Rwanda: Cartographie des crimes
Rwanda: cartographie des crimes du livre "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF" de Judi Rever
Kagame devra être livré aux Rwandais pour répondre à ses crimes: la meilleure option de réconciliation nationale entre les Hutus et les Tutsis.
Let us remember Our People
Let us remember our people, it is our right
You can't stop thinking
Don't you know
Rwandans are talkin' 'bout a revolution
It sounds like a whisper
The majority Hutus and interior Tutsi are gonna rise up
And get their share
SurViVors are gonna rise up
And take what's theirs.
We're the survivors, yes: the Hutu survivors!
Yes, we're the survivors, like Daniel out of the lions' den
(Hutu survivors) Survivors, survivors!
Get up, stand up, stand up for your rights
et up, stand up, don't give up the fight
“I’m never gonna hold you like I did / Or say I love you to the kids / You’re never gonna see it in my eyes / It’s not gonna hurt me when you cry / I’m not gonna miss you.”
The situation is undeniably hurtful but we can'stop thinking we’re heartbroken over the loss of our beloved ones.
"You can't separate peace from freedom because no one can be at peace unless he has his freedom".
Malcolm X
Welcome to Home Truths
The year is 1994, the Fruitful year and the Start of a long epoch of the Rwandan RPF bloody dictatorship. Rwanda and DRC have become a unique arena and fertile ground for wars and lies. Tutsi RPF members deny Rights and Justice to the Hutu majority, to Interior Tutsis, to Congolese people, publicly claim the status of victim as the only SurViVors while millions of Hutu, interior Tutsi and Congolese people were butchered. Please make RPF criminals a Day One priority. Allow voices of the REAL victims to be heard.
Everybody Hurts
“Everybody Hurts” is one of the rare songs on this list that actually offers catharsis. It’s beautifully simple: you’re sad, but you’re not alone because “everybody hurts, everybody cries.” You’re human, in other words, and we all have our moments. So take R.E.M.’s advice, “take comfort in your friends,” blast this song, have yourself a good cry, and then move on. You’ll feel better, I promise.—Bonnie Stiernberg
KAGAME - GENOCIDAIRE
Paul Kagame admits ordering...
Paul Kagame admits ordering the 1994 assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Inzira ndende
Search
Hutu Children & their Mums
Rwanda-rebranding
Rwanda-rebranding-Targeting dissidents inside and abroad, despite war crimes and repression
Rwanda has “A well primed PR machine”, and that this has been key in “persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasizing democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects”. It concluded: “The truth is, however, the opposite. What you see is not what you get: A FAÇADE”
Rwanda has hired several PR firms to work on deflecting criticism, and rebranding the country.
Targeting dissidents abroad
One of the more worrying aspects of Racepoint’s objectives
was to “Educate and correct the ill informed and factually
incorrect information perpetuated by certain groups of expatriates
and NGOs,” including, presumably, the critiques
of the crackdown on dissent among political opponents
overseas.
This should be seen in the context of accusations
that Rwanda has plotted to kill dissidents abroad. A
recent investigation by the Globe and Mail claims, “Rwandan
exiles in both South Africa and Belgium – speaking in clandestine meetings in secure locations because of their fears of attack – gave detailed accounts of being recruited to assassinate critics of President Kagame….
Ways To Get Rid of Kagame
How to proceed for revolution in Rwanda:
- The people should overthrow the Rwandan dictator (often put in place by foreign agencies) and throw him, along with his henchmen and family, out of the country – e.g., the Shah of Iran, Marcos of Philippines.Compaore of Burkina Faso
- Rwandans organize a violent revolution and have the dictator killed – e.g., Ceaucescu in Romania.
- Foreign powers (till then maintaining the dictator) force the dictator to exile without armed intervention – e.g. Mátyás Rákosi of Hungary was exiled by the Soviets to Kirgizia in 1970 to “seek medical attention”.
- Foreign powers march in and remove the dictator (whom they either instated or helped earlier) – e.g. Saddam Hussein of Iraq or Manuel Noriega of Panama.
- The dictator kills himself in an act of desperation – e.g., Hitler in 1945.
- The dictator is assassinated by people near him – e.g., Julius Caesar of Rome in 44 AD was stabbed by 60-70 people (only one wound was fatal though).
- Organise strikes and unrest to paralyze the country and convince even the army not to support the dictaor – e.g., Jorge Ubico y Castañeda was ousted in Guatemala in 1944 and Guatemala became democratic, Recedntly in Burkina Faso with the dictator Blaise Compaoré.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Fighting For Our Freedom?
