana, his wife and children.
- Nyungura, Emile, his wife and children;
According to Human Rights Watch and the FIDH, by April 25, 1994 the RPF had opened a
corridor from Kigali to Byumba. It evacuated civilians from Amahoro Stadium, Kigali to
Byumba. Some of the people it evacuated were summarily executed in Byumba. Among
them was Gregoire Kayinamura, vice president of MDR, Norbert Muhaturukundo, employee
at the ministry of information, and Sebulikoko, Celestin, businessman. This list is not
exhaustive. So far, no RPF soldier has been prosecuted.
On April 21, 1994 the RPF killed Catholic priests who had sought refuge at Rwesero
Seminary. These priests are: Christian Nkiliyehe, Anastase Nkundabanyanga, Joseph
Hitimana, Gaspard Mudashimwa, Alexis Havugimana, Celestin Muhayimana, Augustin
Mushyenderi, and Fidele Mulinda. So far, no RPF soldier has been prosecuted.
On June 5, 1994 RPF soldiers summarily executed three Catholic bishops: Vincent
Nsengiyumva, Archbishop of Kigali; Thaddee Nsengiyumva, bishop of Kabgayi; Joseph
Ruzindana, bishop of Byumba; and nine Catholic priests: Mgr. Innocent Gasabwoya, former
General Vicar Bishop of Kamonyi; Mgr. Jean-Marie Vianney Rwabilinda, Father Emmanuel
Uwimana, Chancellor of the minor seminary of Kabgayi, Father Sylvestre Ndaberetse, Father
Bernard Ntamugabumwe, Father Francois Xavier Muligo, Father Alfred Kayibanda, and
Fidele Gahonzire Human RPF soldiers also executed Brother Jean Baptiste Nsinga,
President of St Joseph Brothers. So far no RPF soldier has been prosecuted.
RPF soldiers summarily executed priests, nuns, and pastors. - From April 7, 1994 through
August 1994, the RPF summoned people to public meetings. After people had gathered to
listen to RPF officials, RPF soldiers massacred them. The following terms are reminiscent of
these episodes: kwitaba inama or to attend a public meeting; kwikiza umwanzi or to get rid of
the enemy, and gutegura or to clean up a place. When people were summoned to attend a
public meeting, they were summarily executed. When people were summoned to clean up a
place to supposedly resettle internally displaced people, they were summarily executed.
When people were summoned to attend a public meeting to learn how to smoke out
interahamwe, they were asked to tie each other arms behind the back using ropes. Then
they were summarily executed. Human Rights Watch and the FIDH have reported these
massacres in the publication mentioned earlier.
A UNHCR report prepared by a team of three people headed by Robert Gersony on these
numerous massacres that occurred as the RPF took control of Rwanda in 1994 was buried
under pressure from the United States and the UN. According to Human Rights Watch and
the FIDH, "From August 1 through September 5, the team visited ninety-one sites in forty one
of the 145 communes of Rwanda and gathered detailed information about ten others". They
go on to say that "A written note produced by the UNHCR estimated only that the RPF had
killed thousands of persons a month, but Gersony himself reportedly estimated that during
the months from April to August the RPF killed between 25,000 and 45,000 persons,
between 5,000 and 10,000 persons each month from April through July and 5,000 for the
month of August. In press accounts based on leaked information, the figure most often cited
was 30,000."
Massacre of unarmed civilian at Kibeho, prefecture of Gikongoro. UNAMIR, non-government
organizations and international news media witnessed this massacre. More than 8,000
people died. Pasteur Bizimungu, then president of Rwanda, urged the international
community to accept the death toll of three hundred people. RPA soldiers removed dead
bodies at night and took them at other locations so that international news media and non
government organizations could not count them.
Massacres of tens of thousands unarmed Hutu civilians, mostly women, children and elderly,
by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, in Kanama in October-November 1997. The Rwanda
Patriotic Army accepted the responsibility for these crimes, but none was punished or even
prosecuted for these crimes against humanity. To repair the tarnished image of Kagame's
regime, Colonel Ibingira who ordered this massacre was sentenced to one year of under
house arrest.
Massacres of tens of thousands of unarmed civilians, mostly women, children and elderly in
the caves of Nyakinama, Bugoyi, in 1998. The international media and the international
community confirmed the massacres and Rwandan Patriotic Army admitted to the crimes.
Massacres of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Hutu civilians villagers, mostly young boys,
women, children, and elderly in the villages across Ruhengeri and Gisenyi in 1997-1998, by
the Rwandan Patriotic Army. These massacres occurred under the command of General
Kayumba Nyamwasa, the current chief staff of the APR. He was then the highest-ranking
military officer in charge of military operations in the prefectures of Gisenyi and Ruhengeri.
The international community confirmed the massacres.
Massacres of an estimated 200,000 Hutu civilians in the refugee camps in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, former Zaire in 1996-1997. TheUnited Nations, the USA, and
European Union confirmed the massacres and the Rwandan Patriotic Army admitted to
these crimes, but none was prosecuted. These crimes were called "acts of genocide" by the
International Non-Government Independent Commission set up by the United Nations to
inquire on crimes committed in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. The following
military officers participated in the massacres of these Hutu refugees:
· Colonel James Kabarebe, commander of the military invasion of former Zaire.
· Colonel Ibingira;
· Lieutenant Colonel Murokore;R>· Colonel Nzaramba;>· Retired Colonel Nduguteye;
· Colonel Jackson Rwahama;
· Major Jacques Nziza, Director of the Department of Military Intelligence (DMI;)R>· Lieutenant Colonel Wilson Rutayisire;
· Major Dan Munyuza;
· Commander David;
· Commander Godfrey Kabanda;
· Lieutenant Colonel Kiago
Summary executions of the soldiers of the ex-FAR (Forces Armees Rwandaises) and their
families after they returned from the refugee camps of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
and Tanzania from 1996. Those who escaped assassination are rotting in jail. The following
listing is not exhaustive:
· Colonel Stanislas Hakizimana, assassinated along with his family, relatives, and
neighbors on January 21, 1997;
· Lieutenant-Colonel Augustin Nzabanita assassinated while in prison in Gisenyi on
January 23, 1997;
· Lietenant-Colonel BEM Antoine Sebahire assassinated along with his wife;
· Major Laurent Bizabarimana assassinated in Nyarutovu on January 18-19, 1997;
· Major Lambert Rugambage assassinated in January 1997;
· Major Rutayisire assassinated while in RPF ideological training known as ingando;
· Captain Alexander Mugarura, assassinated;
· Captain Theodore Hakizimana, assassinated;
· Captain Jean Kabera, assassinated;
· Lieutenant Francois Nsengimana, assassinated;
· Lieutenant Faustin Nsengiyumva, assassinated;
· Lieutenant Edouard Nsengiyumva, assassinated;
· Major Martin Ndamage rotting in a military prison;
· Major Athanase Uwamungu, rotting in a military prison;
· Captain Isidore Bwanakweri rotting in a military prison.
