A Candle For Remembering
May this memorial candle lights up the historical past of our beloved Country: Rwanda, We love U so much. If Tears could build a stairway. And memories were a lane. I would walk right up to heaven. To bring you home again. No farewell words were spoken. No time to say goodbye. You were gone before I knew it And. Only Paul Kagame knows why. My heart still aches with sadness. And secret tears still flow. What It meant to lose you. No one will ever know.
Why did Kagame this to me?
Can't forget. He murdered my mother. What should be my reaction? FYI: the number of orphans in Rwanda has skyrocketed since the 1990's Kagame's invasion. Much higher numbers of orphans had and have no other option but joining FDLR fighters who are identified as children that have Lost their Parents in Kagame's Wars inside and outside of Rwanda.If someone killed your child/spouse/parent(s) would you seek justice or revenge? Deep insight: What would you do to the person who snuffed the life of someone I love beyond reason? Forgiving would bring me no solace. If you take what really matters to me, I will show you what really matters. NITUTIRWANAHO TUZASHIRA. IGIHE KIRAGEZE.If democracy is to sell one's motherland(Africa), for some zionits support, then I prefer the person who is ready to give all his live for his motherland. Viva President Putin!!!
RPF committed the unspeakable
The perverted RPF committed the UNSPEAKABLE.Two orphans, both against the Nazi world. Point is the fact that their parents' murder Kagame & his RPF held no shock in the Western world. Up to now, the Rwandan Hitler Kagame and his death squads still enjoy impunity inside and outside of Rwanda. What goes through someone's mind as they know RPF murdered their parents? A delayed punishment is actually an encouragement to crime, In Praise of the ongoing Bloodshed in Rwanda. “I always think I am a pro-peace person but if someone harmed someone near and dear to me, I don't think I could be so peaceful. I would like to believe that to seek justice could save millions of people living the African Great Lakes Region - I would devote myself to bringing the 'perp' along to a non-happy ending but would that be enough? You'd have to be in the situation I suppose before you could actually know how you would feel or what you would do”. Jean-Christophe Nizeyimana, Libre Penseur
Hutu Children & their Mums
Look at them ! How they are scared to death. Many Rwandan Hutu and Tutsi, Foreign human rights advocates, jounalists and and lawyers are now on Death Row Waiting to be murdered by Kagame and his RPF death squads. Be the last to know.
Almighty God :Justice for US
Hutu children's daily bread: Intimidation, Slavery, Sex abuses led by RPF criminals and Kagame, DMI: Every single day, there are more assassinations, imprisonment, brainwashing & disappearances. Do they have any chance to end this awful life?
Killing Hutus on daily basis
RPF targeted killings, very often in public areas. Killing Hutus on daily basis by Kagame's murderers and the RPF infamous death squads known as the "UNKNOWN WRONGDOERS"
RPF Trade Mark: Akandoya
Rape, torture and assassination and unslaving of hutu women. Genderside: Rape has always been used by kagame's RPF as a Weapon of War, the killings of Hutu women with the help of Local Defense Forces, DMI and the RPF military
The Torture in Rwanda flourishes
How torture flourishes across Rwanda despite extensive global monitoring
Fighting For Our Freedom?
We need Freedom, Liberation of our fatherland, Human rights respect, Mutual respect between the Hutu majority and the Tutsi minority
Wednesday, April 29, 2009
L'ONU AU SERVICE DES CRIMINELS TUTSIS RWANDAIS
Selon le correspondant de la BBC en République démocratique du Congo (RDC), Thomas Fessy, le général Bosco Ntaganda alias "Terminator", ex-rebelle du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CND) et bras droit de Laurent Nkunda, prendrait part à la chaîne de commandement de la Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies en RDC (MONUC).
Selon le correspondant de la BBC en République démocratique du Congo (RDC), Thomas Fessy, le général Bosco Ntaganda alias "Terminator", ex-rebelle du Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CND) et bras droit de Laurent Nkunda, prendrait part à la chaîne de commandement de la Mission de l’Organisation des Nations Unies en RDC (MONUC).
Le correspondant de la BBC aurait vu un document interne de l’armée congolaise, daté du 4 avril 2009, rapportant cette information. Or Bosco Ntaganda est sous le coup d’un mandat d’arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale pour crime de guerre. Il aurait enrôlé des enfants dans les rangs du CNDP en 2002-2003.
Plutôt que de forcer les criminels de Kigali à quitter le pouvoir, l'ONU ou son réseau criminel opte pour la collaboration étroite avec les criminels de guerre Rwandais qui, pour mieux exploiter ces minerais immenses disent publiquement qu' ils sont congolais. 
Et quels criminels de guerre: des Tutsis Rwandais se retrouvant sur la sol congolais pour l'exploitation des minerais et le génocide des populations Hutus et bantous se trouvant dans la région.
Et quels criminels de guerre: des Tutsis Rwandais se retrouvant sur la sol congolais pour l'exploitation des minerais et le génocide des populations Hutus et bantous se trouvant dans la région.La Monuc doit être tenue responsable de chacune des morts dues à leurs actes inhumains et calculés puisque imputés slur ces enfants orphelins des FDLR au Nord et au Sud Kivu.
La vraie question est de savoir comment faire pression sur l'ONU ou la MONUC, responsable djà de plus de 8 millions de Rwandais et de Congolais voilà environ 13 ans de puis 1996 jusqu' à nos jours. Nous pensons que la lutte contre l'impunité de Paul Kagame de ses pions et du FPR est indissociable de la recherche de la paix au Rwanda et à l'Est de la RDC.
La vraie question est de savoir comment faire pression sur l'ONU ou la MONUC, responsable djà de plus de 8 millions de Rwandais et de Congolais voilà environ 13 ans de puis 1996 jusqu' à nos jours. Nous pensons que la lutte contre l'impunité de Paul Kagame de ses pions et du FPR est indissociable de la recherche de la paix au Rwanda et à l'Est de la RDC.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, April 28, 2009
This suspension of the BBC reflects the Rwandan government's growing crackdown on free speech. If Rwanda is truly committed to the fundamental right of free expression, it should allow differing viewpoints on genocide issues and related government policies.
Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Hum
New York) - The Rwandan government should immediately reverse its suspension of the Kinyarwanda radio service of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Human Rights Watch said today.
The Rwandan minister of information, Louise Mushikiwabo, justified the suspension on the grounds that the program amounted to a "blatant denial of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi of Rwanda" and called it "unacceptable speech."
Since the genocide, the Kagame-led government has sought to portray an image of national unity in Rwanda and it allows no public references in any form to Hutu or Tutsi ethnicity.
"This suspension of the BBC reflects the Rwandan government's growing crackdown on free speech," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "If Rwanda is truly committed to the fundamental right of free expression, it should allow differing viewpoints on genocide issues and related government policies."
The BBC's suspension is part of a broader pattern of increasing government interference in the Rwandan media, including threats to suspend major media outlets such as the BBC and Voice of America and the banning of independent Rwandan journalists from government news conferences.
The BBC suspension on April 25, 2009 occurred after the station broadcast a coming attraction for its weekly program Imvo n'imvano ("Analysis of the Source of a Problem") that was to include a debate on forgiveness among Rwandans after the genocide.
The advance segment included comments by a former presidential candidate, Faustin Twagiramungu, opposing the government's attempt to have the country's entire Hutu population apologize for the genocide, since not all Hutu people had killed Tutsi or otherwise participated in the genocide.
It also included a man of mixed Hutu-Tutsi ethnicity questioning why the government had refused to allow relatives of those killed by the RPF forces to grieve for their loved ones.
According to estimates from experts working for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the group's soldiers killed between 25,000 and 45,000 people between April and August 1994.
The suspension comes days before Rwanda is to host a regional conference celebrating "World Press Day," to be attended by high level delegates from the East African Community. The theme of this year's event is the role of media in reconciliatory dialogue.
"Meaningful and open discussion on the genocide and its aftermath could help foster reconciliation and stability in Rwanda," said Gagnon. "Repressive restrictions on such discussions by branding them as ‘unacceptable speech' may achieve the opposite."
