A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
By Régine Kapinga and Nekwa Makwal
Can democracy be made to flourish in the land where Lies and Impunity, Autocracy and Povery prevail?
Driven by poverty, some mothers from Huye in southern Rwanda, mostly home baby sitters in the city and poor rural women get rid of their babies at birth.
To dissuade them the mayor of Butare has recently instituted a mandatory monitoring service for all pregnant women.
Every two months, there is at least a baby that is thrown into the streets of Butare, the largest city in the south of Rwanda, according to official sources. According to Aloysia Nyiransabimana, vice mayor in charge of Social Affairs in Butare, since she was appointed to this post 7 months ago, four women have been arrested and put in jail for having got rid of their babies.
"These babies are thrown into the streets by some home baby sitters who cannot afford to feed them and by women who failed to meet the family planning requirements, " said Justin Habyarimana, coordinator of the Buseni cell, district of Butare. Among those jailed, two were home baby sitters.
In Butare, home baby sitters receive a pittance of about 5, 000 Rwandan Francs ($ 9). "With less than ten dollars a month, no home baby sitter can raise a child," said one of them met at her workplace.
According to Justin Habyarimana, "some of these home baby sitters are made pregnant by their bosses." Most of the cases he handles are incidents between home baby sitters and their bosses. "They abuse them in exchange for money," angrily said Nyemba Josephine, a psychologist from Tumba (a neglected suburban area of Butare), responsible for the psychosocial treatment of these women.
"When they give birth, some of these girls throw away their babies, they do so with the hope that their babies might end up in the hands of a "good samaritan" who could take care of them in an orphanage center, instead of starving at home," she said.
"Most of the Rwandan families live on less than a dollar a day, a situation that leads many women to throw away their children," added Josephine Nyemba. She trains about 300 families belonging to the Restoration Church, the Awakening Church. Besides poverty, girls are also afraid of being rejected by the Rwandan society and tarnishing their chances of getting married.
"In our culture, boys do not marry girls who have a child out of wedlock," said Jean Paul Maniraho, journalist at Salus, a private radio from the University of Butare.
Monitoring pregnant women
Eugenia Wamaguro, a woman from Tumba, shyly speaking in front of her home baby sitter, nicely said: "getting pregnant is not a fatality, it would therefore be better for these girls to keep their children”.
“To encourage home baby sitters to keep their children, we do a door- to-door training to explain that a home baby sitter’s child may grow up to become one day the President of Rwanda,” said Rachid Kabundi, a social health care worker at the community healthcare center of the National University of Rwanda.
"We make it clear that from now on, any woman who hides her pregnancy to the public will be brought to justice."Similarly, in rural areas where numerous large families live with increasing poverty, the local authorities have recently strengthened the enforcement of pregnant women monitoring.
In every community healthcare center, it has been three years now, that two healthcare workers have been instructed to monitor pregnant women for their entire pregnancy period. "Since the beginning of this year, we teach them how to plan their family size according to their financial means," said Rachid Kabundi. "Women are required to attend the prenatal clinics in order to be seen by the public.
This strategy is some how bearing fruits: No case of child abandonment has been reported so far these past two months," confirmed Aloysia Nyiransabimana, Deputy Mayor for Social Affairs in Butare.
Two women who have thrown away their babies are currently languishing in jail. "This is a penalty aimed at discouraging other women,” said Aloysia Nyiransabimana. However, these drastic measures will not solve the problem, which is mainly linked to the extreme poverty.
For Justin Habyarimana, "home baby sitters should form a civil rights association to better defend their rights."Note:This article was especially written by Nekwa Makwala of www.infobascongo on behalf of Great Lakes Syfia/Rwanda during his recent visit to Rwanda in Butare.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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Watch those hutu street children known as mayibobu. Terrifying scene among many others.
Poverty levels have increased dramatically in Rwanda, the health-care and education systems have collapsed, and the economic infrastructure has been shattered. Conflict in Rwanda continues to have enormous destabilizing effects on all the neighboring countries, including the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Tanzania, and Uganda. Hutus, the majority of the Rwandan population are secretely killed day after day. There is an urgent need for diologue, justice, peace, security, and poverty reduction.
European Descent care so much for the people in an African country.***
After Justice is done, Rwandans will choose the best way of handling the bloody dictator's case.
Vous avez demandé la météo de Ségolène Royal.lapresidentielle.info vous propose en exclusivité son calcul de popularité de Ségolène Royal.
Ce graphique est recalculé chaque jour.Voici comment évolue la notoriété de Ségolène Royal - Parti Socialiste
Cet histogramme évolue en fonction du nombre d'articles, interviews, et autres documents présents sur le Net consacrés à Ségolène Royal, et aussi en fonction de l'actualité.
En pleine mobilisation des enseignants-chercheurs, un texte du professeur de sciences politiques Alain Garrigou, titré "Sarkozy et l'université – la revanche personnelle d'un cancre", s'est taillé un certain succès sur la blogosphère. Publié par le site de la Fondation Copernic et Mediapart, il y explique la "petite guerre" livrée par le chef de l'Etat aux scientifiques et aux universitaires par ses études "assez médiocres".
Il rappelle ainsi que Nicolas Sarkozy a étudié à l'IEP de Paris mais n'en a pas obtenu le diplôme, exhume un document montrant qu'il a obtenu de justesse son certificat d'aptitude à la profession d'avocat, et, principale nouveauté, jette le doute sur l'obtention de son DEA de sciences politiques, suivi à Paris X-Nanterre durant l'année scolaire 1978-1979, alors que la biographie présidentielle, sur le site de l'Elysée, précise, sans toutefois le dater, que le diplôme a été obtenu "avec mention".
D'accord, pas d'accord ? Réagissez à l'article que vous venez de lire. Abonnez-vous au Monde.fr : 6€ par mois + 30 jours offerts
Alain Garrigou, qui enseigne à Nanterre depuis 1992 , indique y avoir entendu des anciens dire que Nicolas Sarkozy avait été "collé". Peu avant l'élection présidentielle de 2007, le professeur de sciences politiques a sollicité le président de l'université, qui a fait état d'un document attestant du diplôme.
"Mais il y a quelques mois, je suis allé cherché ce qui constituerait une véritable preuve : le procès-verbal de délibération [du jury], dans les archives de l'université, auxquelles je n'ai normalement pas accès", explique-t-il. Il y a trouvé le PV de la première session (reproduit ci-dessus), où on lit que M. Sarkozy avait obtenu en séminaires les notes de 15, 17 et 16, mais n'avait pas passé l'épreuve écrite, ni le mémoire – comme beaucoup d'autres élèves. "Mais le PV de la deuxième session, en février 1980, est le seul qui manque sur quarante années d'existence du DEA", assure M. Garrigou.
UNE MENTION "ASSEZ BIEN"
Contactés par Le Monde.fr, plusieurs enseignants du DEA se sont déclarés dans l'incapacité de dire si Nicolas Sarkozy avait oui ou non obtenu son diplôme. Hugues Portelli, alors professeur à Paris X, devenu depuis sénateur UMP, se souvient d'une conversation lors de la campagne présidentielle avec l'universitaire Pierre Avril et Nicolas Sarkozy : le premier se rémémorait avoir été le directeur de thèse du second. Pierre Avril précise de son côté que le chef de l'Etat avait en effet projeté une thèse sur les barons du gaullisme, mais y avait renoncé après son élection à la mairie de Neuilly, en 1983.