Extrajudicial executions of detainees by members of the security forces some of which have
been documented by Amnesty International, for example:
· Execution of 12 detainees at Muyira solitary confinements, prefecture of Butare on
January 14, 1997.
· Executions of more than 20 detainees at Gisovu dungeons, prefecture of Kibuye on
January 23, 1997.
· Execution of six detainees at Runda dungeons, prefecture of Gitarama on February
14,1997
· Execution of 10 detainees at Maraba dungeons, prefecture of Butare on May 7, 1997.
· Execution of 15 detainees at Gatonde dungeons, prefecture of Ruhengeri.
· Execution of six detainees at Ndusu dungeons, prefecture of Ruhengeri on May 10,
1997.
· Execution of 95 detainees at Rubavu dungeons and an unknown number at Kanama
dungeons.
The disappearances of many Rwandan citizens (journalists, businessmen and ordinary
people) and the detention of Rwandan citizens in private houses. The number of these
prisoners is above 125,000 of whom more than 30 percent are believed to be innocent.
The killings of foreign nationals such as Father Valmajo of Spain, killed at Nyinawimana in
April 1994; Father Claude Simard, a Canadian killed on October 17, 1994; three Spanish
employees of the non government organization Medicos del Mundo killed on 18 January
1997; Father Guy Pinard, a Canadian killed on February 2, 1997, Father Curick Vjechoslav
of Croatia assassinated in Kigali in 1998, and Father Duchamp, a Canadian.
Kagame's regime has detained 4,554 minors for allegedly taking part in the genocide. Some
were arrested when they were as young as 8 years old. The children who were under 14
years old when they were arrested have been sharing overcrowded filthy prisons with adults.
To accelerate the decimation of the Hutu, General Kagame 's regime has resorted to two
strategies. One has consisted of rounding up Hutu males and sending them to prison for
allegedly participating in the genocide of Tutsi. Today 135,000 Hutu live in filthy crowded
prisons where they die of epidemics slowly. Some have had legs amputated and others have
lost feet or toes. The second strategy is round up able body Hutu young males and send
them to the front in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) after receiving minimal
military training.
According to a news report broadcast by the Voice of America (VOA) on July 21, 2000, the
UNHCR has recorded an increase of Rwandan refugees fleeing to Tanzania since the
beginning of this year. This news report says: "The agency says that for the first six months
of this year, an average of 380 Rwandan refugees a month have sought asylum in Tanzania.
It says the recent big increase in refugees brings this year's total to three thousand two
hundred forty." A UNHCR spokesperson told VOA that "aid workers who traveled to the
Rwandan border on July 11 were told that bodies had been seen floating in the Akagera
River."
Local Defense Units (LDU), RPF militias based in all rural areas are responsible for this flight
and murders. Lately they have been very active in the prefecture of Kibungo where the RPF
has been trying to create a Tutsi land since it came to power in July 1994. Tutsi who came
from Uganda have occupied houses and banana fields in Kibungo and chasing out Hutu from
their properties. These Hutu have been relocated into concentration camps euphemistically
called "villages" by the RPF regime. Here we do not forget those multiple hideous political
assassinations of Gapyisi, Bucyana, Gatabazi before april 1994 and Col. Lizinde, Seth
sendashonga in Kenya and many many others inside and outside as well.
How the west will justify more than 3,500,000 deaths! Incredible! How the UN and other
powefull countries will justify, mass-raping, desappearences, killings of our kids mums,
fathers, brothers and sisters? A financial compansation could be acceptable????? I am really
sceptical!
The West has, for decades, plundered Africa's wealth and permitted, and even, assisted in
slaughtering Africa's people. The West has been able to do this while still shrewdly cultivating
the myth that much of Africa's problems today are African made--we have all heard the usual
Western defenses that Africa's problems are the fault of corrupt African administrations,
centuries-old tribal hatreds, the fault of unsophisticated peoples. But we know that those
statements are all a lie. We have always known it..."Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney
"WHAT A DIFFERENCE AN ELECTION MAKES: OR DOES IT?"
RIGGED ELECTIONS CAN NOT CLEAN THE BLOODBATH OF GENERAL KAGAME.
This concerns the record of American policy in Africa over most of the past decade,
particularly that involving the central African Great Lakes region. It is a policy that has rested,
in my opinion, on the twin pillars of unrestrained military aid and questionable trade. The
military aid programs of the United States, largely planned and administered by the U.S.
Special Operations Command and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), have been both
overt and covert.
Wayne Madsen is an investigative journalist who has written for The Village Voice, The
Progressive, CAQ, and the Intelligence Newsletter. He is the author of Genocide and Covert
Activities in Africa 1993-1999 (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1999), an expose of U.S. and
French intelligence activities in Africa's recent civil wars and ethnic rebellions. He served as
an on-air East Africa analyst for ABC News in the aftermath of the 1998 U.S. embassy
bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. Mr. Madsen has appeared on 60 Minutes, World News
Tonight, Nightline, 20/20, MS-NBC, and NBC Nightly News, among others. He has been
frequently quoted by the Associated Press, foreign wire services, and many national and
international newspapers.
Mr. Madsen is also the author of a motion picture screen play treatment about the nuclear
submarine USS Scorpion. He is a former U.S. Naval Officer and worked for the National
Security Agency and U.S. Naval Telecommunications Command.
A LINGERING QUESTION ON ASSASSINATIONS
"The present turmoil in central Africa largely stems from a fateful incident that occurred on
April 6, 1994. That was the missile attack on the Rwandan presidential aircraft that resulted
in the death of Rwanda's Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana, his colleague President
Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, Habyarimana's chief advisers, and the French crew.
The massacres of more than 500, 000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus after the assassination of
President Habyarimana on April 6th, 1994 were followed by a mass-slaughters orchestrated
by the Tutsi-led Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) government that resulted in the deaths of
500,000 mostly Hutu refugees in Rwanda and neighboring Zaire/Congo.
No one has even identified the assassins of the two presidents let alone sought to bring them
to justice. There have been a number of national and international commissions that have
looked into the causes for the Rwandan genocide. These have included investigations by the
Belgian Senate, the French National Assembly, the United Nations, and the Organization of
African Unity. None of these investigations have identified the perpetrators of the aerial
assassination. In 1998, French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere launched an investigation of the
aircraft attack. After interviewing witnesses in Switzerland, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Russia,
Bruguiere apparently has enough evidence to issue an international arrest warrant for
President Kagame. A former French Judge, Thierry Jean-Pierre, now a Member of the
European Parliament, in an entirely separate and private investigation, came to the same
conclusion that Kagame was behind the attack. The United States government must come to
its senses, as it did with past intelligence assets like Sadaam Hussein, Alberto Fujimori,
General Suharto, Ferdinand Marcos, and Manuel Noriega, and support a judicial accounting
by Kagame. If it is proven that U.S. citizens were in any way involved in planning the
assassination, they should also be brought to justice before the international war crimes
tribunal.