KAGAME VS JUSTICE
Saturday, September 26, 2009
Pampazuka News
September 24, 2009
Rwanda’s application for membership of the Commonwealth is likely to be on the agenda at this year’s Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting at Port Spain in Trinidad and Tobago. Traditionally, because of its origins, the membership rules for the Commonwealth were informal.
In recent years, interest in membership has been shown by states with no previous constitutional link to the Commonwealth or its members. This led to specific criteria being developed from CHOGM, 1997 onwards, the chief of which is that an aspirant member state must abide by the Principles set out in the 1991 Harare Declaration. Rwanda has no constitutional link to any Commonwealth country. Only one country without a constitutional link has previously been admitted in this way – Mozambique in 1995 – and that was before there were formal criteria.
Given this, Rwanda represents an important test case. Among the key Harare Principles are commitments to the protection of human rights and to democracy. The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) believes that overwhelming evidence, conveniently ignored by leading Commonwealth states, demonstrates that the government of Rwanda is not sufficiently committed to these values.
The situation with regard to human rights within Rwanda has been an ongoing concern for many international agencies and human rights organisations. The provisions of the 2003 Constitution against ‘ genocide ideology’ , and consequent laws, prohibiting the raising of any doubts about the extent of the killing of Tutsis in 1994, and any discussion of retaliatory killings of Hutus, have been used to suppress freedom of speech and have created a climate of fear in civil society.
Censorship is prevalent and the government has a record of shutting down independent media outlets and newspapers, and harassing journalists. General civil society is also severely hampered by restrictive laws governing independent associations.
There remain serious concerns about the level of political freedom and the fact that the independent body in charge of registering political parties is still controlled by the ruling Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF). Rwanda’s judiciary has systemic weaknesses and there are troubling questions about the failure of the judiciary to investigate and prosecute members of the Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA) for their involvement in human rights abuses and proven involvement in war crimes in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
There are some serious human rights concerns about the operation of the Gacaca courts, set up to deal with the majority of those accused of involvement in the genocide. They do not adhere to basic presumptions of innocence or fair trial procedures.
President Kagame has used his power to give immunity from prosecution to some of those suspected of being the most serious perpetrators of human rights abuses. The Rwandan government’s ongoing activities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its support of Tutsi militias in Kivu have raised grave concerns, and indeed recommendations that senior figures in the RPF ought to be brought before international and foreign tribunals.
CHRI acknowledges that Rwanda has what appears to be a well-deserved reputation for governmental efficiency and for being less corrupt than a number of other countries – but its claims about the lack of corruption appear hollow when considering its complicity in the illicit economy of the region, and its plunder of the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (DRC) natural resources.
Furthermore, such attributes are not sufficient for membership of the Commonwealth. Indeed, the capacity for efficient government ought perhaps to indicate that a country should be able to govern without major human rights abuses, contrary to the situation in Rwanda.
The Rwandan government has excellent public relations machinery. Its leaders are astute, and effectively play upon the conscience of the world, particularly Western states, by invoking victimhood of genocide (while cleverly hiding the fact that thousands of Hutus were killed by its armed forces, the total political destabilisation it has constantly engineered in the DRC, and the heart-rending suffering it has brought to the Congolese and other communities). It has succeeded in persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasising democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects.
The truth is, however, the opposite: It uses the constitution opportunistically as a façade, which hides the exclusionary and repressive nature of the regime; relies on power structures that sometimes run parallel to, and sometimes cross-cuts, the formal government; and in which the army plays a central role.
(Sometimes Rwanda is described as ‘an army with a state’, and at other times the army is described as ‘soldats sans frontières’, or ‘soldiers without borders’). Rwanda has relied heavily for its revenue (to fund its institutions and elites) on the plunder of the mineral resources of the DRC – and extraordinarily generous development assistance from the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and some other Western governments.
It bears the primary responsibility for the political and economic instability in the Great Lakes Region (including the overthrow of the Congolese government), which is functional to its mode of extraction of wealth and its dominance of the region. It practises, and has contributed to, a complex, regional regime of illegal economic transactions, evasion of United Nations sanctions, arming of militias and criminal business organisations, and disregard of neighbours’ borders and fiscal systems, which has greatly impoverished the people of the region.