Il ajoute avoir été membre du jury de mémoire de DEA de Nicolas Sarkozy, "avec René Rémond", ancien président de l'université et directeur du mémoire. Une précision qui surprend M. Garrigou et l'université, qui n'exclut pas une confusion avec René de Lacharièrre, alors enseignant du DEA. Pierre Avril se souvient en tout cas que "Nicolas Sarkozy avait obtenu une très bonne note".
L'université a de son côté indiqué au Monde.fr, après recherches, que Nicolas Sarkozy a en fait obtenu son diplôme à la session d'octobre-novembre 1980, en conservant le bénéfice de ses notes de séminaires de l'année précédente, et avec 6 à l'examen écrit, et 16 au mémoire. Soit une moyenne de 14, correspondant à la mention "assez bien".
Alain Garrigou souligne que pour terminer son diplôme l'année suivante, il faut obtenir une dérogation, "ce qui n'arrive que dans des cas exceptionnels"... L'université indique pour sa part que ce n'est pas si rare. Et a publié un communiqué sur l'affaire, vendredi 6 mars.
Claire Ané
Only because she happens to be a Hutu
Rape is criminal, humiliating and disgusting. Let Goddess punish Culprits.
The picture shows the success of the the joint forces Congolese and Rwandan operation. The criminal armed groups CNDP and Rasta fighting alongside their sponsor are now integrated in the FARDC raping, hacking of hutu and congolese villigers, blowing up and burning every single property owing to the hutu community.
The world knows nothing of these women suffering. Their stories have never been told. They suffer and die in silence.
Since October 1st, 1990, Paul Kagame uses rape as weapon of war. In Rwanda, hutu women are still systematically kipnapped, tortured and raped by RDF and LDF. We won't remind you how often these women are gangraped by the UN peacekeepers and Congolese soldiers. And to "balance" the information, criminal media accuse FDLR for having participated in this horror of mass rape of their wives and daughters.
The recent widespread raping of hutu women and girls in Eastern Congo was condoned by RDF and CNDP in their war against the FDLR.
Coffee work force or slavery practices in Rwanda
Rwanda is a source country for women and children trafficked for the purposes of forced labor and sexual exploitation. Hutu girls are trafficked within the country for domestic servitude, as well as for commercial sexual exploitation by loosely organized prostitution networks. Small numbers of children from Rwanda’s Eastern Province are trafficked to Uganda for work on tea plantations for use in commercial sexual exploitation. U.S. State Dept Trafficking in Persons Report, June, 2008
As they became landless, Hutu women became enslaved by the Tutsi ruling government in multiple coffee and thee plantations. Watch them waking with coffees pans. The way of boosting the Rwandese economy after the world cut off their aid to Rwandan criminals. => Modern-Day slavery.
We continue to raise questions about Paul Kagame and RPF Impunity. Inside Rwanda, this shameful practice became a routine to humiliate Hutu women and Tutsis women who got Hutu husbands. Rwanda remains the most dangerous place in the world for hutu women and girls.
Rape and other RPF crimes STILL go unpunished in Rwanda. "The Tutsi [Rwandan] soldiers accused me of being the wife of an FDLR combatant, just because I'm Hutu," said one woman who was raped by a Rwandan army soldier in Remeka.
"After they raped me, they burned my house", saying that it was the house of an FDLR. "I was pregnant, but there's no more movement in my womb. I think I have lost my first child," says the crying hutu woman. in The world cannot say again that it had no idea of the scope of this disaster.
February 13th press release from Human Rights Watch (HRW).
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Impunity prevails in Rwanda
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© Survivors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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4 March 2009
http://www.allthingspass.com/
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I recently received a phone call from an Australian man who identified himself as an investigator for the prosecutor at the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague, Netherlands.
The investigator and his colleague had read my story, “Merchant’s of Death: Exposing Corporate Financed Holocaust in Africa,” and they wanted my cooperation to provide more detailed evidence about the warlords behind the massacres at Bogoro, Congo, described briefly in my story.
After some weeks of back and forth discussions and me revisiting notes and photos to see what I had, I sent them an email at the definitive moment, when they were hoping to receive a brief “dossier” about the specific case—which they said “had generated a lot of interest” at the ICC—and I shared my uncertainty about the ethics of collaborating with an “International Criminal Court” that was only indicting black Africans.
I indicated my concern for the witness ‘Sandrine’, a young girl discussed in my story who named names of commanders, dates of executions, and who herself used a machete in an ethnic massacre and was raped by militiamen. I noted that witnesses identified for the Rwandan Tribunal (ICTR) had been murdered or mysteriously disappeared, and noted my awareness of the injustice of the Tribunals for Yugoslavia and Rwanda, and the disconcerting trajectory of the ICC.
I told them I couldn’t in good conscience help them, it seemed, until the ICC arrested some of the white-collar war criminals running loose around the world. It was the right decision, in light of the recent ICC indictments against another black man, and an Arab at that. It was a very stupid career move, some one else remarked.
On 4 March 2009 the ICC prosecutors announced that they were at last issuing the long threatened but first ever indictments against a sitting head of state, Omar al-Bashir, the Arab President of Sudan.
Meanwhile, Somali ‘pirates’ off East Africa recently freed a Ukrainian ship with a Panamanian registration, a Ukrainian crew and flag of Belize: The freighter carried tanks, rockets and munitions destined for Darfur, and it is owned by an Israeli ‘businessman’ and reputed MOSSAD operative named Vadim Alperin.
It is difficult to make sense of the war in Darfur—especially when people see it as a one-sided “genocide” of Arabs against blacks that is being committed by the Bashir ‘regime’—but such is the establishment propaganda. The real story is much more expansive, more complex, and it revolves around some relatively unknown but shady characters.
What follows is a short and imperfect summary of some of the deeper geopolitical realities behind the struggle for Sudan.
THE POLITICS OF WAR CRIMES
First note that the ICC can now be viewed as a tool of hegemonic U.S. foreign policy, where the weapons deployed by the U.S. and its allies include the accusations of, and indictments for, human rights violations, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
To understand this, we can ask why no white man has yet been charged with these or other offenses at the ICC which now holds five black African “warlords” and seeks to incarcerate and bring to trial another black man, also an Arab, Omar Bashir. Why hasn’t George W. Bush been indicted? Or what about Donald Rumsfeld? Dick Cheney? Henry Kissinger? Ehud Olmert? Tony Blair? Vadim Alperin? John Bredenkamp?
Following on the heals of the announcement that the ICC handed down seven war crimes charges against al-Bashir, a story broadcast over all the Western media system and into every American living room by day’s end, President al-Bashir ordered the expulsion of ten international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operating in Darfur under the pretense of being purely ‘humanitarian’ organizations.
What has not anywhere in the English press been reported is that the United States of America has just stepped up its ongoing war for control of Sudan and her resources: petroleum, copper, gold, uranium, fertile plantation lands for sugar and gum Arabic (essential to Coke, Pepsi and Ben & Jerry’s ice cream).
This war has been playing out on the ground in Darfur through so-called ‘humanitarian’ NGOs, private military companies, ‘peacekeeping’ operations and covert military operations backed by the U.S. and its closest allies.