Immediately after the attack on the presidential plane, much of the popular press in the
United States brandished the theory that militant Hutus brought it down. I suggest that
following some four years of research concentrating on the missile attack, there is no basis
for this conclusion. In fact, I believe there is concrete evidence to show that the plane was
shot down by operatives of the RPF. At the time, the RPF was supported by the United
States and its major ally in the region, Uganda. Prior to the attack, the RPF leader, the
current Rwandan strongman General Paul Kagame, received military training at the U.S.
Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Many of Kagame's
subordinates received similar training, including instruction in the use of surface-to-air
missiles (SAMs) at the Barry Goldwater Air Force Range at Luke Air Force Base, Arizona. It
was Soviet-designed SAMs that were used to shoot down the Rwandan president's airplane.
By its own admission, the U.S. Defense Department provided official military training to the
RPF beginning in January 1994, three months before the missile attack on the aircraft.
In testimony before the French inquiry commission, former French Minister for International
Cooperation Bernard Debre insisted that the two SAM-16s used in the attack on the aircraft
were procured from Ugandan military stocks and were "probably delivered by the Americans
. . . from the Gulf War." He was supported by two former heads of the French foreign
intelligence service (DGSE) Jacques Dewatre and Claude Silberzahn, as well as General
Jean Heinrich, the former head of French military intelligence (DRM). Former moderate Hutu
Defense Minister James Gasana, who served under Habyarimana from April 1992 to July
1993, stated before the French inquiry that his government declined to purchase SAMs
because they realized the RPF had no planes and, therefore, procurement of such weapons
would have been a waste of money.
The contention by French government officials that the RPF was responsible for the aerial
attack is supported by three former RPF intelligence officers who disclosed details of the
operation to UN investigators. The three informants were rated as Category 2 witnesses on a
4-point scale where 1 is highly credible and 2 is "true but untested." The RPF informants
claim the plane was downed by an elite 10-member RPF team with the "assistance of a
foreign government." Some of the team members are apparently now deceased. A
confidential UN report on the plane attack was delivered to the head of the UN War Crimes
Tribunal, Judge Louise Arbour of Canada, but was never made public. In fact, Arbour
terminated the investigation when details of the RPF's involvement in the assassination
became clear. The UN now denies such a report exists. Michael Hourigan, an Australian
lawyer who first worked as an International War Crimes Tribunal investigator and then for the
UN's Office of Internal Oversight Services, confirmed that the initial war crimes investigation
team uncovered evidence of the R4658729;:6<=;>@?ACBED;F2=$5G9;?HI5KJ2?LM729$7;NPO14Q58729$<=;>@?A8RS1TU=$D2B@LV72?WX
After the former RPF intelligence team revealed details of the attack, they were supported by
yet another former RPF intelligence officer named Jean Pierre Mugabe. In a separate
declaration, Mugabe contended that the assassination was directed by Kagame and RPF
deputy commander-in-chief James Kabarebe. The RPF, according to Mugabe, campaigned
extensively for the regional peace meeting in Dar es Salaam from which Habyarimana was
returning when he was assassinated. Mugabe claimed the idea was to collect the top Hutu
leadership on the plane in order to easily eliminate them in the attack.
Yet another defector from the RPF, Christophe Hakizabera, in a declaration to a UN
investigation commission, states that the "foreign power" that helped the RPF shoot down the
airplane was, in fact, Uganda. According to Hakizabera, the first and second assassination
planning meetings were held in Uganda in the towns of Kabale and Mbarara, respectively. A
third, in which Kagame was present, was held in March 1994 in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina
Faso.
As it did with the three other RPF defectors, the UN took no action as a result of this
complaint. It appears, and this is supported by private conversations I have had with former
UN officials, that some other party is calling the shots in the world body's investigation of
human rights violations in Africa.
The involvement of Uganda in the assassination tends to support the contention of the
former French government ministers that the SAMs were provided to Uganda by the United
States from captured Iraqi arms caches during Desert Storm. My own research indicates that
these missiles were delivered to Uganda via a CIA-run arms depot outside of Cairo, Egypt.
After the transfer, Uganda kept some of the missiles and launchers for its own armed forces
and delivered the remainder to the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and the RPF.
Other evidence pointing to an RPF role in the attack includes COMINT (communications
intelligence) picked up by military units and civilian radio operators in Rwanda. A Rwandan
Armed Forces COMINT listening station picked up a transmission on an RPF frequency,
which stated "the target is hit." This was reported to a Togolese member of the UN
Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). A Belgian amateur radio operator reported that
after the attack, he heard someone on a frequency used by a Belgian PMC in Kigali state,
"We killed Le Grand (Habyarimana)." The Belgian operator also stated that all Rwandan
Armed Forces messages following the attack indicated the Rwandan army was in complete
disarray n something that would not have been the case had the Rwandan government
perpetrated the attack on its own president. Another source of COMINT was a French
signals intelligence unit sent to Kigali from the French military base in Bangui, Central African
Republic. According to French Judge Jean-Pierre, copies of French intercepts of RPF
communications indicate, beyond a doubt, the culpability of the RPF in the attack on the
aircraft.
Some formerly classified US State Department cables, which I received following a Freedom
of Information Act request, reveal that the U.S. foreign policy establishment was of two minds
over the April 6 attack. The U.S. Embassy in Burundi kept a surprisingly open mind about its
theories about the missile attack, even suggesting a Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) role in it.
Other U.S. diplomatic posts, most notably that in Kigali, seemed to follow the script that the
aircraft was downed by hard-line Hutus who wanted to implement a well-planned genocide of
Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
A May 25, 1994 Secret message from the Department of State to all African diplomatic posts
also reports that "the RPF has summarily executed Hutu militia alleged to have been
involved in the massacres and the RPF has admitted to such killings." The same message
states that "Rwandan government officials who controlled the airport" or "French military
officials" recovered the downed presidential aircraft's black box after securing the airport and
removing the body of the French pilot from Habyarimana's plane. However, according to
officials I interviewed who were involved with UN air movements in the region, the black box
was secretly transported to UN Headquarters in New York where it remains to this day.
Officially, the Rwandan government claims the black box went missing. According to the UN
investigators, the black box was spirited away by UN officials from Kigali to New York via
Nairobi. In addition, this shipment was known to US government officials. According to the
UN sources, data from the black box is being withheld by the UN under pressure from our
own government. The investigators also revealed that RPF forces controlled three major
approaches to Kayibanda Airport on the evening of the attack and that European
mercenaries, in the pay of the RPF and US intelligence, planned and launched the missile
attack on the Mystere-Falcon. The CIA figured prominently in the UN investigation of the
missile attack. According to the investigators, the search for the assassins ultimately led to a
warehouse in Kanombe, near the airport. From this warehouse, during the afternoon of April
6, the missile launchers were assembled and readied for action by the mercenaries. As the
UN investigation team was nearing its final conclusion and was prepared to turn up evidence
indicating the warehouse had been leased by a Swiss company, said to be linked to U.S.
intelligence, its mandate was swiftly terminated...."