Recent legislation, currently awaiting presidential approval, proposes to ban all national journalists without a university degree or certificate in journalism. Most independent Rwandan journalists have neither. The legislation would make defamation a criminal offense in addition to other civil and administrative sanctions, and would impose a wide range of restrictions on gathering and reporting information.
In March, the UN Human Rights Committee expressed concerns over reports that the Rwandan government had subjected journalists critical of government policies to intimidation and harassment and had charged other journalists with "divisionism," a crime vaguely defined under Rwandan law as spreading ideas that encourage ethnic animosity between the country's Tutsi and Hutu populations.
"Divisionism" is often used interchangeably with the term "genocide ideology" - a crime that was first adopted into Rwanda's law in 2008 but that the government has used for at least five years to punish expression of any ideas that could lead to genocide. The government lodged complaints against the BBC radio station in 2004 after a parliamentary report accused it of propagating "genocide ideology.
" Rwanda's international donors and human rights organizations have criticized the terms as too sweeping and punishing speech that is intended neither to incite violence nor to deny the existence of the genocide.
The UN committee urged the Rwandan government to guarantee freedom of expression for the press and all citizens in accordance with the government's international obligations under Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
In August 2008, shortly before Rwanda's parliamentary elections, the country's information minister warned the BBC that it would be suspended it if failed to abandon its "non-factual reporting." BBC journalists from the Kinyarwanda service have been excluded from several government events since that time.
During World Press Day celebrations in Kigali in May 2008, the government removed three leading independent journalists - Charles Kabonero of Umuseso, Jean Bosco Gasasira of Umuvugizi, and Jean Grober Burasa of Rushyashya - from the celebrations and barred them from all official news conferences.
The journalists were also prohibited from interviewing government officials, with both prohibitions continuing to this day. A diplomatic incident occurred in September 2008 when a scheduled news conference marking the signature of a new US Millennium Challenge Corporation partnership agreement with Rwanda had to be cancelled by the US embassy in Kigali because the Rwandan government refused to allow the three journalists to attend.
In late 2007, the government accused a BBC journalist, Yusuf Mugenzi, of exacerbating ethnic differences through the Imvo n'imvano program, which brings together leading - and at times controversial - figures from the Rwandan diaspora. Government officials accused the program of giving airtime to "genocide fugitives," referring to the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu rebel group based in eastern Congo, some of whose members took part in the 1994 genocide and continue to threaten stability in the region. The government also warned that BBC's license might not be renewed if the program did not assume a more positive tone.
"Rwanda's targeting of the media, including the suspension of the BBC, calls into question Rwanda's respect for press freedom," said Gagnon. "With presidential elections scheduled for 2010, it is critical that the government guarantee free and fair discussion of issues, failing which Rwanda cannot be viewed by it partners as a thriving democracy."
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
The Rwandan minister of information, Louise Mushikiwabo, justified the suspension on the grounds that the program amounted to a "blatant denial of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi of Rwanda" and called it "unacceptable speech."
Since the genocide, the Kagame-led government has sought to portray an image of national unity in Rwanda and it allows no public references in any form to Hutu or Tutsi ethnicity.
"This suspension of the BBC reflects the Rwandan government's growing crackdown on free speech," said Georgette Gagnon, Africa director at Human Rights Watch. "If Rwanda is truly committed to the fundamental right of free expression, it should allow differing viewpoints on genocide issues and related government policies."
The BBC's suspension is part of a broader pattern of increasing government interference in the Rwandan media, including threats to suspend major media outlets such as the BBC and Voice of America and the banning of independent Rwandan journalists from government news conferences.
The BBC suspension on April 25, 2009 occurred after the station broadcast a coming attraction for its weekly program Imvo n'imvano ("Analysis of the Source of a Problem") that was to include a debate on forgiveness among Rwandans after the genocide.
The advance segment included comments by a former presidential candidate, Faustin Twagiramungu, opposing the government's attempt to have the country's entire Hutu population apologize for the genocide, since not all Hutu people had killed Tutsi or otherwise participated in the genocide.
It also included a man of mixed Hutu-Tutsi ethnicity questioning why the government had refused to allow relatives of those killed by the RPF forces to grieve for their loved ones.
According to estimates from experts working for the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, the group's soldiers killed between 25,000 and 45,000 people between April and August 1994.
The suspension comes days before Rwanda is to host a regional conference celebrating "World Press Day," to be attended by high level delegates from the East African Community. The theme of this year's event is the role of media in reconciliatory dialogue.
"Meaningful and open discussion on the genocide and its aftermath could help foster reconciliation and stability in Rwanda," said Gagnon. "Repressive restrictions on such discussions by branding them as ‘unacceptable speech' may achieve the opposite."
Recent legislation, currently awaiting presidential approval, proposes to ban all national journalists without a university degree or certificate in journalism. Most independent Rwandan journalists have neither. The legislation would make defamation a criminal offense in addition to other civil and administrative sanctions, and would impose a wide range of restrictions on gathering and reporting information.
In March, the UN Human Rights Committee expressed concerns over reports that the Rwandan government had subjected journalists critical of government policies to intimidation and harassment and had charged other journalists with "divisionism," a crime vaguely defined under Rwandan law as spreading ideas that encourage ethnic animosity between the country's Tutsi and Hutu populations.
"Divisionism" is often used interchangeably with the term "genocide ideology" - a crime that was first adopted into Rwanda's law in 2008 but that the government has used for at least five years to punish expression of any ideas that could lead to genocide. The government lodged complaints against the BBC radio station in 2004 after a parliamentary report accused it of propagating "genocide ideology.
" Rwanda's international donors and human rights organizations have criticized the terms as too sweeping and punishing speech that is intended neither to incite violence nor to deny the existence of the genocide.
The UN committee urged the Rwandan government to guarantee freedom of expression for the press and all citizens in accordance with the government's international obligations under Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
In August 2008, shortly before Rwanda's parliamentary elections, the country's information minister warned the BBC that it would be suspended it if failed to abandon its "non-factual reporting." BBC journalists from the Kinyarwanda service have been excluded from several government events since that time.
During World Press Day celebrations in Kigali in May 2008, the government removed three leading independent journalists - Charles Kabonero of Umuseso, Jean Bosco Gasasira of Umuvugizi, and Jean Grober Burasa of Rushyashya - from the celebrations and barred them from all official news conferences.
The journalists were also prohibited from interviewing government officials, with both prohibitions continuing to this day. A diplomatic incident occurred in September 2008 when a scheduled news conference marking the signature of a new US Millennium Challenge Corporation partnership agreement with Rwanda had to be cancelled by the US embassy in Kigali because the Rwandan government refused to allow the three journalists to attend.
In late 2007, the government accused a BBC journalist, Yusuf Mugenzi, of exacerbating ethnic differences through the Imvo n'imvano program, which brings together leading - and at times controversial - figures from the Rwandan diaspora. Government officials accused the program of giving airtime to "genocide fugitives," referring to the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), a Hutu rebel group based in eastern Congo, some of whose members took part in the 1994 genocide and continue to threaten stability in the region. The government also warned that BBC's license might not be renewed if the program did not assume a more positive tone.
"Rwanda's targeting of the media, including the suspension of the BBC, calls into question Rwanda's respect for press freedom," said Gagnon. "With presidential elections scheduled for 2010, it is critical that the government guarantee free and fair discussion of issues, failing which Rwanda cannot be viewed by it partners as a thriving democracy."
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
They are well aware of many of Kagame's atrocities (the 1990s had been the height of Kagame's terror) but consciously whitewash Kagame's image and paint Rwanda as a happy place.***
What we don't understand is why, now that the full extent of Kagame and his RPF atrocities is known, it is still acceptable or even hip to worship and praise Paul Kagame,while it is (understandably) gauche to show any similar respect to Nazism and its head honchos.