However, the U.S. war for Sudan has always revolved around ‘humanitarian’ operations purportedly neutral and presumably concerned only about protecting innocent human livesthat often provide cover for clandestine destabilizing activities and interventions.Americans need to recognize that the Administration of President Barack Obama has begun to step up war for control of Sudan in keeping with the permanent warfare agenda of both Republicans and Democrats.
The current destabilization of Sudan mirrors the illegal covert guerrilla war carried out in Rwandaalso launched and supplied from Ugandafrom October 1990 to July 1994. The Rwandan Defense Forces (then called the Rwandan Patriotic Army) led by Major General Paul Kagame achieved the U.S. objective of a coup d’etat in Rwanda through that campaign, and President Kagame has been a key interlocutor in the covert warfare underway in Darfur, Sudan.During the Presidency of George W. Bush the U.S. Government was involved with the intelligence apparatus of the Government of Sudan (GoS).
At the same time, other U.S. political and corporate factions were pressing for a declaration of genocide against the GoS. Now, given the shift of power and the appointment of top Clinton officials formerly involved in covert operations in Rwanda, Uganda, Congo and Sudan during the Clinton years, pressure has been applied to heighten the campaign to destabilize the GoS, portrayed as a ‘terrorist” Arab regime, but an entity operating outside the U.S.-controlled banking system.The former campaign saw overt military action with the U.S. military missile attacks against the Al-Shifa Pharmaceutical factory in Sudan (1998): this was an international war crime by the Clinton Administration and it involved officials now in power.
The complex geopolitical struggle to control Sudan manifests through the flashpoint war for Darfur and it involves such diverse factions as the Lord’s Resistance Army, backed by Khartoum, which is also connected to the wars in the Congo and northern Uganda. Chad is involved, Eritrea and Ethiopia, Germany, the Central African Republic, Libya, France, Israel, China, Taiwan, South Africa and Rwanda.
There are U.S. special forces on the ground in the frontline states of Chad, Uganda, Ethiopia, Kenya, and the big questions are: [1] How many of the killings are being committed by U.S. proxy forces and blamed on al-Bashir and the GoS? And [2] who funds, arms and trains the rebel insurgents?
UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVASTATION
Rebels? Insurgents? The drumbeat of western propaganda portrays the conflict as a one-sided affair: a “genocidal counter-insurgency by the GoS”—in the words of Eric Reeves—versus the good Samaritans of the ‘humanitarian’ NGO community… and throw in a few (non-descript) rebels.“Sudan ordered at least 10 humanitarian groups expelled from Darfur on Wednesday after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for the country's president,” wrote Associated Press reporter Ellen M. Lederer.
“Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said the action ‘represents a serious setback to lifesaving operations in Darfur’ and urged Sudan to reverse its decision, U.N. deputy spokeswoman Marie Okabe said.”However, when Ban Ki-moon met with Rwandan strongman Paul Kagame recently, he never called for Kagame’s arrest, no matter the findings of two international courts of law that have issued indictments against top RPA officials.
Instead Ban Ki-moon praised Kagame and called for African countries to hunt down and arrest Hutu people purportedly involved in the now specious ‘genocide’ in Rwanda in 1994.The non-governmental aid groups ordered out of Darfur by President al-Bashir on March 4 were Oxfam, CARE, MSF-Holland, Mercy Corps, Save the Children, the Norwegian Refugee Council, the International Rescue Committee, Action Contre la Faim, Solidarites and CHF International.
Of course, the western media is all over the expulsion of any big ‘humanitarian’ moneymaker from Darfur the moral outrage is so thick you can almost wipe it.
The NGOs and the press that peddles their images of suffering babes complain that hundreds of thousands of innocent refugees will now be subjected to massive unassisted suffering—as opposed to the assisted suffering they previously faced—but never asks with any serious and honest zeal, why and how the displaced persons and refugees came to be displaced or homeless to begin with.
Neither do they ask about all the money, intelligence sharing, deal making, and collaboration with private or governmental military agencies.Large ‘humanitarian’ NGOs (and ‘conservation’ NGOs) operate as de facto multinational corporations revolving around massive private profits and human suffering.
In places like the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda and Darfur these NGOs also provide infrastructure, logistical and intelligence collaboration that supports U.S. military and government agendas in the region. Most are aligned with big foundations, corporate sponsors and USAID—itself a close and long-time partner for interventions with AFRICOM and the Pentagon.
Refugees and displaced populations are strategic tools of statecraft and foreign policy just as ‘humanitarian’ NGOs consistently use food as a weapon and populations as human shields. The history of the U.S. covert war in South Sudan is rich with examples of the SPLA and its ‘humanitarian’ partners, especially Christian ‘charities’, committing such war crimes and crimes against humanity. (See: keith harmon snow, “Oil in Darfur? Special Ops in Somalia?” Global Research, 7 February 2007).
A peak at the board of directors of Save the Children makes it clear why the U.S. media is so devoid of truth about Darfur.Similarly, the International Rescue Committee does not work with refugees, per se, but serves as a policy and pressure group involved in funneling private profits from the west back to the west.
The IRC has also been cited for involvement in military operations in the Democratic Republic of Congo and it has deep ties to people like Henry Kissinger. The AID (read: misery) industry in Sudan was by the mid-1990’s the largest so-called‘humanitarian’ enterprise on the planet, Operation Lifeline Sudan (OLS)—a form of managed inequality and a temporary and mobile economy of white privilege, adventurism and, of course, good will (sic).
The misery industry shifted its focus from South Sudan to Darfur after a pseudopeace ‘treaty’ was organized to end the decades old war between the SPLA and GoS; the U.S. and Israel backed the SPLA from 1990 onward, and continue to do so at present. The result of more than 12 years of illegal U.S. covert low-intensity warfare in Sudan resulted in the creation of the independent and sovereign state of South Sudan in circa 2005 a state dominated by Jewish and Christian faith-based interests and western multinational corporations.
Much of the AID infrastructure in Sudan has at one time or another been used as a weapon through the use of human shields, food deliveries to refugee populations inseparable from insurgents, and shipments of weapons by ‘humanitarian’ NGOs. This is both incidental and deliberate policy.
Christian ‘relief’ NGOs played a huge role in supporting the covert western insurgency in South Sudan. One notable ‘humanitarian’ NGO involved in weapons deliveries was the Norwegian People’s Aid (known affectionately in the field as the Norwegian People’s Army).
In Darfur, Sudan, the U.S. government agenda is to win control of natural resources and lever the Arab government into a corner and, at last, establish a more ‘friendly’ government that will suit the corporate interests of the United States, Canada, Europe, Australia and Israel.Several major think tanks—read: propaganda, lobbying and pressure behind the destabilization of Sudan include the Foundation for the Defense of Democracy, Center for American Progress, Center for Security Policy, International Rescue Committee and International Crises Group.
Individuals from seemingly diverse positions of the political and ideological spectrum run these organizations, which are ultra-nationalist capitalist organizations bent on global military-economic domination.The former Clinton officials most heavily focused on the destabilization of Sudan include: Susan Rice, Madeleine Albright, Roger Winter, Prudence Bushnell, Hillary Clinton, John Podesta, Anthony Lake and John Prendergast.