The RPF has used an extraordinary amount of violence, domestically and internationally, in the pursuit of its illegitimate aims. It is responsibile for killing almost 500,000 persons, whether citizens or not, and is responsible for the deaths of many times more through displacement, malnutrition and hunger. It has denied hundreds of thousands of children of the opportunity to go to school, and deprived millions of prospects of family and community life. The UN has voluminously documented these practices and repeatedly chastised Rwanda (as the extracts from UN reports in the appendices demonstrate).
CHRI also observes that the membership criteria, including adherence to the Harare Principles, are not a basis for entitlement to membership; they are just a minimum threshold. Again, CHRI has no wish to underplay the fact that the Rwandan people have suffered gross human rights abuses and endured the most horrific mass atrocities since the end of the Second World War, but this cannot provide a justification for their membership of the Commonwealth as long as basic human rights in the country remain in such an unsatisfactory state. It does not make sense to admit a state that already does not satisfy Commonwealth standards.
This would tarnish the reputation of the Commonwealth and confirm the opinion of many people and civic organisations that the leaders of its governments do not really care for democracy and human rights, and that its periodic, solemn declarations are merely hot air. The admission of a state below standard will lower the ‘average’ , as it were, of the Commonwealth commitment to democracy and human rights. And, it would weaken the Commonwealth when it comes to making decisions on sanctions against defaulting existing members, increasing the number of states who have shown little regard for human rights.
Such admissions of new members with poor records would drive a wedge between the governments and peoples of the Commonwealth, reducing the organisation to a mere trade union of governments. The fact that there are a number of members of the Commonwealth which gained their membership by virtue of their post-colonial heritage are themselves human rights abusers, should not be a factor in Rwanda’s application for membership. If anything, this provides the grounds for making the criteria for continued membership of the Commonwealth on human rights observance more stringent.
CHRI believes that the procedure for admission to the Commonwealth must include a full and comprehensive review of the state of human rights in the applicant country. CHRI recommends that, at the 2009 CHOGM, an independent commission be set up to examine the entire question of membership, and that the nature and future of Commonwealth membership should be considered afresh, independently of political concerns and current membership applications. In addition, it recommends that an independent commission of eminent Commonwealth persons, and experts on the applicant country should be set up to review each application, beginning with Rwanda, and report to the Heads of Government.
This would subject the applicant country to rigorous scrutiny of its record on human rights and democracy and engage with its civil society, trade unions, political parties, universities and so on to obtain a sense of public opinion.
The latter commission should have resources to prepare background materials to inform the people of the applicant state about the history and significance of the Commonwealth and the rights and obligations of membership. And a process must be set up whereby a state wanting entry to the Commonwealth can indicate that the government has consulted with the people, and it must be able to objectively demonstrate their support.
Supporters of Rwanda’s admission claim that Commonwealth membership will provide it with the incentive and the opportunity to improve its human rights record. It would learn about the importance and practice of human rights from other members, and at the same time, it would come under pressure to improve its own standards. With all due respect, this is extremely unconvincing. Several member countries in the rest of the Commonwealth violate human rights with near total impunity as far as the Commonwealth is concerned.
Rwanda would feel very comfortable going to CHOGM retreats, secure in the knowledge that no one will raise questions about its gross violations of democratic principles, the rule of law, and human rights. Cameroon, which was admitted in 1995, has yet to meet the basic Commonwealth requirements in spite of endless Commonwealth Secretariat efforts and expense. The Commonwealth machinery for enforcing human rights and disciplining errant states is rudimentary, ineffective and marked by a lack of political will.
In general, Commonwealth states have come under greater pressure from non-Commonwealth countries. The major brokers of peace, restoration of democracy and human rights are the United States of America and the European Union: in Kenya’s worst political crisis since independence, with thousands killed and hundreds of thousand displaced, the silence and inactivity of the Commonwealth was astounding.
Our conclusion is that the state of governance and human rights in Rwanda does not satisfy Commonwealth standards. Rwanda does not therefore qualify for admission. It has been argued that neither do several existing members. Unfortunately, that is certainly true. But there is an important difference between these states and Rwanda. They became members by virtue of their past history of British colonialism and the convention of more or less automatic membership. Until the Harare Declaration, there were no formalised standards of Commonwealth values.
Governments of member states which deviate seriously from these standards are now subject to disciplinary measures, including suspension or even exclusion (although the last option has not been exercised so far, on the assumption that exclusion would be unfair to the people of the state, who may themselves be victims of violations).