© Survivors Editions
© Survivors Editions
***
by Nick Gordon
Excerpt from Sunday Express
The regime that slaughtered a million people was destroyed in 1994, but the nightmare didn't end. With the Hutus beaten, the Tutsis are exacting revenge. Nick Gordon revisits the killing fields of Rwanda
It could, I suppose, be compared to eating a picnic outside Auschwitz. For a start we are not meant to be here. This is the Mutara, the forbidden zone of Rwanda - a desolate and treeless former game reserve in north-east of this homicidal little country that is off-limits to anyone but the army.. Anyway, Mutara or not, the photographer and I are sitting in a hired car in the only lay-by in Rwanda, tearing a baton of bread to shreds and trying not to be too conspicuous as we observe the buildings on the hill half a mile away.
The three primitive one-story barrack blocks, one with its roof being repaired, are basic shelters for the men at the Gabiro army camp. It all looks devastatingly innocent, a complex that may be an affront to the classic rolling African skyline, but no more than that.
There are no tell-tale chimneys, no railway lines leading into the restricted area. Indeed, as I munch my bread and wait for the photographer to snatch his picture, it is hard to believe that this dot on the map is an extermination camp.
Excerpt from Sunday Express
The regime that slaughtered a million people was destroyed in 1994, but the nightmare didn't end. With the Hutus beaten, the Tutsis are exacting revenge. Nick Gordon revisits the killing fields of Rwanda
It could, I suppose, be compared to eating a picnic outside Auschwitz. For a start we are not meant to be here. This is the Mutara, the forbidden zone of Rwanda - a desolate and treeless former game reserve in north-east of this homicidal little country that is off-limits to anyone but the army.. Anyway, Mutara or not, the photographer and I are sitting in a hired car in the only lay-by in Rwanda, tearing a baton of bread to shreds and trying not to be too conspicuous as we observe the buildings on the hill half a mile away.
The three primitive one-story barrack blocks, one with its roof being repaired, are basic shelters for the men at the Gabiro army camp. It all looks devastatingly innocent, a complex that may be an affront to the classic rolling African skyline, but no more than that.
There are no tell-tale chimneys, no railway lines leading into the restricted area. Indeed, as I munch my bread and wait for the photographer to snatch his picture, it is hard to believe that this dot on the map is an extermination camp.
But then belief, cognition, awakening to evil, call it what you will, has never come easily in Rwanda. Two years ago, the Hutu-led genocide of the Tutsi tribe reached an unimaginably grisly climax. Up to a million people were hacked, kicked, stoned, grenaded, even skewered to death.
When peace came, with the murderers out of the country or in prison and a Tutsi-led government in control embracing all ethnic groups, who would have thought that there would be any appetite for further slaughter in Rwanda?
But appetite there is - with one profound difference. It is not the Tutsis who are being hunted down. The minority who were once their countrymen's prey are now themselves the remorseless hunters.
What goes on inside Gabiro is truly revolting, and it is not an isolated example. All over the country since the new government took control, Hutus have been killed in Their thousands. Granted, the numbers do not yet approach the 1994 slaughter. But, according to former members of the new government, a figure of 100,000 men, women and children killed would not be an exaggeration.
This being Africa, we are not talking about a high-tech way of death courtesy of Zyklon-B gas canisters. The death that is dealt out in the Gabiro camp and elsewhere is a makeshift Third Word version where the victim is held down and has his skull dented by a hammer...
Pierre N is a frightened man. THis 25-year-old Hutu is telling me about the nine months he spent as a soldier in the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the former rebel force. Its commander, General Paul Kagame, is now Rwanda's Vice-President, Minister of Defense and self-styled "Protector" - a Tutsi version of Oliver Cromwell.
"I didn't want to join either the government army or the rebels," Pierre tells me at a secret rendezvous. "During the genocide I hid. I detest war. I was a medical student in my second year at university when the genocide began.
"I had nothing to do with the interahamwe death squads, or the Hutu militia, or the CDR (the old Hutu government's thuggish redshirts). But because I was learning medecine, I was told I had no choice."
He hands me a piece of paper, a certificate which shows he is a private in the RPA. It gives his name, rank and number.
I was based in Kigali (the capital of Rwanda). Soldiers kept coming up to me and asking me for a sick note. They were not wounded, or even ill with malaria. They just wanted an excuse, anything to get them off manpower duties."
I ask Pierre what he means by "manpower duties". "Well, the officers would tell the men that there were 'manpower problems' and they should be ready to solve them. They would have to take prisoners to a house, tie their arms and legs, and then they took a hammer and they would hit them on the front bone." Pierre taps his forehead, the frontal lobe. "And then they would burn the bodies. The stench was horrible."
I ask him if he did it... used the hammer? He shakes his head. "No. I was a medic. But this house was nearby and I could smell the burning. A friend told me they killed 6,000 people in five days there."
More than 1,000 a day? "Sometimes maybe 1,5000 to 2,000. But many times I signed those sick papers. The next month I was sent to Gabiro, to a training wing of the RPA. WE were there to learn to use guns, be a soldier.
"But one kilometre away there was another camp that had been built by the old government. This was a killing place manned by the DMI, the Diretorate of Military Intelligence.
"Every day on the road between our camp and their place I would see lorries, big trailers trucks carrying wood, and fuel tankers imported from Uganda. There were 'manpower problems' here, too, so many of my collegues were assigned to work with the DMI.
It was the same method of killings as in Kigali. Every evening, at around six, they poured the paraffin on to huge piles of wood and got rid of the bodies that way. All day there was a bulldozer spreading the ashes into the soil. It was going on all the time for months. The smoke and the smell were horrible.
"I left this place, Gabiro, in April last year when I got permission to go back to university in Butare. When I got there I found the same thing happening. Hutus who had managed to flee from the Kibeho camp were taken to a military academy in the town, and a captain in the RPA told all of us students that we would be required to help out with a manpower problem.
"I knew then that I would have to do what I had been trying to avoid for the last nine months. I decided to desert, and I fled that night."
Pierre is still in hiding, a seriously traumatised and frightened young man. Why did he risk talking to me? All I can say is that he had already made a far more courageous and dangerous choice: not to kill his fellow Rwandans.
Even in Nairobi, two plane hours from Kigali, one cannot escape the terror. Here, sitting in the shadows of a walled garden in a suburb of the Kenyan capital, two men are poring over page after page, name after name, of their countrymen.
These are the lists of the missing.
Until six months ago, these two men were among the most powerfull in Rwanda. They are Hutus, yet they played prominent roles in the revolution that ended the old Hutu regime. Seth Sendashonga was the Minister of Internal Affairs in the Tutsi-led Kagame government. Sixbert Musangamfura, a journalist when I met him in 1992, was Kagame's director of civilian intelligence - boss of Rwanda's MI5.
Both men were at the heart of the new government, heading particulary sensitive departments of state. Now they no longer live in Rwanda. They are viewed as deadly opponents of the governments, so much so that in February an attempt was made on Seth Sendashonga' s live. Fortunately he was only slightly wounded - a bullet passed throught his right shoulder - but his nephew is still recovering from serious wounds in Nairobi hospital.
Until six months ago, these two men were among the most powerfull in Rwanda. They are Hutus, yet they played prominent roles in the revolution that ended the old Hutu regime. Seth Sendashonga was the Minister of Internal Affairs in the Tutsi-led Kagame government. Sixbert Musangamfura, a journalist when I met him in 1992, was Kagame's director of civilian intelligence - boss of Rwanda's MI5.
Both men were at the heart of the new government, heading particulary sensitive departments of state. Now they no longer live in Rwanda. They are viewed as deadly opponents of the governments, so much so that in February an attempt was made on Seth Sendashonga' s live. Fortunately he was only slightly wounded - a bullet passed throught his right shoulder - but his nephew is still recovering from serious wounds in Nairobi hospital.
There is no doubt who sent the assassins. A Rwandan diplomat was arrested nearby, carrying a pistol. So why should Protector Kagame want to kill his former colleagues in the rebel movement and in government? "Because I and Sixbert know too much. We know there is a deliberate policy of ethnic cleansing. We know they are attempting social engineering on a vast, murderous scale."