Carr Center for Human Rights co-founder Samantha Power, now on the Obama National Security Council, has helped to whitewash clandestine U.S. involvement in Sudan.John Prendergast has continued to peddle disinformation disguised as policy and human rights concerns through the International Crisis Group (ICG), and through its many clone organizations like ENOUGH, ONE and RAISE HOPE FOR CONGO.
Prendergast has been a pivotal agent behind the hi-jacking of U.S. public concern and action through the disingenuous (and discredited) SAVE DARFUR movement.Other notable agents of disinformation on Sudan include Alex de Waal and Smith College Professor Eric Reeves. It is through these and other conduits to the corporate U.S. media that the story of ‘genocide’ in Sudan is cast as an Africa-Arab affair devoid of western interests.
In 1992, human rights researchers Rakiya Omaar and Alex de Waal established the London-based NGO African Rights.
In August 1995, African Rights published Rwanda: Death, Despair and Defiance, one of many pivotal ‘human rights’ reports that falsely represented events in Rwanda, set the stage for victor’s justice at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, and began the process of dehumanizing millions of Hutu people and protecting the true terrorists: Yoweri Museveni, Paul Kagame, the Rwandan Patriotic Army, and their western backers.
THE MAN FOR A NEW SUDAN
The pivotal intelligence asset working on the ground in Sudan to destabilize and overthrow the Government of Sudan (GoS) is Roger Winter profiled very disingenuously in the seven-page New York Times Magazine feature story of 15 June 2008.Interestingly, “The Man For A New Sudan” story—an establishment whitewash of the involvement of the U.S. military-intelligence establishment in Sudan was written by Eliza Griswold, a ‘Fellow’ with the New America Foundation, a left-leaning think tank and pressure group with a very confused ideological but nationalist-militaristic position.
(The NAF is obviously dependent on U.S. foundation funding, and it reveals no apparent policy formulations of substance on the Great Lakes or Horn of Africa, conflicts for which they remain completely silent).“When Roger Winter’s single-engine Cessna Caravan touched down near the Sudanese town of Abyei on Easter morning, a crowd of desperate men swamped the plane,” Griswold wrote.
“Some came running over the rough red airstrip. Others crammed into a microbus that barreled toward the 65-year-old Winter as he climbed down the plane’s silver ladder. Some Sudanese call Winter ‘uncle’; others call him ‘commander’.”Winter’s special post at the State Department was created specifically for him and his ‘work’ in Sudan.
Why do Sudanese people in South Sudan call Roger Winter ‘commander’?Roger Winter is the primary conduit for the ongoing covert destabilization of Sudan. His operations are run primarily out of Uganda, with the terrorist government of Yoweri Museveni providing support through the Uganda People’s Defense Forces (UPDF) alliance with the Sudan People’s Liberation Army (SPLA).
The SPLA is the de facto backbone of the Sudan Liberation Army, one of the main so-called ‘rebel’ factions involved in Darfur; the SPLA provides military and logistics support to Uganda from the Pentagon through unknown channels, but most likely involving the nearby Pentagon client states of Ethiopia, Kenya, Tanzania, Chad and Eritrea.
The primary Ugandan agents supporting the U.S. war in Darfur have always been, and remain, Brigadier General James Kazini, a nephew of Ugandan dictator Museveni and the chief of staff of the Ugandan People’s Defense Forces (UPDF); General Salim Saleh, half-brother of Museveni; and President Yoweri Museveni himself.
One of the main protagonists in the Darfur conflict is the current military regime in Rwanda, whose troops have been involved in Darfur under the guise of an ‘independent’ and ‘peacekeeping’ operation under the African Union ‘peacekeeping’ umbrella back by Nato and private military companies.
Little known and widely misunderstood is the role of the United States and its proxies, the UPDF and the RPA, in committing massive crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide during the Rwandan conflagration, 1990 to 1994. Prior to the RPA invasion of Rwanda (from Uganda) in October 1990, the RPA and Rwandan Tutsi Diaspora had publications like Impuruza, published in the United States between 1984 and 1994 (when the RPA achieved the coup d’etat against Rwandan President Habyarimana).
Tutsi refugees joined Roger Winter, who was at the time the Director of the United States Committee for Refugees, to help fund the publication. The editor, Alexander Kimenyi, is a Rwandan national and a professor at California State University. Like most RPA publications Impuruza circulated clandestinely in Rwanda amongst Hutu and Tutsi elite and it peddled a genocidal ideology against Hutu people.
The Association of Banyarwanda in Diaspora USA, assisted by Roger Winter, organized the International Conference on the Status of Banyarwanda [Tutsi] Refugees in Washington, DC in 1988, and this is where a military solution to the Tutsi problem was chosen. The U.S. Committee for Refugees reportedly provided accommodation and transportation.
THE DEVIL CAME IN A HELIOCOPTER
Roger Winter was one of the primary architects of the RPA guerrilla war, organized fromWashington in 1989, that has led to the loss of more than ten or twelve million lives in the Great Lakes of Africa since 1990.
Winter acted as a spokesman for the RPF and their allies, and he appeared as a guest on major U.S. television networks such as PBS and CNN. New Yorker writer Philip Gourevitch and Roger Winter made contacts on behalf of the RPA with American media, particularly the Washington Post, New York Times and Time magazine.Roger Winter moved through Rwanda during the RPA invasion and worked the front lines of the covert war as a key Pentagon and U.S. State Department asset in collaboration with the Kagame RPA operation of terror.
From 1990 to 1994, Winter traveled back and forth from the RPA controlled zone to Washington D.C., where he briefed and coordinated activities and support with U.S. military, intelligence and government officials.Roger Winter is intimate with USAID, and a long-time ally of Susan Rice, former Assistant Secretary of State on African Affairs (1997-2001), Special Assistant to President Clinton (1995-1997), and National Security Council insider (1993-1997).
Susan Rice is the Obama Administration’s Ambassador to the United Nations and staunch enemy of Omar al-Bashir. Roger Winter is also a staunch supporter of U.S. Rep. Donald Payne, one of the leading U.S. Democrats who has pressing for action to “stop genocide” in Darfur, Sudan.
Payne sponsored the Darfur Genocide Accountability Act and he was arrested in June 2001, along with John Eibner,director of Christian Solidarity International, for protesting against the GoS. Christian Solidarity International has a very subversive relationship to ‘peace’ and ‘religion’ in Sudan, and they have been one of the frontrunner organizations peddling the accusations of slavery by the al-Bashir government, in particular; a highly contested and controversial issue generally inflated and manipulated by fundamentalist Jewish and Christian NGOs and missionary organizations, like Christian Solidarity International, Samaritan’s Purse, Servant’s Heart, and Freedom Quest International, that operate in Sudan.
“Roger Winter was the chief logistic boss for [RPA] Tutsis as early as mid-1990,” says Ugandan human rights expert Remigius Kintu, “and until their victory in 1994 they were operating from 1717 Massachusetts Avenue NW in Washington, D.C. Roger Winter told a [name deleted] South Sudanese exile at the time [1994]: ‘I have now stabilized Rwanda and will turn my full attention to Sudan’.
Winter subsequently closed up shop in Rwanda and based himself in Kampala working on Sudan. A few years later, Darfur exploded and with Winter's manipulations, Rwanda was the first to send troops into that troubled area. From my sources, the Rwanda Defense Forces [working under the African Union umbrella] have killed civilians and brought in their media experts to pile the blame on Sudanese government troops.”