Wayne Madsen
It is clear that the United States, contrary to comments made by its senior officials, including
former President Clinton, played more of a role in the Rwandan tragedy than it readily
admits. This involvement continued through the successive Rwandan and Ugandan-led
invasions of neighboring Zaire/Congo. Speculation that Rwanda was behind the recent
assassination of President Laurent Kabila in Congo (and rumors that the CIA was behind it)
has done little to put the United States in a favorable light in the region. After all, the date of
Kabila's assassination on January 16 this year -- was practically 40 years from the very day
of the CIA-planned and executed assassination of Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba.
The quick pace at which Kabila's son and successor Joseph Kabila visited the United States
at the same time of Kagame's presence, and his subsequent meetings with Corporate
Council for Africa officials and Maurice Tempelsman (the majordomo of U.S. Africa policy),
calls into question what the United States knew about the assassination and when it knew
about it.
Also, particularly troublesome is a conclusion the CIA is said to have reached in an
assessment written in January 1994, a few months before the genocide. According to key
officials I have interviewed during my research, that analysis came to the conclusion that in
the event that President Habyarimana was assassinated, the minimum number of deaths
resulting from the mayhem in Rwanda would be 500 (confined mostly to Kigali and environs)
and the maximum 500,000. Regrettably, the CIA's higher figure was closer to reality.
"Remember that Kagame was in Washington about August 1996 checking his battle plans
with the Pentagon. Mobutu's days were numbered"
The US took all the right decisions to allow the Rwanda genocide to unfold. And Clinton's
comment that "we didn't know what was going on at the time" couldn't have been a bigger lie.
Do you suppose it was coincidental that a Rwanda delegate rotated on to the security council
early in 1994 and then worked with US representatives to block all subsequent attempts to
deal appropriately with the unfolding slaughter?"......
"All these US military programs like IMET and E-IMET, ACRI and JCET are designed to
consolidate US hegemony. UPDF and RCD and SPLA have conscripted child soldiers. They
use sophisticated weapons not only the machetes so widely advertised by the media
propaganda front of 1994 which sowed indifference and apathy in the US public. Troops
have been trained by US green berets and US military personnel have worked to coordinate
SPLA and RPF/UPDF/RCD military campaigns. This is according to Ugandan dissidents
and/or Congolese refugees fleeing Congo and/or ex-patriots on the ground. And there are
plenty of people who support these statements....."
".........Remember that RPF government clamed the economic growth is of 5% then 10%, Just
like Enron and other 200 US companies which collupsed in bankrupcy because of
bribary,corruption and big lies......."
I find it particularly remarkable that the diamond exports from the Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC) were some US$897 million in 1997. Now this is a "country" which was in a
major war. And then in 1998, DRC ranked second in diamond production at 25.7 million
carats. Again, a country in a brutal war where hundreds and hundreds of thousands of
people and in fact I think it is millions of people -- suffered the consequences through
disease and despair and displacement and rape and hunger and robbery and often death.....
"The Truth is always something that is told, not something that is known. If there were no speaking or writing, there would be no about anything, there would only be what is".
Brothers and sisters,
I would like to draw your attention on these different findings. I guess you will have a fixed
image of Kagame and his RPF on Power in Rwanda:
1) Political and economic power in Rwanda rests in the hands of people who not only
returned from Uganda but also have family links.
Theogene Rudasingwa, the Chief of Staff of Rwandan President Paul Kagame is Gerald
Gahima's brother. Gahima is the Rwandan Attorney General. Their sister Beatrice
Mukabaranga served as Deputy Minister in the Ministry of Education shortly after the
Rwandan Patriotic Front overthrew the former government.
Major Denis Karera is Major Kwikiriza's brother. Their brother Musinge is Deputy Attorney
General (Avocat General) at the Supreme Court.
Lieutenant Camille who heads the communications systems of the Rwandan Patriotic Army
(APR) is Lieutenant Colonel Karemera's brother, former Minister of Education and
ambassador to South Africa.
Lieutenant Colonel Karemera is Donat Kaberuka's first cousin. Their fathers are brothers.
Kaberuka is minister of Finance.
Mutemberezi, the Governor of the National Bank of Rwanda is married to Muligande's sister.
Muligande is the current Rwandan minister of Foreign Affairs. Mutemberezi's brother is
mayor of Commune Musambira. These are Tutsi returnees from Burundi.
Musoni Protais, Deputy Minister in the Ministry of Interior is Patrick Mazimpaka's brother in
law. Mazimpaka is Special Envoy in General Kagame's office.
Dr. Richard Masozera is Aloysia Inyumba's husband. He is director of Immigration and
Emigration
Hope Mulera is married to Gasana, the Director General of ENGEN, former BP FINA bought
by a South African company.
Other powerful returnees from Uganda are: Colonel Frank Rusagara, former Deputy Minister
of Defense; Colonel Andrews Rwigamba, President of military courts; Colonel Frank
Mugambage, Commander of the Police; Colonel Kayonga, Advisor to Rwandan President
Kagame, Lieutenant Karera, and Lieutenant Camille.
Lieutenant Jacques Nziza oversees the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), a
paramilitary agency specialized in carrying out assassinations of RPF enemies while
Lieutenant Patrick Karegeya runs External Intelligence, a DMI branch that coordinates
assassinations abroad and the looting of the natural resources of the Democratic Republic of
the Congo.
Musoni James is another RPF heavy weight. He represents General Kagame in the RPF. As
such he is above Muligande in terms of pecking order. He is also a major figure of Rwanda
Revenue Authority.
Some women who joined the RPF during the bush war still play a major role. There are
Christine Umutoni, Emilie Rusera, Aloysia Inyumba, Hope Murera, Rose Kabuye,
The RPF recently expelled Kabuye from the National Transitional Assembly (NTA) and there
is rumor that she might have been expelled from the RPF and the APR. According to Jean-
Pierre Mugabe, a former RPF intelligence officer, she is implicated in the assassination of
former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana.
The most powerful of these women is Aloysia Inyumba. She has been closely associated
with General Kagame since the creation of the RPF. She is Kagame's confidant. She holds
the signature and secret numbers of the RPF bank accounts in foreign countries such as
Canada, Belgium, the United Kingdom, and the United States.
Political sources say RPF leaders abused most of these women during the bush war. After
the victory of the RPF they rewarded them with political positions.
2) General Paul Kagame's and his Rwandan Patriotic Army's criminal records(some of them):
A. BEFORE APRIL 1994
Massacre of Burundian refugees resettled in Commune Muvumba and massacre of Hima in
Commune Muvumba, Prefecture of Byumba in October 1990 when the Rwandan Patriotic
Front (RPF) invaded Rwanda from its military bases in southwestern Uganda.
Massacres of the population of Shonga, Commune Muvumba, Prefecture Byumba. The RPF
occupied Shonga from October 1990 until its victory in July, 1994. The RPF decimated the
population living in Shonga.
Between 1991 and 1992, RPF massacred Hutu in the communes of Bwisige, Cyumba,
Cyungo, Kibali, Kivuye, Kiyombe, Mukarage, Muvumba, and Ngarama of the prefecture of
Byumba.