Why? "First, to instill terror. Then to even up the population figures.. Look at the Rwandan equation: how can a minority tribe of 1+ million govern a country dominated by a tribe of enemies who outnumber them three to one?" He pauses, and looks back at their lists that litter the table and patio. "They want to make it Hutus 50 per cent, Tutsi 50 per cent," he says. "But to do that they will have to kill a lot of hutus."
"When I was in charge of civilian intelligence I started to make a list, "Sixbert adds. I had a network of informers, and soon saw that something bad was going on. By the time I left in August 1995, we had the confirmed names, dates and methods of killing of 100,000 people. But the killing still went on after I fled, and we are investigating the fates of another 200,000 people." But hadn't these people taken part in genocide?
"There are killings and killings," says Seth. "I can understand revenge killing, when a soldier comes home and discovers that his family has been wiped out. But this is something far more repellent. I would call it "counter-genocide. "
Seth says that the killing began as soon as the new government took over. "I warned Colonel Charles Kayonga, who commanded the RPA battalion in Kigali, about the conduct of his troops. He said the RPA did not take prisoners. I was very shocked".
Seth also warned General Kagame, but he did nothing. "I had been a member of the Rwandan Patriotic Front since 1991," says Sendashonga. "I was a political interface between the army and politicians. I knew the people we would need in Rwanda was to recover, but many of these people were being got rid of. It seemed crazy, because our businessman were like businessman anywhere: they were not loyal to any party. Often they backed both sides.
"I had a good relationship with Kagame. Most people were scarred of him and told him what he wanted to hear, but I knew it was my duty to inform him about the killings. I wrote six memos to him with lists of names of the missing. I met him and expressed my concerns. He reassured us that something would be done. But the killings did not stop." Seth describes what he went on whenever the RPA took more territory.
Seth says that the killing began as soon as the new government took over. "I warned Colonel Charles Kayonga, who commanded the RPA battalion in Kigali, about the conduct of his troops. He said the RPA did not take prisoners. I was very shocked".
Seth also warned General Kagame, but he did nothing. "I had been a member of the Rwandan Patriotic Front since 1991," says Sendashonga. "I was a political interface between the army and politicians. I knew the people we would need in Rwanda was to recover, but many of these people were being got rid of. It seemed crazy, because our businessman were like businessman anywhere: they were not loyal to any party. Often they backed both sides.
"I had a good relationship with Kagame. Most people were scarred of him and told him what he wanted to hear, but I knew it was my duty to inform him about the killings. I wrote six memos to him with lists of names of the missing. I met him and expressed my concerns. He reassured us that something would be done. But the killings did not stop." Seth describes what he went on whenever the RPA took more territory.
"People would be called to meetings where they would be given food. At the next meeting they would come in large numbers. Then the place would be surrounded and grenades thrown in. So many reports were similar, I realized these were not random killings. This was large-scale. It had to be planned." "They were even making jokes about it," says Sixbert. "Rwandans have two expressions - kwitaba imana and kwitaba inama. The first means to die naturally. The second, to go to a meeting. Now, they mean the same."
Both men paint a dark picture of Rwanda after the civil war. Wherever the RPA went, the pattern was the same: meetings, killings, then burials or burning. So who were they killing? "Innocent people, largely," says Seth. "The real killers, the leaders of the interahamwe, had fled across the border into Zaire or the camps in Tanzania.
"The people who were left were easy prey. Some of these killings take place in areas where there had been no genocide, so what was the excuse for them?" Despite Seth's attempts to draw attention to the killings, they went on unabated. He and Sixbert realized there was no future for them in Rwanda. "We felt that we were going to be next," says Sixbert. "It was ironic really, because I had opposed the last dictator here, President Habyarimana, and survived the interahamwe gangs by hiding in a sewer for over a week.
"I thought Kagame and the RPF would mean freedom for our country, but all he has brought is more oppression, more death."
At the Milles Collines Hotel in Kigali, a solitary European businessman strokes his way through the Hockeney-blue swimming pool. It is very peaceful here, but the confidential document I am reading tells another story. Whoever compiled it has done a thorough job. It is unsigned, but that is no surprise, given what it contains.
It lists 174 sites where there are mass graves - such as Nyamabuye, where 20,000 are buried, and the veterinary college at Butare, where the bodies have been exhumed and moved to the Mutara. The document even pinpoints schools, military barracks and latrines.
Scratch the surface, the red earth of Rwanda, and you will, it appears, find one vast cemetery. The people who passed me the document know it will be hard to investigate. Many areas are no-fly zones. The government has exhumed graves, dried the skeletons and burned them. Some graves have been used more once: they contain bodies from both the first genocide and the counter-genocide. Often the people who have buried the dead, the creusers, are themselves killed so they cannot bear witness.
Jean Rudakubana, a judge who works for the Association for the Defense of Liberty in Rwanda, tells me that many people believe there could be a repeat of the slaughter of April 1994. "It could happen this April" - as a reminder."
Rudakubana shows me a copy of a letter he has sent to the authorities. It reports that twice during November, a group of armed men tried to enter his house in the night. He identifies them as members of the army.
He says that every day he receives reports of "incidents", but nothing comes out, such is the authorities' grip on public information. And when some incident does escape censorship, it is explained away as an "anti-terrorist initiative".
In Kigali there is triumphalism mixed with the doom. Triumphalism because it is tutsi Town now. Doom because their mind are intoxicated by the dark trauma of genocide. They continually talk about it, but it is not therapeutic. Hutus, they say, are murders, and should be wiped out. Away from Kigali, in Nyakinama, a man who refuses to give his name tells me that when the villagers see a soldier, they hide. They are afraid. They don't want to have to bury the bodies. "What bodies?" I ask.
But he doesn't want to speak to me any more. He is too frightened. This is the dangerously oppressive atmosphere that choked Sixbert Musangamfura and Seth Sendashonga. Now, they are committed to telling the world just what is going on in their country. They do not think it will be easy. After all, the West, particularly the media, took little interest in Rwanda before the genocide of 1994. No doubt it will choose to turn a blind eye to the present events. "People will say that because we are hutus we have no right to expose what is going on," says Sixbert. "They will ignore the fact that we fought the old dictatorship, and were fortunate to survive the genocide ourselves."
Seth Sendashonga says there is "a politically correct attitude to Rwanda. The tutsis are the small guys, the downtrodden tribe, who hold the moral high ground, and they can get away with murder. Literally".
He is right, of course. It suits the world to think this way. Why dig up more graves, discover more trouble in a country which no one understands and which cannot solve its own problems anyway? But that will not stop Seth and Sixbert pressing for an international commission of inquiry.
Meanwhile, people live in fear, and hide when soldiers come for them to bury the bodies.
Sixbert Musangamfura and Seth Sendashonga held high office in Paul Kagame's government, but have fled Rwanda to try to draw the world's attention to "ethnic cleansing on a vast scale". Seth, was hot in February but survived. Paul Kagame, leading the RPA to victory. Below: Now in power, he mourns the 1994 genocide - but his army is behind the current killings.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, April 26, 2009
Prejudice : “detriment or injury caused to a person by the preconceived, unfavorable conviction of another or others.”
Western media in demonization and criminalization of all Hutus
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Western media in demonization and criminalization of all Hutus
Ordinarily, we don't write introductions to articles or essays published in The Black Star News but the following column by Keith Harmon Snow warrants it.
Snow has been at the forefront, as has this newspaper, in exposing
Western duplicity in Africa and how U.S. and U.K. corporate and government interests have caused the deaths of millions of Africans; all for the love of money.
In the end, the African actors, the bit players really, are the ones who are blamed; wars of blood money and profits are referred to euphemistically by major newspapers, including The New York Times as "tribal wars," so that Americans can nod their heads and continue on with their lives without bothering to ask any further questions.
After all, "tribal wars" are endemic to Africa; they always happen. Africans just wake up one day, grab machetes and start chopping off their neighbors' heads to satisfy "blood lust;" a term actually once used by Time magazine to explain what the magazine contended was the reason for the Rwanda massacres of 1994.
Meanwhile, no one writes about the Western companies that somehow just always happen to be around digging the gold and the diamonds and ferrying off the timber and the young Congolese girls, even as the chopping off of heads and limbs occur.