Suspension is lifted only when the deviant practices have been abandoned. If the Commonwealth admits a state below its standards, it would have to welcome the new member, if it is to stand firm on its self-proclaimed values, by criticising its democratic and human rights record and considering sanctions.
It is important that the Commonwealth, several of whose members are associated with the non-aligned movement, should not be swayed by the interests of some of its members, who have for long supported the present Rwandan regime, despite its gross and well-known violations of human rights.
Nor must it, as a predominantly anglophone association, rejoice in the present regime’s rejection of francophonie (which in large part may be opportunistic), just as the French assistance to the Habyarimana regime in 1990, when the RPF invaded Rwanda, was inspired by the devout wish to retain Rwanda within the francophone community – and to worst the ‘ Anglo-Saxons’, successors to ‘les Anglais’. That would be puerile and beneath the dignity of the Commonwealth.
While CHRI takes into account the extreme violence and suffering that Rwanda’s people have been through, it acknowledges the economic and administrative progress that has been made under the present regime, recognises the potential within its constitution to nurture a democratic polity and accepts that Rwanda has traditional and growing ties with some Commonwealth members in its region. CHRI therefore proposes that CHOGM should not reject Rwanda’s application outright, but deal with it in the fashion of the European Union, when considering applications for membership.
The Commonwealth should reiterate its values, identify areas where Rwanda falls short, and ask it to remedy deficiencies while offering assistance to resolve these. Once it is satisfied that appropriate laws and, most importantly, practices have been instituted, Rwanda should be welcomed to the Commonwealth. The admission of Cameroon was made subject to its satisfying Commonwealth values and standards as was the re-admission of Fiji after the first coup of 1987.
RECOMMENDATIONS
CHRI puts forward two recommendations – one is general relating to the process for admission of new members, and the other specific to Rwanda.
I(a). This report comments on the lack of a mechanism to establish that the people of an applicant state in reality seek or support the bid for membership, and that the state in fact satisfies the test of Commonwealth values. CHRI considers that now is the time to deal with this lacuna, before further applications are received. We therefore urge the next CHOGM to address these two issues before it proceeds to the consideration of Rwanda’s application.
We propose that an independent commission of eminent Commonwealth statespersons, representatives of leading pan- Commonwealth NGOs, and experts on the applicant country should be set up to review the application and report to the Heads of Government. It would subject the applicant to rigorous scrutiny of its record on human rights and democracy, and engage with its civil society, trade unions, political parties, universities and so on, to obtain a sense of public opinion. The commission should have resources to prepare background materials to inform the people of the applicant state about the history and significance of the Commonwealth and the rights and obligations of membership.
If necessary, it should commission studies on the country’s legal, economic and social systems (to educate the Commonwealth about the potential new member and enable its communities to assess the eligibility of the applicant) – in a rudimentary form. Unless this is done, there is the danger that the Commonwealth could slide into debased standards, and lose both its attraction to the people of the Commonwealth and its own the reputation.
I(b). With the prospect of new applications this is the right time for renewed debate on the nature and future of the Commonwealth. The world has changed very significantly in recent decades. There has been a large growth of new regional and international organisations. What is the relevance of these developments for the Commonwealth?
What will the Commonwealth gain from aspirations to become a universal organisation? What will be the effect of the admission of states without a history or understanding of the Commonwealth? These and other questions should be addressed in the first instance by a commission established jointly by Commonwealth governments and civil society. Its report should be disseminated widely and debated by the public.
II. This report makes it clear that Rwanda does not satisfy the test of Commonwealth values. There are considerable doubts about the commitment of the current regime to human rights and democracy. It has not hesitated to use violence at home or abroad when it has suited it. Consequently, its admission would send the signal, loud and clear, that the commitment of the governments of the Commonwealth countries to its values is shallow.
We therefore suggest that the next CHOGM make no decision on the applicant other than to set up a procedure to examine Rwanda’s eligibility for membership and the consequences for the Commonwealth of expansion in its members. In consultation with Commonwealth civil society, it should set up the commission as proposed in recommendation I(a), to initiate this discussion. The commission should report within a year of its appointment. The report and recommendation should be the basis of negotiations with Rwanda, and Rwanda should be informed accordingly.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
September 24, 2009
With Rwanda's application for membership of the Commonwealth likely to be on the agenda at this year's Commonwealth heads of government meetings, the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) expresses serious reservations about the country's credentials.
Evidence pointing to the suppression of freedom of speech and a climate of fear represent significant causes for concern, the CHRI argue in this week's Pambazuka News, and ultimately point to the need for an independent body designed to assess applicants' and existing members' records on democracy and human rights.