Massacres were also carried out in the communes Butaro, Cyeru, and Nyamugali of
Ruhengeri. Some of the people from these communes were deported to Uganda and
disappeared. RPF killings generated massive internally displaced persons who sought refuge
at makeshift camps. The RPF shelled these camps although these internally displaced
persons were not armed.
On February 8, 1993, the RPF attacked the town of Ruhengeri and massacred unarmed
civilians. During the attack the RPF summarily executed a large number of civilians including
Barengayabo, President of the Appeal's Court and Philippe Gakwerere, Inspector of mining
and their families.
During its military offensive of February 1993, the RPF massacred unarmed civilians in
Ngarama, Commune Gituza, Prefecture of Byumba.
On May 18, 1993, the RPF assassinated Emmanuel Gapyisi, a member of the political
bureau of the Democratic Republican Movement (MDR) and president of MDR in the
prefecture of Gikongoro.
On August 25, 1993, the RPF assassinated Fidele Rwambuka, mayor of the commune of
Kanzenze, prefecture of Kigali and a member of the central committee of the Republican
National Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND).
In the night of November 17 and 18, 1993 the RPA under Colonel Kayizari massacred 48
unarmed civilians in the sous-prefecture of Kirambo, prefecture of Ruhengeri.
In the same month of November 1993, the RPF Massacred of unarmed civilians in
Commune Mutura, prefecture Gisenyi and Commune Bwisige, prefecture of Byumba. The
United Nations Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) investigated the massacre of Mutura and
Kirambo and never published its findings.
On February 21, 1994, the RPF assassinated Felicien Gatabazi, the executive secretary of
the Social democratic party (PSD).
On February 22, 1994, the RPF assassinated Martin Bucyana, president of the Coalition for
the Defense of the Republic (CDR). Colonel Karenzi of the RPF coordinated these political
assassinations.
On March 15, 1994 RPF soldiers under Colonel Kayonga carried out the assassination of
Nathanael Nyilinkwaya, director of the tea factory of Cyohoha Rukeri, his wife, and two
factory employees.
From 1991 to 1993, RPF agents posed mines and bombs on roads, minibuses, and public
places. Some of these agents were arrested carrying explosives. Others were arrested
crossing into Rwanda from Burundi, Tanzania, and Zaire (the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC).
B. FROM APRIL 6, 1994 TO PRESENT
According to a UN secret report and to Jean-Pierre Mugabe, a former RPF official, General
Kagame ordered the shooting down of the plane carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana
and his Burundi counterpart, Cyprien Ntaryamira. The plane was shot down on April 6, 1994
at 8:30 PM as it was about to land at Kanombe International Airport. Presidents, their aides
and the crew died on the impact.
In April 1994, the RPF under Colonel Kayonga went from house to house in Remera, Kigali
killing businessmen, intellectuals, politicians, and all members of their families. RPF soldiers
executed unarmed civilians who fled to Amahoro Stadium.
Following are the names of the people executed by the RPF. The list is not exhaustive.
- Ndagijimana, Celestin, Chief Administrator officer at IMPRISCO
- Claudien Habarushaka, former prefect of Kigali;
- Baliyanga, Sylvestre, then prefect of Ruhengeri, his wife and children;
- Jean-Marie Vianney Mvulirwenande's wife and children;
- Mujyanama, Theoneste, former attorney general;
- Habimana, Aloys, former director in the ministry of agriculture;
- Stanislas Niyibizi's wife and children;
- Hategekimana , Raphael, director of Village Urugwiro
- Major Bugenimana, Helene and her children;
- Bahigiki, Emmanuel, former secretary general in the ministry of planning, his wife, and
children;
- Gahutu, Jean, his wife and his children;
- Nsengiyaremye, Theodore, pharmacist, his wife and his children; Munyangabe, Marcel,
former president of the General Accounting Court, his wife and his children;
- Ndaziramiye, Herson, his wife and children.
- Gashegu, Dismas, former vice chancellor of the National University of Rwanda;
- Mbanzarugamba, Felicien, employee at Bralirwa, his wife and children;
- Kayibanda, Irenee, employee at Societe Nationale d'Assurances (SONARWA);
- Hategekimana, Jean, president of the Court of Kigali, his wife and children;
- Mupenda, Frederic, employee at the ministry of public works
- Donat Hakizimana, his wife and children.
- Nyungura, Emile, his wife and children;
According to Human Rights Watch and the FIDH, by April 25, 1994 the RPF had opened a
corridor from Kigali to Byumba. It evacuated civilians from Amahoro Stadium, Kigali to
Byumba. Some of the people it evacuated were summarily executed in Byumba. Among
them was Gregoire Kayinamura, vice president of MDR, Norbert Muhaturukundo, employee
at the ministry of information, and Sebulikoko, Celestin, businessman. This list is not
exhaustive. So far, no RPF soldier has been prosecuted.
On April 21, 1994 the RPF killed Catholic priests who had sought refuge at Rwesero
Seminary. These priests are: Christian Nkiliyehe, Anastase Nkundabanyanga, Joseph
Hitimana, Gaspard Mudashimwa, Alexis Havugimana, Celestin Muhayimana, Augustin
Mushyenderi, and Fidele Mulinda. So far, no RPF soldier has been prosecuted.
On June 5, 1994 RPF soldiers summarily executed three Catholic bishops: Vincent
Nsengiyumva, Archbishop of Kigali; Thaddee Nsengiyumva, bishop of Kabgayi; Joseph
Ruzindana, bishop of Byumba; and nine Catholic priests: Mgr. Innocent Gasabwoya, former
General Vicar Bishop of Kamonyi; Mgr. Jean-Marie Vianney Rwabilinda, Father Emmanuel
Uwimana, Chancellor of the minor seminary of Kabgayi, Father Sylvestre Ndaberetse, Father
Bernard Ntamugabumwe, Father Francois Xavier Muligo, Father Alfred Kayibanda, and
Fidele Gahonzire Human RPF soldiers also executed Brother Jean Baptiste Nsinga,
President of St Joseph Brothers. So far no RPF soldier has been prosecuted.
RPF soldiers summarily executed priests, nuns, and pastors. - From April 7, 1994 through
August 1994, the RPF summoned people to public meetings. After people had gathered to
listen to RPF officials, RPF soldiers massacred them. The following terms are reminiscent of
these episodes: kwitaba inama or to attend a public meeting; kwikiza umwanzi or to get rid of
the enemy, and gutegura or to clean up a place. When people were summoned to attend a
public meeting, they were summarily executed. When people were summoned to clean up a
place to supposedly resettle internally displaced people, they were summarily executed.
When people were summoned to attend a public meeting to learn how to smoke out
interahamwe, they were asked to tie each other arms behind the back using ropes. Then
they were summarily executed. Human Rights Watch and the FIDH have reported these
massacres in the publication mentioned earlier.