But Keith Harmon Snow, whose long report follows, is not with the program. He is the anti-New York Times kind of reporter; and the anti-New Yorker magazine; and, anti-BBC and anti-Washington Post kind of journalist.
In fact, he is beyond being a mere journalist. He is the type of forthright individual that corporate media would refer to as "radical," in order to impugn his reputation, without having to challenge him on a single fact. He salvages a little respectability for the profession of journalism, which has been corrupted by corporate media.
He is a crusader with a mission; his goal is to expose United States' and Britain's roles in the genocide in Uganda and in the Congo; with characters like Rwanda's president Paul Kagame and Uganda's Yoweri K. Museveni and Sudan's Omar Hassan al-Bashir all playing the bit roles.
Snow writes long; he cannot help it because he feels the pain of the Congolese and the Ugandans and he wants someone somewhere here in the United States and Britain– to pay a price. He might be accused of being overly passionate; one has to be, when one feels the kind of indignation that Snow feels. When it is a matter of genocide no article can be too long. Readers that bear with Snow and read all his words will learn information not found in the corporate media.
Corporate media are often accomplices to crimes against humanity. Sometimes in a most perverted manner. Take The New York Times' resident Sudanese genocide expert, Nicholas Kristoff. If Kristoff really cares about the suffering of Africans, and not just about winning a Pulitzer Prize as he did for his Sudanese crusade, don't you think he would lend his big pen to expose with equal passion the suffering of Congolese and Ugandan civilians; or might that lead to the indictment of Kagame and Museveni, "friends" of United States interests?
Why would a humanitarian be selective in fighting against genocide unless there was a hidden agenda?
Thank the creator for the Internet. In the past, the world was held hostage to the tyranny of selective coverage and cover-ups by newspapers such as The New York Times and writers like Kristoff. He is a hero to Africans in his own mind. The Internet era has broken the monopoly of disinformation and misinformation once enjoyed by elite media.
Many years ago, George Orwell had warned against the dangers of propaganda, or what he called "New Speak." We hear New Speak every day; where everything is turned upside down, killers are praised, while innocents are marched off to shallow graves in the forests. New Speak celebrates murderers as heroes and denounces victims.
Although successive generations have always declared "never again;" and "not on our watch," as surely as the sun rises, humanity never fails and genocide always occurs. New Speak always exonerates the killers. New Speak is public relations disinformation; black becomes white; red is yellow; and bad is good.
As one of the characters in Orwell's 1984 puts it: "It's a beautiful thing, the destruction of words."
Ah, yes; New Speak has helped send millions of Africans six feet under or to the crocodiles in the Kagera river, the Nile, and Lake Victoria.
Snow has been at the forefront, as has this newspaper, in exposing
Western duplicity in Africa and how U.S. and U.K. corporate and government interests have caused the deaths of millions of Africans; all for the love of money.In the end, the African actors, the bit players really, are the ones who are blamed; wars of blood money and profits are referred to euphemistically by major newspapers, including The New York Times as "tribal wars," so that Americans can nod their heads and continue on with their lives without bothering to ask any further questions.
After all, "tribal wars" are endemic to Africa; they always happen. Africans just wake up one day, grab machetes and start chopping off their neighbors' heads to satisfy "blood lust;" a term actually once used by Time magazine to explain what the magazine contended was the reason for the Rwanda massacres of 1994.
Meanwhile, no one writes about the Western companies that somehow just always happen to be around digging the gold and the diamonds and ferrying off the timber and the young Congolese girls, even as the chopping off of heads and limbs occur.
But Keith Harmon Snow, whose long report follows, is not with the program. He is the anti-New York Times kind of reporter; and the anti-New Yorker magazine; and, anti-BBC and anti-Washington Post kind of journalist.
In fact, he is beyond being a mere journalist. He is the type of forthright individual that corporate media would refer to as "radical," in order to impugn his reputation, without having to challenge him on a single fact. He salvages a little respectability for the profession of journalism, which has been corrupted by corporate media.
He is a crusader with a mission; his goal is to expose United States' and Britain's roles in the genocide in Uganda and in the Congo; with characters like Rwanda's president Paul Kagame and Uganda's Yoweri K. Museveni and Sudan's Omar Hassan al-Bashir all playing the bit roles.
Snow writes long; he cannot help it because he feels the pain of the Congolese and the Ugandans and he wants someone somewhere here in the United States and Britain– to pay a price. He might be accused of being overly passionate; one has to be, when one feels the kind of indignation that Snow feels. When it is a matter of genocide no article can be too long. Readers that bear with Snow and read all his words will learn information not found in the corporate media.
Corporate media are often accomplices to crimes against humanity. Sometimes in a most perverted manner. Take The New York Times' resident Sudanese genocide expert, Nicholas Kristoff. If Kristoff really cares about the suffering of Africans, and not just about winning a Pulitzer Prize as he did for his Sudanese crusade, don't you think he would lend his big pen to expose with equal passion the suffering of Congolese and Ugandan civilians; or might that lead to the indictment of Kagame and Museveni, "friends" of United States interests?
Why would a humanitarian be selective in fighting against genocide unless there was a hidden agenda?
Thank the creator for the Internet. In the past, the world was held hostage to the tyranny of selective coverage and cover-ups by newspapers such as The New York Times and writers like Kristoff. He is a hero to Africans in his own mind. The Internet era has broken the monopoly of disinformation and misinformation once enjoyed by elite media.
Many years ago, George Orwell had warned against the dangers of propaganda, or what he called "New Speak." We hear New Speak every day; where everything is turned upside down, killers are praised, while innocents are marched off to shallow graves in the forests. New Speak celebrates murderers as heroes and denounces victims.
Although successive generations have always declared "never again;" and "not on our watch," as surely as the sun rises, humanity never fails and genocide always occurs. New Speak always exonerates the killers. New Speak is public relations disinformation; black becomes white; red is yellow; and bad is good.
As one of the characters in Orwell's 1984 puts it: "It's a beautiful thing, the destruction of words."
Ah, yes; New Speak has helped send millions of Africans six feet under or to the crocodiles in the Kagera river, the Nile, and Lake Victoria.
Take Uganda's Yoweri Museveni as an example; he is a master New Speaker. He has single-handedly, with the assistance of U.K. and U.S. financing and military hardware, caused the deaths of more than eight million Africans –half a million or more in Uganda; one million in Rwanda; seven million in Congo. Please see http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/116/10455.pdf
Yet, at least up until the time President George W. Bush left office, he was treated like some respected elder statesman of politics in the West.
He is such a smooth New Speaker that he attends the funerals of people whom he has reportedly eliminated in Uganda. He is such a smooth operator that he even secured an audience with President Bush in the White House in 2007 even though The Wall Street Journal had already reported on June 8, 2006, that he is being investigated by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes committed by his troops and militia in Congo between 1998-2003 and conceivably, like Liberia's former president Charles Taylor, and like Sudan's president al-Bashir, he too may be indicted by the ICC.
While President Bush could ignore the inconvenient truth and entertain Museveni in the White House, praising him for fighting HIV/Aids, even as he used his other hand to eliminate millions of Africans, it is difficult to imagine how President Barack Obama, a constitutional law professor, could ignore the smell of blood emanating from the Ugandan. Then again, on this earth, anything is possible.
Rwanda's Kagame is another master New Speaker.
Earlier this week, he presided over memorial ceremonies for the victims of the 1994 massacres. Kagame indulges in this macabre exercise each year even though he was instrumental in the very genocide which he now "mourns": he commanded the invasion of Rwanda from Uganda in 1990 and a French court has concluded that he ordered the missile downing of the presidential plane carrying Presidents Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntayamira of Burundi, sparking the 100 days of mass murders.
Western media had also prepared the global community for the eventual demonization and criminalization of all Hutus –even the ones who never participated in the mass murders of 1994– with a racist campaign against them in major magazines such as The New York Times magazine and The New Yorker, both with circulation in the millions.