Evidence pointing to the suppression of freedom of speech and a climate of fear represent significant causes for concern, the CHRI argue in this week's Pambazuka News, and ultimately point to the need for an independent body designed to assess applicants' and existing members' records on democracy and human rights.
Rwanda’s application for membership of the Commonwealth is likely to be on the agenda at this year’s Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting at Port Spain in Trinidad and Tobago. Traditionally, because of its origins, the membership rules for the Commonwealth were informal.
In recent years, interest in membership has been shown by states with no previous constitutional link to the Commonwealth or its members. This led to specific criteria being developed from CHOGM, 1997 onwards, the chief of which is that an aspirant member state must abide by the Principles set out in the 1991 Harare Declaration. Rwanda has no constitutional link to any Commonwealth country. Only one country without a constitutional link has previously been admitted in this way – Mozambique in 1995 – and that was before there were formal criteria.
Given this, Rwanda represents an important test case. Among the key Harare Principles are commitments to the protection of human rights and to democracy. The Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) believes that overwhelming evidence, conveniently ignored by leading Commonwealth states, demonstrates that the government of Rwanda is not sufficiently committed to these values.
The situation with regard to human rights within Rwanda has been an ongoing concern for many international agencies and human rights organisations. The provisions of the 2003 Constitution against ‘ genocide ideology’ , and consequent laws, prohibiting the raising of any doubts about the extent of the killing of Tutsis in 1994, and any discussion of retaliatory killings of Hutus, have been used to suppress freedom of speech and have created a climate of fear in civil society.
Censorship is prevalent and the government has a record of shutting down independent media outlets and newspapers, and harassing journalists. General civil society is also severely hampered by restrictive laws governing independent associations.
There remain serious concerns about the level of political freedom and the fact that the independent body in charge of registering political parties is still controlled by the ruling Rwandese Patriotic Front (RPF). Rwanda’s judiciary has systemic weaknesses and there are troubling questions about the failure of the judiciary to investigate and prosecute members of the Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA) for their involvement in human rights abuses and proven involvement in war crimes in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
There are some serious human rights concerns about the operation of the Gacaca courts, set up to deal with the majority of those accused of involvement in the genocide. They do not adhere to basic presumptions of innocence or fair trial procedures.
President Kagame has used his power to give immunity from prosecution to some of those suspected of being the most serious perpetrators of human rights abuses. The Rwandan government’s ongoing activities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its support of Tutsi militias in Kivu have raised grave concerns, and indeed recommendations that senior figures in the RPF ought to be brought before international and foreign tribunals.
CHRI acknowledges that Rwanda has what appears to be a well-deserved reputation for governmental efficiency and for being less corrupt than a number of other countries – but its claims about the lack of corruption appear hollow when considering its complicity in the illicit economy of the region, and its plunder of the Democratic Republic of the Congo’s (DRC) natural resources.
Furthermore, such attributes are not sufficient for membership of the Commonwealth. Indeed, the capacity for efficient government ought perhaps to indicate that a country should be able to govern without major human rights abuses, contrary to the situation in Rwanda.
The Rwandan government has excellent public relations machinery. Its leaders are astute, and effectively play upon the conscience of the world, particularly Western states, by invoking victimhood of genocide (while cleverly hiding the fact that thousands of Hutus were killed by its armed forces, the total political destabilisation it has constantly engineered in the DRC, and the heart-rending suffering it has brought to the Congolese and other communities). It has succeeded in persuading the key members of the international community that it has an exemplary constitution emphasising democracy, power-sharing, and human rights which it fully respects.
The truth is, however, the opposite: It uses the constitution opportunistically as a façade, which hides the exclusionary and repressive nature of the regime; relies on power structures that sometimes run parallel to, and sometimes cross-cuts, the formal government; and in which the army plays a central role.
(Sometimes Rwanda is described as ‘an army with a state’, and at other times the army is described as ‘soldats sans frontières’, or ‘soldiers without borders’). Rwanda has relied heavily for its revenue (to fund its institutions and elites) on the plunder of the mineral resources of the DRC – and extraordinarily generous development assistance from the United Kingdom, the United States of America, and some other Western governments.
It bears the primary responsibility for the political and economic instability in the Great Lakes Region (including the overthrow of the Congolese government), which is functional to its mode of extraction of wealth and its dominance of the region. It practises, and has contributed to, a complex, regional regime of illegal economic transactions, evasion of United Nations sanctions, arming of militias and criminal business organisations, and disregard of neighbours’ borders and fiscal systems, which has greatly impoverished the people of the region.