This is exactly what the Kagame and Museveni terror apparatus has done in Uganda, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Much of the terror operations of the UPDF/RPF in Rwanda in the 1990’s were covered up by Human Rights Watch experts Alison Des Forges (d. February 2009) and Timothy Longman, Associate Prof. of Africana Studies and Political Science at Vassar College.Similarly, throughout the long war in south Sudan, and now in Darfur, the atrocities committed by the U.S.-backed factions were/are downplayed, dismissed or ignored, while those committed by competing factions are amplified and spotlighted.
Also, following the pattern of UPDF and RPA criminal activities—such as massacres committed under disguise and/or attributed to the ‘enemy’— for which there is now a long history of documentation, and given the lack of any true independent evaluation, there is no telling who actually committed the massacres always blamed on the GoS or ‘Janjaweed’ militias.
One Sudanese professional from the south told me recently that it was not the Government of Sudan but rather the UPDF and SPLA who were arming the Janjaweed the so-called Arab militias accused of wanton killing in an Arab-against-Black genocide. (This Arab-on-black genocide has been widely discredited.
Professor Timothy Longman and Alison Des Forges co-produced the fat treatise on ‘genocide’ in Rwanda, Leave None to Tell the Story, published in 1999. Longman and Des Forges produced numerous documents—based on field investigations in Congo (Zaire), Rwanda and Burundi, from 1995 to 2008—touted as independent and unbiased human rights reports but always skewed by hidden interests.
Both Longman and Des Forges had relationships with the U.S. Department ofState, National Security Council and Pentagon, both were regular consultants with USAID, and they certainly worked with Roger Winter, the Pentagon’s secret weapon in Sudan.On 25 September 2008, a Ukrainian freighter was seized by ‘pirates’ off the coast of Somalia and was held until a ransom of $3.2 million was paid on 5 February 2009. (Somali fishermen disenfranchised by international dumping of toxic {and possibly nuclear} wastes off Somalia are labeled ‘pirates’ when they fight for their rights and freedoms).
The MV Faina is registered in Belize, owned by a company registered in Panama and piloted by Ukrainians. The MV Faina carried 33 Soviet T-72 battle tanks, grenade-launchers, anti-aircraft guns and ammunition en route to Mombassa, Kenya, the Pentagon’s primary base on the east coast of Africa.The U.S. Navy’s 5th Fleet monitored the Ukrainian ship during the four-month standoff, with the MV Faina pinned down by at least six U.S. and four European warships.
The ship’s owner is Israeli national Vadim Alperin (alias Vadim Oltrena Alperin), said to be a MOSSAD agent involved with clandestine activities through offshore front companies and money laundering. The ship was unloaded in Mombassa on February 12, and the weapons are destined for Juba, South Sudan.
There are reports that weaponry also included tank munitions heads sporting deadly depleteduranium and that the final recipients are the Israeli-backed Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) ‘rebels’ in Darfur.
Sudan has previously accused Israel of supporting ‘rebels’ in the Darfur war.International arms syndicates and dealers routinely transfer ‘Soviet-era’ arms for international organized crime, including covert military operations involving proxy militias and national governments in Sudan, Uganda, Congo, Somalia, Ethiopia, Kenya and Rwanda.
© Keith harmon snow
***
The oil-for-food, theth, kickbacks scandals to the Genocide against Hutus in the UN history.
***
The number of these child soldiers (kadogo) is impressive.
***
As of 9 December 1995, 1,711 children who are believed to be hutu children were under arrest then sent to the Congo, accounting for nearly 2 per cent of the entire prison population, which is considerable. It is estimated at approximately 4,820.
Many hutu children who survived the hostilities, and in particular the massacres by RPF in Kigali and in the north-western region of Rwanda, witnessed the cruelties and atrocities perpetrated against their parents, men, women and other children. Many of these children were too young, too sick, or too traumatized to fight against their parents exiled in the Congo during the exodus.
This dismal and terrible spectacle certainly affected and traumatized these children. They were powerless witnesses of the torture and massacre of their parents, relatives or friends. Unfortunately, the current regime has destroyed all figures relating to the number of those mayibobu street children who were victims of the massacres. Many of these hutu children were separated from their parents and given to the Tutsi families. Later, they were sent again to the Congo where they were recruited by RCD and CNDP rebellions, Rebellions financially supported by Rwanda to fight and loot mineral ressources in the Congo.
What is certain is that many of them died in appalling circumstances. Some babies had their throats cut and others were hurled against walls in the presence of their parents before the latter were themselves executed. Some children were even killed by their parents under threat from RPF rebellion and later 1995, 1996 and 1998 by APR/RDF. On 31 December 1995, there were 47,000 street children known as Mayibobu or unaccompanied hutu children.
On the other hand, the panel's draft report contradicts repeated denials by Rwanda's President Paul Kagame that his government has supported the Tutsi-led rebellion in neighbouring DR Congo in any way.
The report was drawn up by the panel of experts established to investigate breaches of an international arms embargo against Rwanda but this has never happen.
Among its findings were claims that 150 Rwandans, including 29 children, were repatriated to their home country between Jan 2007 and Oct 2008 by the UN's mission in Congo.
Most had been recruited in Rwanda and most had fought or served in Mr Nkunda's National Congress for the Liberation of the People (CNDP), the rebel army whose recent advances have forced 250,000 Congolese civilians to flee their homes.
"According to the debriefing of a dozen of these recruits, there have been incidents indicating complicity by the Rwandan authorities in their recruitment," the draft report said.
It also stated that Rwanda had supplied military equipment to Mr Nkunda's forces and allowed his movement to deposit money in Rwandan banks.
A source close to the panel of experts told The Daily Telegraph that the report presented some "inconvenient truths" to UN member states including Britain.
"It will be interesting to see how they act," the source said.
The countries France, Belgian, Great Bretain and US representatives at the UN did nothing rather condemning and blaming 4 Hutus (FDLR members) for having used child-sodiers. Shame on them. What shames these contries is that the corrupt man Bernard Kouchner might asked this resolution. Their credibility is actually in serious doubt.
How could Hutus getting blaimed for having used Kadogo to kill their own relatives? Up to now, there is no arms embargo against Paul kagame and his RPF criminal organization on targeted sanctions lists. On this list, we onfortunatelly see the FDLR accused for having used Kadogo children!
Rwanda's foreign minister, Rosemary Museminali, on Thursday again denied that her government, which has received more than £525 million of British aid over the last five years, the largest per capita amount in Africa, supported the Congolese rebel leader.
© Survivors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Bonn, le 2 mars 2009
"Ménager la chèvre et le choux : ainsi pourrait-on caractériser les "mémoires" du professeur belge qui pourtant n'a pas l'âge habituel pour un tel exercice". => Helmut Strizek
****
Filip Reyntjens démontre qu'il n'a jamais approuvé l'agression du FPR le 1er octobre 1990 et qu'il n'a jamais "roulé" pour le FPR. Le problème n'est pas là. Peu de personnes ont émis de tels soupçons. Par ce constat il veut faire avaler plus facilement une pilule très amère par le public. Il veut éviter une réponse à la question importante de savoir si son combat sans merci contre le "système Habyarimana" - prolongé plus tard au gouvernement intérimaire - n'a pas contribué à la victoire militaire du FPR.