One of the first media volleys against the Hutus was an article by Alex Shoumatoff, published on June 20, 1992 in The New Yorker, where he described people he had observed while travelling in Burundi, which has the same ethnic combustibility between the majority Hutus and minority Tutsis; at that time Burundi’s army and government were controlled by the Tutsi minority.
"There were three obvious Tutsis," Shoumatoff wrote, of the people he saw in a taxi cab, "Tall, slender with high foreheads, prominent cheekbones, and narrow features." He added: "They were a different physical type from the five passengers who were short and stocky and had the flat noses and thick lips typical of Hutus."
Almost three months later, an even more insidious article by Shoumatoff, "Rwanda's Aristocratic Guerrillas," was published on December 13, 1992, in The New York Times magazine. By this time, the invasion of Rwanda was in its second year and the RPF had already committed numerous massacres against Hutu civilians, as a lexis-nexus search of news reports will reveal. These crimes were glossed over or ignored in Shoumatoff's article and all contemporary and subsequent accounts in major newspapers such as the Times.
Moreover, Shoumatoff was married to a Tutsi woman who was the first cousin of the RPF's spokesperson and he was met at Entebbe airport in Uganda by RPF officials who guided him to the zones they controlled. So, The New York Times knowingly participated in the demonization campaign against the Hutus, who make up 85% of the population in both Rwanda and Burundi.
"In the late 19th Century," Shoumatoff, acting as an unofficial propagandist for the invading army wrote in The New York Times magazine, describing Tutsis, "early ethnologists were fascinated by these 'languidly haughty' pastoral aristocrats whose high foreheads, aquiline noses and thin lips seemed more Caucasian than Negroid, and they classified them as 'false negroes.' In a popular theory of the day, the Tutsis were thought to be highly civilized people, the race of fallen Europeans, whose existence in Central Africa had been rumored for centuries."
Shoumatoff added, of the Tutsis: "They are not a race or a tribe, as often described, but a population, a stratum, a mystical, warrior-priest elite, like the Druids in Celtic society." As for the Hutus, they were far from resembling warrior priests: as Shoumatoff revealed, they were "short, stocky local Bantu agriculturalists." [To read more critique of Western media demonization of Africans, please see "The Hearts Of Darkness, How White Writers Created The Racist Image of Africa," (Black Star Books, 2005)]
Yes, henious crimes against humanity and war crimes occurred in Rwanda, not only in 1994, but right from the time of the Uganda-sponsored invasion in 1990. Yet, the account here shows, many people would rather pretend that the atrocities started in 1994.
Some of the people who participated in the crimes have been caught and tried; many who have been tried and convicted did not even participate; those prosecuted so far have been only Hutus.
The story can never be complete when others involved in the same crime are exonerated through New Speak–some are outside Rwanda, including Museveni, for sponsoring the invasion and reportedly for supplying the missile used to down Habyarimana's jet; others, indicted and unindicted criminals now govern Rwanda.
— Milton Allimadi, BlackStar News
Yet, at least up until the time President George W. Bush left office, he was treated like some respected elder statesman of politics in the West.
He is such a smooth New Speaker that he attends the funerals of people whom he has reportedly eliminated in Uganda. He is such a smooth operator that he even secured an audience with President Bush in the White House in 2007 even though The Wall Street Journal had already reported on June 8, 2006, that he is being investigated by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes committed by his troops and militia in Congo between 1998-2003 and conceivably, like Liberia's former president Charles Taylor, and like Sudan's president al-Bashir, he too may be indicted by the ICC.
While President Bush could ignore the inconvenient truth and entertain Museveni in the White House, praising him for fighting HIV/Aids, even as he used his other hand to eliminate millions of Africans, it is difficult to imagine how President Barack Obama, a constitutional law professor, could ignore the smell of blood emanating from the Ugandan. Then again, on this earth, anything is possible.
Rwanda's Kagame is another master New Speaker.
Earlier this week, he presided over memorial ceremonies for the victims of the 1994 massacres. Kagame indulges in this macabre exercise each year even though he was instrumental in the very genocide which he now "mourns": he commanded the invasion of Rwanda from Uganda in 1990 and a French court has concluded that he ordered the missile downing of the presidential plane carrying Presidents Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntayamira of Burundi, sparking the 100 days of mass murders.
Western media had also prepared the global community for the eventual demonization and criminalization of all Hutus –even the ones who never participated in the mass murders of 1994– with a racist campaign against them in major magazines such as The New York Times magazine and The New Yorker, both with circulation in the millions.
One of the first media volleys against the Hutus was an article by Alex Shoumatoff, published on June 20, 1992 in The New Yorker, where he described people he had observed while travelling in Burundi, which has the same ethnic combustibility between the majority Hutus and minority Tutsis; at that time Burundi’s army and government were controlled by the Tutsi minority.
"There were three obvious Tutsis," Shoumatoff wrote, of the people he saw in a taxi cab, "Tall, slender with high foreheads, prominent cheekbones, and narrow features." He added: "They were a different physical type from the five passengers who were short and stocky and had the flat noses and thick lips typical of Hutus."
Almost three months later, an even more insidious article by Shoumatoff, "Rwanda's Aristocratic Guerrillas," was published on December 13, 1992, in The New York Times magazine. By this time, the invasion of Rwanda was in its second year and the RPF had already committed numerous massacres against Hutu civilians, as a lexis-nexus search of news reports will reveal. These crimes were glossed over or ignored in Shoumatoff's article and all contemporary and subsequent accounts in major newspapers such as the Times.
Moreover, Shoumatoff was married to a Tutsi woman who was the first cousin of the RPF's spokesperson and he was met at Entebbe airport in Uganda by RPF officials who guided him to the zones they controlled. So, The New York Times knowingly participated in the demonization campaign against the Hutus, who make up 85% of the population in both Rwanda and Burundi.
"In the late 19th Century," Shoumatoff, acting as an unofficial propagandist for the invading army wrote in The New York Times magazine, describing Tutsis, "early ethnologists were fascinated by these 'languidly haughty' pastoral aristocrats whose high foreheads, aquiline noses and thin lips seemed more Caucasian than Negroid, and they classified them as 'false negroes.' In a popular theory of the day, the Tutsis were thought to be highly civilized people, the race of fallen Europeans, whose existence in Central Africa had been rumored for centuries."
Shoumatoff added, of the Tutsis: "They are not a race or a tribe, as often described, but a population, a stratum, a mystical, warrior-priest elite, like the Druids in Celtic society." As for the Hutus, they were far from resembling warrior priests: as Shoumatoff revealed, they were "short, stocky local Bantu agriculturalists." [To read more critique of Western media demonization of Africans, please see "The Hearts Of Darkness, How White Writers Created The Racist Image of Africa," (Black Star Books, 2005)]
Yes, henious crimes against humanity and war crimes occurred in Rwanda, not only in 1994, but right from the time of the Uganda-sponsored invasion in 1990. Yet, the account here shows, many people would rather pretend that the atrocities started in 1994.
Some of the people who participated in the crimes have been caught and tried; many who have been tried and convicted did not even participate; those prosecuted so far have been only Hutus.
The story can never be complete when others involved in the same crime are exonerated through New Speak–some are outside Rwanda, including Museveni, for sponsoring the invasion and reportedly for supplying the missile used to down Habyarimana's jet; others, indicted and unindicted criminals now govern Rwanda.
— Milton Allimadi, BlackStar News
But ours is a mere introduction. Let Keith Harmon Snow tell the sordid story. Find out by opening the link here below:
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Thursday, April 23, 2009
***
Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza
***
Chairperson of UDF, the international Rwandese oppostion. She resides in the Netherlands since 1994. She intends to participate in the presidential elections in Rwanda, august 2010
The next presidential elections in Rwanda are about two years away but the opposition in exile is already getting ready for them.
The Unified Democratic Forces (UDF) have already announced their participation and are even optimistic. Mrs Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza heads that organisation and has been presented by Dutch and Belgian media as UDF candidate.
The Unified Democratic Forces (UDF) have already announced their participation and are even optimistic. Mrs Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza heads that organisation and has been presented by Dutch and Belgian media as UDF candidate.