The RPF has used an extraordinary amount of violence, domestically and internationally, in the pursuit of its illegitimate aims. It is responsibile for killing almost 500,000 persons, whether citizens or not, and is responsible for the deaths of many times more through displacement, malnutrition and hunger. It has denied hundreds of thousands of children of the opportunity to go to school, and deprived millions of prospects of family and community life. The UN has voluminously documented these practices and repeatedly chastised Rwanda (as the extracts from UN reports in the appendices demonstrate).
CHRI also observes that the membership criteria, including adherence to the Harare Principles, are not a basis for entitlement to membership; they are just a minimum threshold. Again, CHRI has no wish to underplay the fact that the Rwandan people have suffered gross human rights abuses and endured the most horrific mass atrocities since the end of the Second World War, but this cannot provide a justification for their membership of the Commonwealth as long as basic human rights in the country remain in such an unsatisfactory state. It does not make sense to admit a state that already does not satisfy Commonwealth standards.
This would tarnish the reputation of the Commonwealth and confirm the opinion of many people and civic organisations that the leaders of its governments do not really care for democracy and human rights, and that its periodic, solemn declarations are merely hot air. The admission of a state below standard will lower the ‘average’ , as it were, of the Commonwealth commitment to democracy and human rights. And, it would weaken the Commonwealth when it comes to making decisions on sanctions against defaulting existing members, increasing the number of states who have shown little regard for human rights.
Such admissions of new members with poor records would drive a wedge between the governments and peoples of the Commonwealth, reducing the organisation to a mere trade union of governments. The fact that there are a number of members of the Commonwealth which gained their membership by virtue of their post-colonial heritage are themselves human rights abusers, should not be a factor in Rwanda’s application for membership. If anything, this provides the grounds for making the criteria for continued membership of the Commonwealth on human rights observance more stringent.
CHRI believes that the procedure for admission to the Commonwealth must include a full and comprehensive review of the state of human rights in the applicant country. CHRI recommends that, at the 2009 CHOGM, an independent commission be set up to examine the entire question of membership, and that the nature and future of Commonwealth membership should be considered afresh, independently of political concerns and current membership applications. In addition, it recommends that an independent commission of eminent Commonwealth persons, and experts on the applicant country should be set up to review each application, beginning with Rwanda, and report to the Heads of Government.
This would subject the applicant country to rigorous scrutiny of its record on human rights and democracy and engage with its civil society, trade unions, political parties, universities and so on to obtain a sense of public opinion.
The latter commission should have resources to prepare background materials to inform the people of the applicant state about the history and significance of the Commonwealth and the rights and obligations of membership. And a process must be set up whereby a state wanting entry to the Commonwealth can indicate that the government has consulted with the people, and it must be able to objectively demonstrate their support.
Supporters of Rwanda’s admission claim that Commonwealth membership will provide it with the incentive and the opportunity to improve its human rights record. It would learn about the importance and practice of human rights from other members, and at the same time, it would come under pressure to improve its own standards. With all due respect, this is extremely unconvincing. Several member countries in the rest of the Commonwealth violate human rights with near total impunity as far as the Commonwealth is concerned.
Rwanda would feel very comfortable going to CHOGM retreats, secure in the knowledge that no one will raise questions about its gross violations of democratic principles, the rule of law, and human rights. Cameroon, which was admitted in 1995, has yet to meet the basic Commonwealth requirements in spite of endless Commonwealth Secretariat efforts and expense. The Commonwealth machinery for enforcing human rights and disciplining errant states is rudimentary, ineffective and marked by a lack of political will.
In general, Commonwealth states have come under greater pressure from non-Commonwealth countries. The major brokers of peace, restoration of democracy and human rights are the United States of America and the European Union: in Kenya’s worst political crisis since independence, with thousands killed and hundreds of thousand displaced, the silence and inactivity of the Commonwealth was astounding.
Our conclusion is that the state of governance and human rights in Rwanda does not satisfy Commonwealth standards. Rwanda does not therefore qualify for admission. It has been argued that neither do several existing members. Unfortunately, that is certainly true. But there is an important difference between these states and Rwanda. They became members by virtue of their past history of British colonialism and the convention of more or less automatic membership. Until the Harare Declaration, there were no formalised standards of Commonwealth values.