Sa défense farouche de l'hypothèse de la planification du génocide anti-tutsi par des "extrémistes hutu" exprimé déjà en janvier 1993 avant le départ du Rwanda de la Commission Des Forges et al. et propagé par lui depuis, a sans doute contribué à la consolidation du système Kagame après juillet 1994.
Renytjens défend dans son livre son implication dans "la mise au monde" des informations concernant les "escadrons de la mort". Même aujourd'hui il considère encore crédible le rapport de cette commission publié en mars 1993 qui se fonde dans une large mesure sur ces informations. L'affirmation de l'existence d'un tel système a sauvé le FPR après l'offensive de février 1993. Sans un tel prétexte le risque pour le FPR de perdre le soutien de la communauté international eétait grand.
Reyntjens a toujours fait confiance à son ami Frodouald Karamira quand celui-ci a collaboré avec le FPR et combattu Habyarimana. Mais quand Karamira a dénoncé les vrais objectifs du FPR après l'assassinat de Melchior Ndadaye le 21 octobre 1993, Reyntjens s'est rallié sans hésitation à la propagande répandue par le FPR le qualifiant de raciste pro-hutu. (Reyntjens n'informe même pas ses lecteurs que Karamira a exigé p o w e r pour les partis réunis dans la coalition gouvernementale et non pas pour "les hutu" en général.)
Pendant la guerre de 1994 et de longues années après Reyntjens a agi comme "le procureur contre les 'extrémistes hutu' " au détriment du chercheur sine ira et studio.
Reyntjens reconnaît quelques parti-pris osés de "l'acteur" mais défend en général ses prises de position. Il dit qu'il les a prises sans connaissance des massacres perpétrés par le FPR - pourtant Alain De Brouwer lui avait transmis déjà quelques indications (voir p. 88).
Même si l'on accepte qu'il a cru honnêtement qu'il s'agissait de la propagande relayé par les "extrémistes" il devrait être exclu d'affirmer en 2009 qu'on aurait pu "éviter la reprise des combats par le FPR" en neutralisant les "éléments de l'armée rwandaise et des milices" par la Minuar et d'autres troupes présentes dans la région." Militairement c'est toujours valable mais aujourd'hui on ne peut plus se faire des illusions que l'immolation des tutsi faisait partie intégrante de la stratégie du FPR et des planificateurs de sa victoire militaire.
Comme René Lemarchand dans son dernier livre malheureux "The Dynamics of Violence in Central Africa" (Philadelphia 2008) Reyntjens n'ose pas aborder le vrai problème de la catastrophe de la région des Grands Lacs Africains à savoir les visées politiques du "réseau Clinton/Albright et Co."
Tous les deux n'ont pas le courage de fouiller ce terrain miné.
A mon avis Reyntjens aurait dû stopper la publication de ce livre après le jugement du TPIR rendu public le 18 décembre 2008 déclarant nul et non avenu la planification du génocide contre les tutsi par des gens désignés par lui comme masterminds de ce crime.
C'est à Alison Des Forges dont le triste décès survenu le 12 février 2009 est douloureusement à regretter, que revient le mérite d'avoir reconnu ce fait sans détour. Sa déclaration faite auprès du New York Times du 19 décembre 2008 a surpis plus d'un et est devenue entre-temps une sorte de testament politique :
„The exclusion of the conspiracy charge against the men is a blow to Rwandan officials, said Alison Desforges of Human Rights Watch, because it undercuts their argument that the genocide was not a one-time event but the inevitable product of an anti-Tutsi atmosphere dating from the colonial era. ‚It brings us back to reality and says this genocide was a discrete historical event related to a specific set of circumstances’ , Ms. Desforges said.“
Reyntjens n'a pas saisi l'occasion d'un tel événement pour réfléchir à nouveau sur ce texte. Il l'a publié tel quel et on est obligé de confirmer son constat: "Je conclus en concédant que j'ai probablement été trop complaisant pour moi-même dans ce petit livre".
© Helmut Strizek
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Genocide charges planed by the autocratic regime in Rwanda are gathered through African Rights, its main criminal organization
****
How could you back criminals like Paul Kagame?
Stop the Killers.
Stop the bloodshed in Rwanda
Keep these horror weapons out of RPF fanatics
Rakia Omar and her likes constantly call for our extemination. If we just voice our disapproval, maybe they'll have a change of heart. You are told you MUST believe them and this has been repeated ad nauseum.
****
Help the holocaust survivors. Please open your eyes! The Genocide against Hutus is underway in 2009 carried out by those you're supporting: Paul Kagame and his RPF. How can we let our voices be heard? We will never, ever stop asking questions why, and why we are dying. The Tutsi government is exterminating us in your eyes and you keep it shut. Why? Why? Why?
****
What is happening in the Congo happened yesterday. The same victims, the same criminals-perpetrators: Paul Kagame and his RPF. 3,500,000 Rwandans most of them Hutus were slaughtered for the same reasons.
Before arrests, imprisonment, assassinations, massacres, hutu ethinic members get multiple incriminating labels that constitute RPF pretext to destroy the majority of the Rwandan population: genocidaire, ex-FAR, Igipinga, French, fugitives, refugees under chains of Interahamwe, hostages of Hutu extremists, Interahamwe, FDLR, RUD, RDR, etc. Every arrest, every killing has already its explanation. How to survive this holocaust of Hutus with the ever razor-sharp propaganda of the fascist Kagame regime? If the world doesn't stop RPF criminals, we have no doubt that any witness will survive.
****
http://www.docstoc.com/docs/2919610/DECEMBER-A-WELCOME-EXPRESSION-OF-INTENT-THE-NAIROBI-COMMUNIQUE-AND) and other lobbies working to silence the Hutu ethnic members and cement the Tutsi ethnic group
(http://www.cidcm.umd.edu/mar/chronology.asp?groupId=49009)
****
When Nazis and Fascists take over the world, you're going to need to be prepared.
****The most striking thing to all of us Rwandan survivors is the cunningness that Paul Kagame uses to make his agenda appear benign in the eyes of the world community. Therefore some governments assist in the ongoing meticulously planned murderhood, genocide, crimes, terror and repression using criminal organizations like Africa Rights, RCD, CNDP (generals Ntaganda and Nkunda) and their commanders.
How do you call the murder of an ethnicity or the extinction of any human group sharing a genetic or ancestral affinity? What about this is ethnic cleansing we are watching inside and outside Rwanda, we encounter many crimes, Terror, and Repression against the same ethnic group by the same perpetrators and criminals. The tutis minority under the RPF criminal organization has statutorily excluded the Hutu ethnic majority from the political process. We see a buid-up of an undisguised Tutsi minority monopoly over economic power in Rwanda.
To achieve this goal and speed up their extermination, Hutu refugees are often and repeatedly considered guilty by association. RPF has established a system that required a highly repressive state machinery directed against the conquered hutu ethnic members whom the new apartheid rulers regarded as a rightless mass to be held down by force of arms.
The RPF oppression thus finds expression in the palpable form of a number of economic, social and developmental indicators, such as poverty and underdevelopment, the low levels of literacy and numeracy among Hutus. Being blaimed for the genocide and genocide ideology, most of them have the low access to clean water, the non-availability of electricity, their low food consumption, their invariably low incomes, many of them are forcibly working for the governement in enslaving way due to TIG, an organization created ad hoc to organize Hutu prisoners; the poor state of their health, the low levels of skills since 1994, the generally unsafe environment in which Hutus live, etc.