A UNHCR report prepared by a team of three people headed by Robert Gersony on these
numerous massacres that occurred as the RPF took control of Rwanda in 1994 was buried
under pressure from the United States and the UN. According to Human Rights Watch and
the FIDH, "From August 1 through September 5, the team visited ninety-one sites in forty one
of the 145 communes of Rwanda and gathered detailed information about ten others". They
go on to say that "A written note produced by the UNHCR estimated only that the RPF had
killed thousands of persons a month, but Gersony himself reportedly estimated that during
the months from April to August the RPF killed between 25,000 and 45,000 persons,
between 5,000 and 10,000 persons each month from April through July and 5,000 for the
month of August. In press accounts based on leaked information, the figure most often cited
was 30,000."
Massacre of unarmed civilian at Kibeho, prefecture of Gikongoro. UNAMIR, non-government
organizations and international news media witnessed this massacre. More than 8,000
people died. Pasteur Bizimungu, then president of Rwanda, urged the international
community to accept the death toll of three hundred people. RPA soldiers removed dead
bodies at night and took them at other locations so that international news media and non
government organizations could not count them.
Massacres of tens of thousands unarmed Hutu civilians, mostly women, children and elderly,
by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, in Kanama in October-November 1997. The Rwanda
Patriotic Army accepted the responsibility for these crimes, but none was punished or even
prosecuted for these crimes against humanity. To repair the tarnished image of Kagame's
regime, Colonel Ibingira who ordered this massacre was sentenced to one year of under
house arrest.
Massacres of tens of thousands of unarmed civilians, mostly women, children and elderly in
the caves of Nyakinama, Bugoyi, in 1998. The international media and the international
community confirmed the massacres and Rwandan Patriotic Army admitted to the crimes.
Massacres of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Hutu civilians villagers, mostly young boys,
women, children, and elderly in the villages across Ruhengeri and Gisenyi in 1997-1998, by
the Rwandan Patriotic Army. These massacres occurred under the command of General
Kayumba Nyamwasa, the current chief staff of the APR. He was then the highest-ranking
military officer in charge of military operations in the prefectures of Gisenyi and Ruhengeri.
The international community confirmed the massacres.
Massacres of an estimated 200,000 Hutu civilians in the refugee camps in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, former Zaire in 1996-1997. TheUnited Nations, the USA, and
European Union confirmed the massacres and the Rwandan Patriotic Army admitted to
these crimes, but none was prosecuted. These crimes were called "acts of genocide" by the
International Non-Government Independent Commission set up by the United Nations to
inquire on crimes committed in Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. The following
military officers participated in the massacres of these Hutu refugees:
· Colonel James Kabarebe, commander of the military invasion of former Zaire.
· Colonel Ibingira;
· Lieutenant Colonel Murokore;
· Colonel Jackson Rwahama;
· Major Jacques Nziza, Director of the Department of Military Intelligence (DMI;)R>· Lieutenant Colonel Wilson Rutayisire;
· Major Dan Munyuza;
· Commander David;
· Commander Godfrey Kabanda;
· Lieutenant Colonel Kiago
Summary executions of the soldiers of the ex-FAR (Forces Armees Rwandaises) and their
families after they returned from the refugee camps of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
and Tanzania from 1996. Those who escaped assassination are rotting in jail. The following
listing is not exhaustive:
· Colonel Stanislas Hakizimana, assassinated along with his family, relatives, and
neighbors on January 21, 1997;
· Lieutenant-Colonel Augustin Nzabanita assassinated while in prison in Gisenyi on
January 23, 1997;
· Lietenant-Colonel BEM Antoine Sebahire assassinated along with his wife;
· Major Laurent Bizabarimana assassinated in Nyarutovu on January 18-19, 1997;
· Major Lambert Rugambage assassinated in January 1997;
· Major Rutayisire assassinated while in RPF ideological training known as ingando;
· Captain Alexander Mugarura, assassinated;
· Captain Theodore Hakizimana, assassinated;
· Captain Jean Kabera, assassinated;
· Lieutenant Francois Nsengimana, assassinated;
· Lieutenant Faustin Nsengiyumva, assassinated;
· Lieutenant Edouard Nsengiyumva, assassinated;
· Major Martin Ndamage rotting in a military prison;
· Major Athanase Uwamungu, rotting in a military prison;
· Captain Isidore Bwanakweri rotting in a military prison.
Extrajudicial executions of detainees by members of the security forces some of which have
been documented by Amnesty International, for example:
· Execution of 12 detainees at Muyira solitary confinements, prefecture of Butare on
January 14, 1997.
· Executions of more than 20 detainees at Gisovu dungeons, prefecture of Kibuye on
January 23, 1997.
· Execution of six detainees at Runda dungeons, prefecture of Gitarama on February
14,1997
· Execution of 10 detainees at Maraba dungeons, prefecture of Butare on May 7, 1997.
· Execution of 15 detainees at Gatonde dungeons, prefecture of Ruhengeri.
· Execution of six detainees at Ndusu dungeons, prefecture of Ruhengeri on May 10,
1997.
· Execution of 95 detainees at Rubavu dungeons and an unknown number at Kanama
dungeons.
The disappearances of many Rwandan citizens (journalists, businessmen and ordinary
people) and the detention of Rwandan citizens in private houses. The number of these
prisoners is above 125,000 of whom more than 30 percent are believed to be innocent.
The killings of foreign nationals such as Father Valmajo of Spain, killed at Nyinawimana in
April 1994; Father Claude Simard, a Canadian killed on October 17, 1994; three Spanish
employees of the non government organization Medicos del Mundo killed on 18 January
1997; Father Guy Pinard, a Canadian killed on February 2, 1997, Father Curick Vjechoslav
of Croatia assassinated in Kigali in 1998, and Father Duchamp, a Canadian.
Kagame's regime has detained 4,554 minors for allegedly taking part in the genocide. Some
were arrested when they were as young as 8 years old. The children who were under 14
years old when they were arrested have been sharing overcrowded filthy prisons with adults.
To accelerate the decimation of the Hutu, General Kagame 's regime has resorted to two
strategies. One has consisted of rounding up Hutu males and sending them to prison for
allegedly participating in the genocide of Tutsi. Today 135,000 Hutu live in filthy crowded
prisons where they die of epidemics slowly. Some have had legs amputated and others have
lost feet or toes. The second strategy is round up able body Hutu young males and send
them to the front in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) after receiving minimal
military training.
According to a news report broadcast by the Voice of America (VOA) on July 21, 2000, the
UNHCR has recorded an increase of Rwandan refugees fleeing to Tanzania since the
beginning of this year. This news report says: "The agency says that for the first six months
of this year, an average of 380 Rwandan refugees a month have sought asylum in Tanzania.
It says the recent big increase in refugees brings this year's total to three thousand two
hundred forty." A UNHCR spokesperson told VOA that "aid workers who traveled to the
Rwandan border on July 11 were told that bodies had been seen floating in the Akagera
River."