“RPF backers don't stop praising him while most of Rwandans suffer injustice, daily imprisonment, rape and assassinations... For those who visited Kigali, it looks Rwanda's economy is booming.
This shiny surface, however, hides a gloomy reality, with Kagame accused of war crimes committed before and during the 1994 genocide, denying political and press freedom in Rwanda subtly recomposing the old power-structure in favor of the Tutsi ethnic group”.
Kagame is also accused of denying political and press freedom in Rwanda. According to the Economist , “He allows less political space and press freedom at home than Robert Mugabe does in Zimbabwe.”
This shiny surface, however, hides a gloomy reality, with Kagame accused of war crimes committed before and during the 1994 genocide, denying political and press freedom in Rwanda subtly recomposing the old power-structure in favor of the Tutsi ethnic group”.
Kagame is also accused of denying political and press freedom in Rwanda. According to the Economist , “He allows less political space and press freedom at home than Robert Mugabe does in Zimbabwe.”
“There is no press freedom in Rwanda,” Timothy Spence, press and communication manager of the International Press Institute (IPI), told ISN Security Watch.
“Over the past few years, journalists have continuously been arrested and harassed because they are accused of fuelling the genocide ideology.”
“What I can tell about this guy is that Tutsis will rig elections over and over because there aren't any Hutus with sober minds who would vote for Kagame after he has killed all the Hutu scholars and jailed everyone due to allegations of genocide that he himself started”. “Kagame has rigged and he will rig if we don't remove him now”. 
***
“There are tremendously good things happening in Rwanda, but much more could happen if Kagame and RPF were removed”.
The removal of street kids and jailing them is pathetic. But that's exactly how far Kagame will go to reach his ends. He will kill, jail, torture and rape the masses in order to get what he wants. Ask our Congolese neighbors. Kagame rigs every election and does not allow any independent politicians to operate in Rwanda.
This also goes for journalists and anyone else who does not agree with him. The amount of death and suffering he has caused far exceeds that of the genocidal government. Just like the genocidal government, the blood he spills will come back to haunt him no matter how systematic and methodical he is in killing the masses, looting, raping and torturing.
© Edoardo Totolo for International Relations and Security Network (ISN)
This also goes for journalists and anyone else who does not agree with him. The amount of death and suffering he has caused far exceeds that of the genocidal government. Just like the genocidal government, the blood he spills will come back to haunt him no matter how systematic and methodical he is in killing the masses, looting, raping and torturing.
© Edoardo Totolo for International Relations and Security Network (ISN)
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Wednesday, April 22, 2009
*.*Painfully embarrassing question*.*:
Are you as bothered as we are by not knowing the whole truth about the Rwandan genocide; the brains behind it and its sponsors?
We do not wish to engage you in some phenomenological exercise. Not at all.
We are simply at a point where we need to confront that reflection in the mirror. This way we are able to see things about ourselves and our relationship to our environment that we could not otherwise be aware of.
We need to confront the truth about the main reason and bloodthirsty people behind massacres of Rwandans, the silence about millions of deaths of Hutus and Tutsis and the aftermath by the existing bloodthirsty dictatorship in Rwanda. Moving from the political to the personal, from the outside to the inside...
We want to bring you back to the RPF myth of Paul Kagame and his RPF, what to believe or what to do in response to RPF manipulation and propaganda, serious researchers’ observations, Hutu survivors’ experience and eye-witnesses stories, verbal or written.
It seems our analysis of the tragic situation in Rwanda begins and ends with the realization of the important fact that those who support Paul Kagame directly and/or indirectly often take part in the organized crime against Rwandans through their support to the Kagame autocratic regime.
We would like to say right away that the current outsiders’ involvement has worsened the current socio-political issue in Rwanda, and something has to be done to stop their support to the Rwandan dictator. If the issue is not addressed, the future generations will accuse us for having aided and abetted the destruction of our country. That will rather help out american and British crooks and looters than the common people of Rwanda.
The involvement of some of the Clinton and Bush Administrations in the Rwanda genocide has shaped and then encouraged impunity of Paul Kagame and RPF criminals. And if the issue is NOT addressed, there will be no peace in Rwanda or reconciliation among both communities, Hutus and Tutsis.
We need to make sure our own message is clear, and the support to the RPF regime will never help reconciliation all the ethnic groups in Rwanda. Since forcibly seizing power in the April 6, 1994, Paul Kagame and his government have made remarkable political progress in dividing Rwandans, divisions based on lies and the misinterpretation of tragic events of 1994.
To understand how the genocide plan is very multifaceted, we want the reader to know that corruption inside Rwanda, nepotism and cronyism are thriving via and with the help of the UN institutions and “NGOs”: for example the critical situation within the ICTR and the prosecution team is totally dependent on.
As an example: All of those corrupt, former-UN decision-maker puppets in Rwanda and Congo have been gathered at the UN working for UN special Department for Human rights with the purpose of protecting them from any prosecution for crimes they may have committed in Rwanda: Their list is not exhausted:
Are you as bothered as we are by not knowing the whole truth about the Rwandan genocide; the brains behind it and its sponsors?
We do not wish to engage you in some phenomenological exercise. Not at all.
We are simply at a point where we need to confront that reflection in the mirror. This way we are able to see things about ourselves and our relationship to our environment that we could not otherwise be aware of.We need to confront the truth about the main reason and bloodthirsty people behind massacres of Rwandans, the silence about millions of deaths of Hutus and Tutsis and the aftermath by the existing bloodthirsty dictatorship in Rwanda. Moving from the political to the personal, from the outside to the inside...
We want to bring you back to the RPF myth of Paul Kagame and his RPF, what to believe or what to do in response to RPF manipulation and propaganda, serious researchers’ observations, Hutu survivors’ experience and eye-witnesses stories, verbal or written.
It seems our analysis of the tragic situation in Rwanda begins and ends with the realization of the important fact that those who support Paul Kagame directly and/or indirectly often take part in the organized crime against Rwandans through their support to the Kagame autocratic regime.
We would like to say right away that the current outsiders’ involvement has worsened the current socio-political issue in Rwanda, and something has to be done to stop their support to the Rwandan dictator. If the issue is not addressed, the future generations will accuse us for having aided and abetted the destruction of our country. That will rather help out american and British crooks and looters than the common people of Rwanda.
The involvement of some of the Clinton and Bush Administrations in the Rwanda genocide has shaped and then encouraged impunity of Paul Kagame and RPF criminals. And if the issue is NOT addressed, there will be no peace in Rwanda or reconciliation among both communities, Hutus and Tutsis.
We need to make sure our own message is clear, and the support to the RPF regime will never help reconciliation all the ethnic groups in Rwanda. Since forcibly seizing power in the April 6, 1994, Paul Kagame and his government have made remarkable political progress in dividing Rwandans, divisions based on lies and the misinterpretation of tragic events of 1994.
To understand how the genocide plan is very multifaceted, we want the reader to know that corruption inside Rwanda, nepotism and cronyism are thriving via and with the help of the UN institutions and “NGOs”: for example the critical situation within the ICTR and the prosecution team is totally dependent on.
As an example: All of those corrupt, former-UN decision-maker puppets in Rwanda and Congo have been gathered at the UN working for UN special Department for Human rights with the purpose of protecting them from any prosecution for crimes they may have committed in Rwanda: Their list is not exhausted:
- The Canadian Louise Arbour, who was Chief War Crimes Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda;
- Kofi Annan, the UN Secretary General, shut down the terror investigation of the double Hutu presidential assassination.
- The Canadian General Romeo Dallaire, who commanded the UN peacekeeping mission to Rwanda at the height of the genocide. He's the one who helped RPF infiltration in Kigali, RPF ammunition and was in charge of RPF infiltrators logistics. General Romeo Dallaire has escorted the missiles from Mulindi (RPF headquarters) to Kigali (CND parliament in Kigali) a couple of weeks before the shooting down of the Habyarimana plane. Because of his heavy crimes, he's got an everlasting immunity.
- The Japanese Sadako Ogata, who served as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees rewarded by Paul Kagame for having silenced the UN over the mass-slaughters of internally displaced Hutus in Rwanda's Auschwitz-the Kibeho camp, and hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees in the Democratic Republic of Congo and many others.