The extremist Tutsi and STILL President of Rwanda Paul Kagame explains: P. Kagame (a Tutsi), said since a major return of the Hutu refugees would further decrease the ratio of Tutsis compared to the total population in Rwanda. Kagame declared “we want the refugees to come back, but not at any cost…
Our concern is that the military operations that led to the massive return of Rwandan refugees from eastern Zaire and now Democratic Republic of the Congo have ultimately sown seeds for a bitter harvest.
Just like before, we mention in the chapter dealing with the extremist Tutsi government that Kagame’s regime shows no flexibility vis-à- vis the return of the refugees, and that its attitude augured badly for the future of the returnees. Actually the RPF regime governs in an exclusive and discriminatory fashion in the country where the ethnic minority has he wherewithal to pursue its genocidal intentions by all means and particularly by intensifying oppressive policies.
Just like before, we also mention that the Rwandan government favors a marginalization of the refugee population (all of them Hutus) upon its return, to avoid any attempt toward power-sharing arrangements. Beyond the security issue inside Rwanda and the concept of voluntary return, we should also consider the concept of “constructive” return.
Such a concept make it difficult to quantify and is subjected to broad interpretation. However, the 1996 military operations offer a good example of an “Unconstructive” return.
The refugees returned in a context of decreasing Hutu influence within the political apparatus of Rwanda. We saw mega massacres throughout the country and many died because they were returnee refugees.
Negotiations between the refugee leadership and the Rwandan regime have always been a non desirable prospect, but dialogue between Kagame regime and representatives of the refugee population would have helped bridge the “perception gap.”
The world community hardliners have never got the will to make pressure on the criminal Paul Kagame even though they do have all proofs he murdered millions of people. This did not happen yet. What we see confirms our feelings that Rwandan survivors have no other choice rather to kneel. Have a look:
The rural population, Hutu in its majority, is at risk of being confined to activities aimed at sustaining the towns inhabited by the majority of the Tutsi population. In that sense, it’s undoubtedly known that economic marginalization is actually inevitable. Political marginalization against Hutu ethnic members has largely increased in recent years.
RPF has no longer decided not to use hutu puppets to blind the world community about their apartheid build-up.
If nothing is done to make pressure on the RPF, the above will be a harbinger of future turmoil. The marginalized segment of the Rwandan society cannot forever remain submissive and accept undivided power by a minority.
Extremist Tutsi elements will thrive in this context cement the hatred between the two communities. The return of the refugees did not take place in a constructive environment, socioeconomically or politically speaking;
This will further aggravate the situation inside Rwanda. The initiatives discussed in the previous chapters have resulted in a forced return, but in an early phase only and aimed at strengthening the power of the Tutsi extremists.
A certain degree of voluntariness subsists. This meant that the returnees had to be considered as individuals. In late 1996, the refugee population was trapped in Mugunga and was virtually marched down to Gisenyi, after having been shelled and fired and many of them killed by ADFL/RPA/Mai-Mai.
The Rwandan regime had not moved one inch towards the refugee population. On the contrary, although relieved to see an end to the refugee problem, the international community did participate in the return by registering returnees who, after a few months lists were given to the RPF government.
What followed was mass slaughters. Many of them, in their possession of the UNHCR document and thus with the lack of ID cards, were assassinated one by one together with their families and neighbors, and had no substantive voice in it. The returnees were considered by Rwanda as “prima facie culprits.”
To this big issue, no compromise had been reached. It was a “zero-sum” repatriation in which one party (the new regime) maintained its previous inflexible position, and the other was immediately marginalized.
The role of the humanitarian community in the Great Lakes refugee crisis has been repeatedly criticized but no one has tried to politically resolve this issue.
How many phrases or titles of articles, books, websites and blogs like “international intervention: thoughtless responses,” or “The bankruptcy of ‘humanitarian policy’” have we read, concerning the Great Lakes?
Many criticisms, Humanitarian agencies, especially at field level, have underestimated certain elements and some of them undermined the situation to favor the RPF regime when promoting or lobbying for an early return movement.
Nowadays, humanitarian organizations in asylum countries should play a positive role in political issues trying to influence events inside Rwanda, or even sponsoring contacts between the new Rwandan regime and refugees. Whatever weakness humanitarian agencies such as UNHCR may have displayed, they often were the victim of their own success.
We should not forget that, first and foremost, UNHCR and its partners have to deal with the largest humanitarian crisis of recent times but did not accordingly respond to an emergency and a human drama of almost unprecedented scale.
© Survivors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
23 Février 2009
Son Excellence Mr. Luis Moreno-Ocampo
Procureur Général,
Cour Pénale Internationale
Post Office Box 19519
2500 CM The Hague
The Netherlands
Réference: Plainte contre les personnalités responsables des massacres de réfugiés
rwandais regroupés à Kasiki, Lubero, République Démocratique du Congo (RDC).
A- Plainte contre:
1. Le Général Major John Numbi, inspecteur de police de la République
Démocratique du Congo, commandant second des opérations militaires contre les
réfugiés rwandais.
2. Le Général Kabarebe James, chef d’Etat Major de l’Armée Rwandaise.
3. Monsieur Thambwe Mwamba, Ministre des Affaires Etrangères de la République
Démocratique du Congo.
4. Monsieur Sayinzonga, Fonctionnaire rwandais chargé de la commission de
démobilisation.
B- Les Faits:
Depuis 1996, la coalition des forces dites « Alliance des Forces Démocratiques
de Libération » et l’Armée Rwandaise ont lancé des attaques sur les camps de
réfugiés rwandais à l’Est du Zaïre. Les organisations de défense des droits de
• FEIDAR
Fédération Internationale des Associations Rwandaises (Asbl loi 1901)
B.P. 36535
45065 Orléans Cedex 2
France
• La Société Civile Rwandaise (SOCIRWA)
Centre de Lutte ontre l'Impunité et l'Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227
1080 BRUXELLES
l’homme parlent de centaines milliers de réfugiés tués et d’autres disparus.