Governments of member states which deviate seriously from these standards are now subject to disciplinary measures, including suspension or even exclusion (although the last option has not been exercised so far, on the assumption that exclusion would be unfair to the people of the state, who may themselves be victims of violations).
Suspension is lifted only when the deviant practices have been abandoned. If the Commonwealth admits a state below its standards, it would have to welcome the new member, if it is to stand firm on its self-proclaimed values, by criticising its democratic and human rights record and considering sanctions.
It is important that the Commonwealth, several of whose members are associated with the non-aligned movement, should not be swayed by the interests of some of its members, who have for long supported the present Rwandan regime, despite its gross and well-known violations of human rights.
Nor must it, as a predominantly anglophone association, rejoice in the present regime’s rejection of francophonie (which in large part may be opportunistic), just as the French assistance to the Habyarimana regime in 1990, when the RPF invaded Rwanda, was inspired by the devout wish to retain Rwanda within the francophone community – and to worst the ‘ Anglo-Saxons’, successors to ‘les Anglais’. That would be puerile and beneath the dignity of the Commonwealth.
While CHRI takes into account the extreme violence and suffering that Rwanda’s people have been through, it acknowledges the economic and administrative progress that has been made under the present regime, recognises the potential within its constitution to nurture a democratic polity and accepts that Rwanda has traditional and growing ties with some Commonwealth members in its region. CHRI therefore proposes that CHOGM should not reject Rwanda’s application outright, but deal with it in the fashion of the European Union, when considering applications for membership.
The Commonwealth should reiterate its values, identify areas where Rwanda falls short, and ask it to remedy deficiencies while offering assistance to resolve these. Once it is satisfied that appropriate laws and, most importantly, practices have been instituted, Rwanda should be welcomed to the Commonwealth. The admission of Cameroon was made subject to its satisfying Commonwealth values and standards as was the re-admission of Fiji after the first coup of 1987.
RECOMMENDATIONS
CHRI puts forward two recommendations – one is general relating to the process for admission of new members, and the other specific to Rwanda.
I(a). This report comments on the lack of a mechanism to establish that the people of an applicant state in reality seek or support the bid for membership, and that the state in fact satisfies the test of Commonwealth values. CHRI considers that now is the time to deal with this lacuna, before further applications are received. We therefore urge the next CHOGM to address these two issues before it proceeds to the consideration of Rwanda’s application.
We propose that an independent commission of eminent Commonwealth statespersons, representatives of leading pan- Commonwealth NGOs, and experts on the applicant country should be set up to review the application and report to the Heads of Government. It would subject the applicant to rigorous scrutiny of its record on human rights and democracy, and engage with its civil society, trade unions, political parties, universities and so on, to obtain a sense of public opinion. The commission should have resources to prepare background materials to inform the people of the applicant state about the history and significance of the Commonwealth and the rights and obligations of membership.
If necessary, it should commission studies on the country’s legal, economic and social systems (to educate the Commonwealth about the potential new member and enable its communities to assess the eligibility of the applicant) – in a rudimentary form. Unless this is done, there is the danger that the Commonwealth could slide into debased standards, and lose both its attraction to the people of the Commonwealth and its own the reputation.
I(b). With the prospect of new applications this is the right time for renewed debate on the nature and future of the Commonwealth. The world has changed very significantly in recent decades. There has been a large growth of new regional and international organisations. What is the relevance of these developments for the Commonwealth?
What will the Commonwealth gain from aspirations to become a universal organisation? What will be the effect of the admission of states without a history or understanding of the Commonwealth? These and other questions should be addressed in the first instance by a commission established jointly by Commonwealth governments and civil society. Its report should be disseminated widely and debated by the public.
II. This report makes it clear that Rwanda does not satisfy the test of Commonwealth values. There are considerable doubts about the commitment of the current regime to human rights and democracy. It has not hesitated to use violence at home or abroad when it has suited it. Consequently, its admission would send the signal, loud and clear, that the commitment of the governments of the Commonwealth countries to its values is shallow.
We therefore suggest that the next CHOGM make no decision on the applicant other than to set up a procedure to examine Rwanda’s eligibility for membership and the consequences for the Commonwealth of expansion in its members. In consultation with Commonwealth civil society, it should set up the commission as proposed in recommendation I(a), to initiate this discussion. The commission should report within a year of its appointment. The report and recommendation should be the basis of negotiations with Rwanda, and Rwanda should be informed accordingly.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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Profile
I am Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, an Economist, Content Manager, and EDI Expert, driven by a passion for human rights activism. With a deep commitment to advancing human rights in Africa, particularly in the Great Lakes region, I established this blog following firsthand experiences with human rights violations in Rwanda and in the DRC (formerly Zaïre) as well. My journey began with collaborations with Amnesty International in Utrecht, the Netherlands, and with human rights organizations including Human Rights Watch and a conference in Helsinki, Finland, where I was a panelist with other activists from various countries.