Local Defense Units (LDU), RPF militias based in all rural areas are responsible for this flight
and murders. Lately they have been very active in the prefecture of Kibungo where the RPF
has been trying to create a Tutsi land since it came to power in July 1994. Tutsi who came
from Uganda have occupied houses and banana fields in Kibungo and chasing out Hutu from
their properties. These Hutu have been relocated into concentration camps euphemistically
called "villages" by the RPF regime. Here we do not forget those multiple hideous political
assassinations of Gapyisi, Bucyana, Gatabazi before april 1994 and Col. Lizinde, Seth
sendashonga in Kenya and many many others inside and outside as well.
How the west will justify more than 3,500,000 deaths! Incredible! How the UN and other
powefull countries will justify, mass-raping, desappearences, killings of our kids mums,
fathers, brothers and sisters? A financial compansation could be acceptable????? I am really
sceptical!
The West has, for decades, plundered Africa's wealth and permitted, and even, assisted in
slaughtering Africa's people. The West has been able to do this while still shrewdly cultivating
the myth that much of Africa's problems today are African made--we have all heard the usual
Western defenses that Africa's problems are the fault of corrupt African administrations,
centuries-old tribal hatreds, the fault of unsophisticated peoples. But we know that those
statements are all a lie. We have always known it..."Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney
"WHAT A DIFFERENCE AN ELECTION MAKES: OR DOES IT?"
RIGGED ELECTIONS CAN NOT CLEAN THE BLOODBATH OF GENERAL KAGAME.
This concerns the record of American policy in Africa over most of the past decade,
particularly that involving the central African Great Lakes region. It is a policy that has rested,
in my opinion, on the twin pillars of unrestrained military aid and questionable trade. The
military aid programs of the United States, largely planned and administered by the U.S.
Special Operations Command and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), have been both
overt and covert.
Wayne Madsen is an investigative journalist who has written for The Village Voice, The
Progressive, CAQ, and the Intelligence Newsletter. He is the author of Genocide and Covert
Activities in Africa 1993-1999 (Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1999), an expose of U.S. and
French intelligence activities in Africa's recent civil wars and ethnic rebellions. He served as
an on-air East Africa analyst for ABC News in the aftermath of the 1998 U.S. embassy
bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. Mr. Madsen has appeared on 60 Minutes, World News
Tonight, Nightline, 20/20, MS-NBC, and NBC Nightly News, among others. He has been
frequently quoted by the Associated Press, foreign wire services, and many national and
international newspapers.
Mr. Madsen is also the author of a motion picture screen play treatment about the nuclear
submarine USS Scorpion. He is a former U.S. Naval Officer and worked for the National
Security Agency and U.S. Naval Telecommunications Command.
A LINGERING QUESTION ON ASSASSINATIONS
"The present turmoil in central Africa largely stems from a fateful incident that occurred on
April 6, 1994. That was the missile attack on the Rwandan presidential aircraft that resulted
in the death of Rwanda's Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana, his colleague President
Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, Habyarimana's chief advisers, and the French crew.
The massacres of more than 500, 000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus after the assassination of
President Habyarimana on April 6th, 1994 were followed by a mass-slaughters orchestrated
by the Tutsi-led Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) government that resulted in the deaths of
500,000 mostly Hutu refugees in Rwanda and neighboring Zaire/Congo.
No one has even identified the assassins of the two presidents let alone sought to bring them
to justice. There have been a number of national and international commissions that have
looked into the causes for the Rwandan genocide. These have included investigations by the
Belgian Senate, the French National Assembly, the United Nations, and the Organization of
African Unity. None of these investigations have identified the perpetrators of the aerial
assassination. In 1998, French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere launched an investigation of the
aircraft attack. After interviewing witnesses in Switzerland, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Russia,
Bruguiere apparently has enough evidence to issue an international arrest warrant for
President Kagame. A former French Judge, Thierry Jean-Pierre, now a Member of the
European Parliament, in an entirely separate and private investigation, came to the same
conclusion that Kagame was behind the attack. The United States government must come to
its senses, as it did with past intelligence assets like Sadaam Hussein, Alberto Fujimori,
General Suharto, Ferdinand Marcos, and Manuel Noriega, and support a judicial accounting
by Kagame. If it is proven that U.S. citizens were in any way involved in planning the
assassination, they should also be brought to justice before the international war crimes
tribunal.
Immediately after the attack on the presidential plane, much of the popular press in the
United States brandished the theory that militant Hutus brought it down. I suggest that
following some four years of research concentrating on the missile attack, there is no basis
for this conclusion. In fact, I believe there is concrete evidence to show that the plane was
shot down by operatives of the RPF. At the time, the RPF was supported by the United
States and its major ally in the region, Uganda. Prior to the attack, the RPF leader, the
current Rwandan strongman General Paul Kagame, received military training at the U.S.
Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. Many of Kagame's
subordinates received similar training, including instruction in the use of surface-to-air
missiles (SAMs) at the Barry Goldwater Air Force Range at Luke Air Force Base, Arizona. It
was Soviet-designed SAMs that were used to shoot down the Rwandan president's airplane.
By its own admission, the U.S. Defense Department provided official military training to the
RPF beginning in January 1994, three months before the missile attack on the aircraft.
In testimony before the French inquiry commission, former French Minister for International
Cooperation Bernard Debre insisted that the two SAM-16s used in the attack on the aircraft
were procured from Ugandan military stocks and were "probably delivered by the Americans
. . . from the Gulf War." He was supported by two former heads of the French foreign
intelligence service (DGSE) Jacques Dewatre and Claude Silberzahn, as well as General
Jean Heinrich, the former head of French military intelligence (DRM). Former moderate Hutu
Defense Minister James Gasana, who served under Habyarimana from April 1992 to July
1993, stated before the French inquiry that his government declined to purchase SAMs
because they realized the RPF had no planes and, therefore, procurement of such weapons
would have been a waste of money.
The contention by French government officials that the RPF was responsible for the aerial
attack is supported by three former RPF intelligence officers who disclosed details of the
operation to UN investigators. The three informants were rated as Category 2 witnesses on a
4-point scale where 1 is highly credible and 2 is "true but untested." The RPF informants
claim the plane was downed by an elite 10-member RPF team with the "assistance of a
foreign government." Some of the team members are apparently now deceased. A
confidential UN report on the plane attack was delivered to the head of the UN War Crimes
Tribunal, Judge Louise Arbour of Canada, but was never made public. In fact, Arbour
terminated the investigation when details of the RPF's involvement in the assassination
became clear. The UN now denies such a report exists. Michael Hourigan, an Australian
lawyer who first worked as an International War Crimes Tribunal investigator and then for the
UN's Office of Internal Oversight Services, confirmed that the initial war crimes investigation
team uncovered evidence of the R4658729;:6<=;>@?ACBED;F2=$5G9;?HI5KJ2?LM729$7;NPO14Q58729$<=;>@?A8RS1TU=$D2B@LV72?WX
After the former RPF intelligence team revealed details of the attack, they were supported by
yet another former RPF intelligence officer named Jean Pierre Mugabe. In a separate
declaration, Mugabe contended that the assassination was directed by Kagame and RPF
deputy commander-in-chief James Kabarebe. The RPF, according to Mugabe, campaigned
extensively for the regional peace meeting in Dar es Salaam from which Habyarimana was
returning when he was assassinated. Mugabe claimed the idea was to collect the top Hutu
leadership on the plane in order to easily eliminate them in the attack.