- Le rapporteur spécial des Nations unies pour les droits de l'Homme en RDC,
Monsieur Roberto Garreton, chargé d’enquêter sur le massacre des réfugiés
hutu, a dans son rapport préliminaire, établi que « des massacres de caractère
ethnique ont eté commis, dont les victimes sont en grande partie des hutu,
rwandais, burundais et zaïrois » et conclu que « certaines de ces allégations
pourraient constituer des actes de génocide. » - De 1998 jusqu’en 2002, pour la 2eme fois, l’armée Rwandaise a envahi
militairement la République Démocratique du Congo pour renverser le régime
KABILA et pourchasser, les réfugiés rwandais survivants des massacres de
1996 à 1997. Plusieurs milliers réfugiés furent sauvagement tués. Plus de 5
millions de congolais furent massacrés. Il n’y a jamais eu d’enquête et les
auteurs de ces tueries et massacres sont toujours les mêmes. - Le 26 Mai 2008, dans le souci de résoudre le problème des réfugiés rwandais
sur son territoire, la présidence de la République Démocratique du Congo a
organisé à Kisangani une conférence à laquelle des représentants des réfugiés
rwandais ont pris part. Un programme complet d’action convenu entre le
gouvernment de la RDC and le leadership politique du Congres National pour la
Démocratie (CND) ( une coalition entre le Ralliement pour l’Unité et la
Démocratie - RUD-Urunana et le Rassemblement du Peuple Rwandais- RPR)
fût adopté sous l’appellation « Feuille de Route de Kisangani ». - Au courant du mois de Juillet 2008, le leadership politique du Congres National
pour la Démocratie (CND) a rassemblé 158 refugiés sur le site de Kasiki, Nord-
Kivu, apprêté par les autorités congolaises - Le 31 Juillet 2008, une cérémonie de désarmement volontaire des réfugiés
conduite par Le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères et de la Coopération
internationale de la RDC accompagné du vice ministre de l’intérieur, du viceministre
de la défense, du Gouverneur de la province du Nord Kivu et beaucoup
d’autres personnalités du régime de Kinshasa a eu lieu à Kasiki en territoire de
LUBERO en présence d’une délégation des autorités rwandaises, des
représentants de l’ONU et ceux de la communauté internationale. - Le 6 et le 8 Août 2008, la mission des Nations Unies au Congo (MONUC) a
procédé à l’identification de ces réfugiés. - Le 8 Août 2008, les Ambassadeurs britanniques basés en RDC et au Rwanda
ont visité les 158 refugiés désarmes Kasiki - Le 23 Janvier 2009, une délégation de ces réfugiés rassemblés et désarmés
s’est rendue à Kigali dans le but de s’enquérir des conditions de vie qui les
attendent une fois rapatriés au Rwanda. A l’issue de cette mission, la
délégation des réfugiés a rédigé et publié un rapport de visite ad hoc. - Le 20 Janvier 2009, les troupes rwandaises sont entrées sur le territoire de la
RDC suite aux accords signés entre le Rwanda et la RDC. L’objectif principal :
désarmer, neutraliser militairement ou rapatrier de force les réfugiés rwandais
installés en RDC. - Le 27 Janvier 2009, un accord entre le CND (Congres National pour la
Démocratie) et le gouvernement de la RDC fût signé à Rome. D’après ledit
accord, la zone de Kasiki devrait être déclarée Zone de Paix, où les gens qui ne
veulent pas se battre ou qui fuient les combats devaient être accueillis pour
recevoir protection et aide humanitaire. - Dans la nuit du 7 au 8 Février 2009, le site de Kasiki a été attaquée par des
éléments des forces armées congolaises (FARDC) et rwandaises (RDF). - Les 158 réfugiés composés de femmes, d’enfants et d’hommes de tous âges
désarmés et identifiés par la MONUC ont pris fuite et se sont dispersés dans la
forêt. Ils ont été poursuivis et tués un à un par les troupes coalisées de la RDC
et du Rwanda - Le 10 Février 2009, le Ministre Lambert Menge Omalanda reconnaissait devant
les médias congolais que l’attaque avait été organisée à Kinshasa et au Kivu
par des “extrémistes” et “pécheurs en eau trouble qui se mettent en travers de
ce processus de pacification de l’est du pays.”
C- Accusations:
Nous accusons la coalition militaire rwando-congolaise d’avoir planifié, ordonné, et exécuté
l’attaque de Kasiki et le massacre de réfugiés. Cette coalition était sous la direction de:
1. Général Major John NUMBI en sa qualité de commandant adjoint des opérations
chargées de pourchasser tous les réfugiés rwandais sur le territoire de la RDC,
2. Général James KABAREBE en sa qualité de commandant en chef des opérations
chargées de pourchasser tous les réfugiés rwandais se trouvant sur le sol congolais.
3. Le Général Jean Bosco Ntaganda, du CNDP
4. Le Colonel Mugabo de PARECO.
Nous accusons les personnalités ci-dessous d’avoir attisé la haine envers les réfugiés
rassemblés à Kasiki en véhiculant dans les médias un discours de haine, dans le seul but de
justifier des opérations portant atteinte à la vie de ces réfugiés:
1. Monsieur Thambwe Mwamba ayant qualifié, dans les médias, tous les réfugiés rwandais
en RDC, de cancer qu’il faut extirper par tous les moyens.
2. Monsieur Sayinzoga ayant, sur les ondes de la BBC-Kinyarwanda (la date et l’heure?),
traité d’extrémistes « Intagondwa », d’ennemis du pays, et d’empoisonneurs et de
génétiquement criminels, les membres de la délégation ayant effectué la visite exploratoire au
Rwanda.
Nous suspectons les soldats de la coalition rwando-congolaise sous la direction ci-haut citée
d’avoir organisé une chasse à l’homme contre les réfugiés désarmés rassemblés à Kasiki,
lesquels réfugiés avaient, à l’exception de 3 personnes, réaffirmé leur volonté de rentrer
pacifiquement au Rwanda.
Enfin, nous demandons que des enquêtes approfondies contre les personnalités congolaises
et rwandaises mises en cause soient conduites et, le cas échéant, que les criminels soient
traduits en justice conformément aux articles pertinents des statuts de la Cour Pénale
Internationale (CPI).
Dans l’espoir que notre plainte retiendra votre très haute attention, nous vous prions d’agréer,
Monsieur le Procureur général, l’expression de nos sentiments distingués.
Fait à Bruxelles, le 23 février 2009
Joseph MATATA Jean Marie Vianney NDAGIJIMANA
SOCIRWA c/o CLIIR) FEIDAR (Asbl Loi 1901)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°227 B.P. 36535 45065
1080 BRUXELLES, BELGIQUE Orleans Cedex 2, FRANCE
Tél/Fax : 32.81.60.11.13 Tel: +33659222780
GSM: 32.476.70.15.69
Email : cliir2004@yahoo.fr
feidar.contact@yahoo.fr
Copie pour information à:
Son Excellence Mr Ban Ki-Moon
Secrétaire Général, Nations Unies
Ms. Navanethem Pillay
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights
Palais des Nations
CH-1211 Geneva 10, Switzerland
M. António Guterres
Haut Commissaraire des Nations Unies pour les Refugies
Case postale 2500
1211 Genève 2
Suisse.
His Excellency Mr. Jonas Gahr
Ministre, Affaires Extérieures, Norway
Dr. Susan Rice
Représentente Permanente à l’ONU, USA
Fax: 212-415-4053
H.E. John Sawers
Représentent Permanent à l’ONU, UK
Fax : 212-745-9316
H.E. Mr. Zhang Yesui
Représentent Permanent à l’ONU, Republique Populaire de Chine
Fax: 212-634-0042
H.E. Jean-Maurice Ripert
Représentent Permanent à l’ONU, France
Fax: 212-421 6889
H.E. Vitaly Churkin
Représentent Permanent à l’ONU, Federation Russe
Fax : 212-628-0252
Msgr Kuye Ndondo
ECC
Msgr Matteo Zuppi
Communauté Sant’Egidio
Kåre Lode
SIK - Norway
Kenneth Roth,
Executive Director, Human Rights Watch
350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor
New York, NY 10118-3299 USA
Fondation S’Olivar
Mallorca, Espagne
Amigo Ngonde Funsu
Association Africaine de Défense des Droits de l’Homme (ASADHO)
Tel: +243 998246147 , +243 815181707
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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