My mission is to uncover the untold truth about the ongoing genocide in Rwanda and the DRC. As a dedicated voice for the voiceless, I strive to raise awareness about the tragic consequences of these events and work tirelessly to bring an end to the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF)'s impunity.
This blog is a platform for Truth and Justice, not a space for hate. I am vigilant against hate speech or ignorant comments, moderating all discussions to ensure a respectful and informed dialogue at African Survivors International Blog.
Genocide masterminded by RPF
Finally the well-known Truth Comes Out.
After suffering THE LONG years, telling the world that Kagame and his RPF criminal organization masterminded the Rwandan genocide that they later recalled Genocide against Tutsis. Our lives were nothing but suffering these last 32 years beginning from October 1st, 1990 onwards. We are calling the United States of America, United Kingdom, Japan, and Great Britain in particular, France, Belgium, Netherlands and Germany to return to hidden classified archives and support Honorable Tito Rutaremara's recent statement about What really happened in Rwanda before, during and after 1994 across the country and how methodically the Rwandan Genocide has been masterminded by Paul Kagame, the Rwandan Hitler. Above all, Mr. Tito Rutaremara, one of the RPF leaders has given details about RPF infiltration methods in Habyarimana's all instances, how assassinations, disappearances, mass-slaughters across Rwanda have been carried out from the local autority to the government,fabricated lies that have been used by Gacaca courts as weapon, the ICTR in which RPF had infiltrators like Joseph Ngarambe, an International court biased judgments & condemnations targeting Hutu ethnic members in contraversal strategy compared to the ICTR establishment to pursue in justice those accountable for crimes between 1993 to 2003 and Mapping Report ignored and classified to protect the Rwandan Nazis under the RPF embrella . NOTHING LASTS FOREVER.
Human and Civil Rights
Human Rights, Mutual Respect and Dignity
For all Rwandans :
Hutus - Tutsis - Twas
Rwanda: A mapping of crimes
Rwanda: A mapping of crimes in the book "In Praise of Blood, the crimes of the RPF by Judi Rever
Be the last to know: This video talks about unspeakable Kagame's crimes committed against Hutu, before, during and after the genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda.
The mastermind of both genocide is still at large: Paul Kagame
KIBEHO: Rwandan Auschwitz
Kibeho Concetration Camp.
Mass murderers C. Sankara
Stephen Sackur’s Hard Talk.
Prof. Allan C. Stam
The Unstoppable Truth
Prof. Christian Davenport
The Unstoppable Truth
Prof. Christian Davenport Michigan University & Faculty Associate at the Center for Political Studies
The killing Fields - Part 1
The Unstoppable Truth
The killing Fields - Part II
The Unstoppable Truth
Daily bread for Rwandans
The Unstoppable Truth
The killing Fields - Part III
The Unstoppable Truth
Time has come: Regime change
Drame rwandais- justice impartiale
Carla Del Ponte, Ancien Procureur au TPIR:"Le drame rwandais mérite une justice impartiale" - et réponse de Gerald Gahima
Sheltering 2,5 million refugees
Credible reports camps sheltering 2,500 million refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.
The UN refugee agency says it has credible reports camps sheltering 2,5 milion refugees in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo have been destroyed.
Latest videos
Peter Erlinder comments on the BBC documentary "Rwanda's Untold Story
Madam Victoire Ingabire,THE RWANDAN AUNG SAN SUU KYI
Rwanda's Untold Story
Rwanda, un génocide en questions
Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en... par BernardLugan Bernard Lugan présente "Rwanda, un génocide en questions"
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Everything happens for a reason
Bad things are going to happen in your life, people will hurt you, disrespect you, play with your feelings.. But you shouldn't use that as an excuse to fail to go on and to hurt the whole world. You will end up hurting yourself and wasting your precious time. Don't always think of revenging, just let things go and move on with your life. Remember everything happens for a reason and when one door closes, the other opens for you with new blessings and love.
Hutus didn't plan Tutsi Genocide
Kagame, the mastermind of Rwandan Genocide (Hutu & tutsi)
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