Yet another defector from the RPF, Christophe Hakizabera, in a declaration to a UN
investigation commission, states that the "foreign power" that helped the RPF shoot down the
airplane was, in fact, Uganda. According to Hakizabera, the first and second assassination
planning meetings were held in Uganda in the towns of Kabale and Mbarara, respectively. A
third, in which Kagame was present, was held in March 1994 in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina
Faso.
As it did with the three other RPF defectors, the UN took no action as a result of this
complaint. It appears, and this is supported by private conversations I have had with former
UN officials, that some other party is calling the shots in the world body's investigation of
human rights violations in Africa.
The involvement of Uganda in the assassination tends to support the contention of the
former French government ministers that the SAMs were provided to Uganda by the United
States from captured Iraqi arms caches during Desert Storm. My own research indicates that
these missiles were delivered to Uganda via a CIA-run arms depot outside of Cairo, Egypt.
After the transfer, Uganda kept some of the missiles and launchers for its own armed forces
and delivered the remainder to the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and the RPF.
Other evidence pointing to an RPF role in the attack includes COMINT (communications
intelligence) picked up by military units and civilian radio operators in Rwanda. A Rwandan
Armed Forces COMINT listening station picked up a transmission on an RPF frequency,
which stated "the target is hit." This was reported to a Togolese member of the UN
Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). A Belgian amateur radio operator reported that
after the attack, he heard someone on a frequency used by a Belgian PMC in Kigali state,
"We killed Le Grand (Habyarimana)." The Belgian operator also stated that all Rwandan
Armed Forces messages following the attack indicated the Rwandan army was in complete
disarray n something that would not have been the case had the Rwandan government
perpetrated the attack on its own president. Another source of COMINT was a French
signals intelligence unit sent to Kigali from the French military base in Bangui, Central African
Republic. According to French Judge Jean-Pierre, copies of French intercepts of RPF
communications indicate, beyond a doubt, the culpability of the RPF in the attack on the
aircraft.
Some formerly classified US State Department cables, which I received following a Freedom
of Information Act request, reveal that the U.S. foreign policy establishment was of two minds
over the April 6 attack. The U.S. Embassy in Burundi kept a surprisingly open mind about its
theories about the missile attack, even suggesting a Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) role in it.
Other U.S. diplomatic posts, most notably that in Kigali, seemed to follow the script that the
aircraft was downed by hard-line Hutus who wanted to implement a well-planned genocide of
Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
A May 25, 1994 Secret message from the Department of State to all African diplomatic posts
also reports that "the RPF has summarily executed Hutu militia alleged to have been
involved in the massacres and the RPF has admitted to such killings." The same message
states that "Rwandan government officials who controlled the airport" or "French military
officials" recovered the downed presidential aircraft's black box after securing the airport and
removing the body of the French pilot from Habyarimana's plane. However, according to
officials I interviewed who were involved with UN air movements in the region, the black box
was secretly transported to UN Headquarters in New York where it remains to this day.
Officially, the Rwandan government claims the black box went missing. According to the UN
investigators, the black box was spirited away by UN officials from Kigali to New York via
Nairobi. In addition, this shipment was known to US government officials. According to the
UN sources, data from the black box is being withheld by the UN under pressure from our
own government. The investigators also revealed that RPF forces controlled three major
approaches to Kayibanda Airport on the evening of the attack and that European
mercenaries, in the pay of the RPF and US intelligence, planned and launched the missile
attack on the Mystere-Falcon. The CIA figured prominently in the UN investigation of the
missile attack. According to the investigators, the search for the assassins ultimately led to a
warehouse in Kanombe, near the airport. From this warehouse, during the afternoon of April
6, the missile launchers were assembled and readied for action by the mercenaries. As the
UN investigation team was nearing its final conclusion and was prepared to turn up evidence
indicating the warehouse had been leased by a Swiss company, said to be linked to U.S.
intelligence, its mandate was swiftly terminated...."
Wayne Madsen
It is clear that the United States, contrary to comments made by its senior officials, including
former President Clinton, played more of a role in the Rwandan tragedy than it readily
admits. This involvement continued through the successive Rwandan and Ugandan-led
invasions of neighboring Zaire/Congo. Speculation that Rwanda was behind the recent
assassination of President Laurent Kabila in Congo (and rumors that the CIA was behind it)
has done little to put the United States in a favorable light in the region. After all, the date of
Kabila's assassination on January 16 this year -- was practically 40 years from the very day
of the CIA-planned and executed assassination of Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba.
The quick pace at which Kabila's son and successor Joseph Kabila visited the United States
at the same time of Kagame's presence, and his subsequent meetings with Corporate
Council for Africa officials and Maurice Tempelsman (the majordomo of U.S. Africa policy),
calls into question what the United States knew about the assassination and when it knew
about it.
Also, particularly troublesome is a conclusion the CIA is said to have reached in an
assessment written in January 1994, a few months before the genocide. According to key
officials I have interviewed during my research, that analysis came to the conclusion that in
the event that President Habyarimana was assassinated, the minimum number of deaths
resulting from the mayhem in Rwanda would be 500 (confined mostly to Kigali and environs)
and the maximum 500,000. Regrettably, the CIA's higher figure was closer to reality.
"Remember that Kagame was in Washington about August 1996 checking his battle plans
with the Pentagon. Mobutu's days were numbered"
The US took all the right decisions to allow the Rwanda genocide to unfold. And Clinton's
comment that "we didn't know what was going on at the time" couldn't have been a bigger lie.
Do you suppose it was coincidental that a Rwanda delegate rotated on to the security council
early in 1994 and then worked with US representatives to block all subsequent attempts to
deal appropriately with the unfolding slaughter?"......
"All these US military programs like IMET and E-IMET, ACRI and JCET are designed to
consolidate US hegemony. UPDF and RCD and SPLA have conscripted child soldiers. They
use sophisticated weapons not only the machetes so widely advertised by the media
propaganda front of 1994 which sowed indifference and apathy in the US public. Troops
have been trained by US green berets and US military personnel have worked to coordinate
SPLA and RPF/UPDF/RCD military campaigns. This is according to Ugandan dissidents
and/or Congolese refugees fleeing Congo and/or ex-patriots on the ground. And there are
plenty of people who support these statements....."
".........Remember that RPF government clamed the economic growth is of 5% then 10%, Just
like Enron and other 200 US companies which collupsed in bankrupcy because of
bribary,corruption and big lies......."
I find it particularly remarkable that the diamond exports from the Democratic Republic of
Congo (DRC) were some US$897 million in 1997. Now this is a "country" which was in a
major war. And then in 1998, DRC ranked second in diamond production at 25.7 million
carats. Again, a country in a brutal war where hundreds and hundreds of thousands of
people and in fact I think it is millions of people -- suffered the consequences through
disease and despair and displacement and rape and hunger and robbery and often death.....
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