- Bernard Kouchner and now the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, a friend of Kagame, is the imposter known as the French doctor who found out how to milk the Rwandan genocide. Trying to deflect attention from he's involvment in the Rwandan Genocide, Kouchner organized Rose Kabuye's big show to discredit Bruguière anti-terror investigation which resulted in Arrest Warrants against Paul Kagame and his 9 high-ranking military officers.
- Louis Michel, Belgian and European High commissionner for Humanitarian affairs. He's another Kagame’s business partner in the Rwandan genocide.
- Then we mention Kagame's impunity supporters: Mike Abramowitz, David Cameron, Hilary Clinton, Suzanne Rice who by the way are believed to be RPF backers, best friends and admirers of the dictator.
- Then follows Bill Clinton, known as an american hero by RPF and IBUKA because he's the one who supported Paul Kagame by taking the grave decision not to intervene in Rwanda.
- Tony Blair, the current African Hitler adviser and the main backer of the RPF invasion of Rwanda since the RPF invasion in the 90's.
- We must say that Bill Gates happened to be all in buddy with the Rwandan despotic tyrant after the dictator expropriated Hutus and ordered their land titles to be transferred to Bill gates. He is the one of the main RPF sponsors and now known to support the plan of building up the RPF apartheid in Rwanda.
All of them are undermining the cause of justice in Rwanda by protecting the Rwandan Nazi criminals headed by General Paul Kagame, a dictator who has been ranked the most dangerous criminal on the planet.
Using their visits to influence the outcomes of Kagame's prosecutions, these corrupt and evil officials should likewise be considered as war criminals. The corrupt “businessmen” are pretending to protect the US interests in Rwanda when they are, in fact, supporting the growing Fascism in Rwanda and worse of that, they are actively supporting the growing apartheid and Nazism there.
The assassination of President Habyarimana remains unsolved BECAUSE OF these above-mentioned RPF backers. How is it that the United States and United Kingdom are doing nothing to resolve the longest and most dangerous conflict in our world?
“It's hard to decide if this is a comedy or a horror show(,) while every step, every visit promotes humiliation, rape, disappearances, killings of Rwandans and mass violations of civil and human rights in and out of Rwanda”.
Now, as then, Rwandan survivors are shocked. We all witness, at the daily basis, RPF criminal acts of obstruction of justice at the highest levels of the international criminal court (ICTR) for Rwanda. If left to fester, the poisoning of democracy and human rights in Rwanda will continue.
Outrage among Rwandan survivors triggered the Spanish arrest warrants against, and the eventual incarceration of, Paul Kagame.
It is extraordinarily upsetting and frustrating that we can live in a world where it is possible that criminals are protected from being brought before the bar of Justice. We see no embarrassment from RPF backers and sponsors when 3,500,000 Rwandans are mass-murdered by Paul Kagame and there is no prosecution, no condemnation of such awful crimes. It’s a kind of picnic for the above mentioned to see Rwandans getting slaughtered. Worse than that, they aren’t bothered when it’s said they’re looting our country.
The Hutu population is chased away from towns, their lands, private properties are expropriated without compensation, and in the coming days, you will be seeing that soon Hutus will BE UNWELCOME in Kigali. To make it easier, the land which is supposed to belong to Hutus is no longer private. It belongs to the government, in other words, to the RPF leadership and members.
RPF is kidnapping and then distributing Ruhengeri gorillas to its supporters even though the Virunga Volcanoes Mountain Gorillas are under international protection. To make it easier, Dr Dian Fossey was assassinated in a very strange situation, and many sources confirm she was killed by those who actually support the Rwandan dictator Paul Kagame. The Dian Fossey Gorilla Fund International that was founded in 1978 by Dr. Dian Fossey, herself, can’t do anything about it.
As these criminals show such nauseating behavior towards Rwandan survivors, and with mounting outrage from Rwandan survivors, Paul Kagame and his RPF criminal organization have received a green card Green Light for killing, raping and promoting the Rwandan genocide manipulation.
All ingredients for overwhelming the ongoing genocide against the majority of Rwandans by targeting Hutus because of their easy-going vulnerability, injustice and helplessness.. It is true that the feeling of growing anger among Rwandan survivors has taken place while the Clintons, Bushes, Tony Blair and Bill Gates have become the founders, supporters, and backers of the RPF criminal organization the wanted RPF criminal leadership, RPF criminal military, RPF secret police units, RPF secret services and death squads, DMI, LDF, etc.
The worse things get in Rwanda, the more arrogant and untouchable Kagame becomes, and, on the contrary, the RPF and Kagame’s tyrannical and repressive government get support and then legitimation for the simple reason that they have decided the truth on the Rwandan genocide cannot bear the light of day.
©Survivors Editions
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Tuesday, April 21, 2009
You should ask me how my loved ones were killed by RPF.Before Mass killings at Kibeho
Surrounded by Government troops, Hutus have subsisted on scraps of food, gathering rainwater in tarpaulins and cooking empty pots and surrounded by their own waste and rotting rain-soaked sacks of belongings. Paul Kagame has snet Bihozagara to cut off aid to those Hutu IDPs. Those Hutu children and women are drinking their own urine in order to survive because there is simply no water available for them to drink. There is diarrhea and dysentery, and many are vomiting blood.
General karenzi Karake was present and did take part in the killings at Kibeho. He is a ruthless animal who deserves to be hanged. RPA were competing for favors and recognition in Kagame's eyes.
So let us get the truth and seek justice
No Witness Must Survive
http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x55yvb_massacres-a-kibeho-22041995_news
http://saverwanda.org/index.php?id=74&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=50&cHash=617307fce7
http://saverwanda.org/index.php?id=74&tx_ttnews%5Btt_news%5D=50&cHash=617307fce7
Anyone with common sense would tell you that no one will ever wake up in the morning and decides to kill his/her neighbors just because they belong to this or that tribe.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Massacres à Kibeho le 22-04-1995
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http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x55yvb_massacres-a-kibeho-22041995_news
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http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x55yvb_massacres-a-kibeho-22041995_news
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Appel à Commémorer nos proches parents massacrés à KIBEHO et en RDCongo ce mercredi 22/04/2009 de 17h30 à 18h30 au Mémorial du génocide à Woluwe St Pierre.
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RV au métro Montgomery à partir de 17h15. Le Mémorial du génocide érigé au croisement de trois routes à savoir l’avenue R. Vandendriessche, l’avenue Jules César et la rue Père E. Devroye dans la Commune de Woluwe Saint Pierre (WSP).
Vous tous qui ont survécu et/ou qui ont perdu les vôtres dans les massacres de KIBEHO et/ou en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), nous vous invitons au Mémorial ce mercredi 22/04/2009 entre 17h30 et 18h30 pour commémorer plus de 8000 déplacés de guerre massacrés par l’APR le 22/04/1995 à KIBEHO (Gikongoro, au Sud du Rwanda) et plus de 30.000 réfugiés rwandais massacrés par l’APR le 22/04/1997 sur le chemin de fer de KASESE en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) ainsi que tous les réfugiés massacrés depuis Bukavu et Goma jusqu’à Mbandaka de 1996 à 1998.
Pour ceux qui auraient perdu le souvenir de ces crimes de génocide, voici les témoignages sur ces massacres de Kibeho et de KASESE en RDC, les victimes qui ont été massacrées dans les seules journées du 22/04/1995 (à Kibeho) et du 22/04/1997 (en RDC) l’ont été comme suit :
1) Le début de l’holocauste sur le chemin de fer de KASESE (22/04/1997 vers 14h) :
Voici un témoignage du rescapé Niwese Maurice dans son livre : « Le peuple rwandais, un pied dans la tombe, récit d’un réfugié étudiant » et édité dans la Collection « Mémoires Africaines » chez l’Harmattan en 2001 ; pages 159 à 162.
« Devant nous s’installèrent ces militaires qui nous conduisaient avec leurs mitrailleuses et les caisses d’obus. Ils tournèrent les canons sur nous. Ils étaient tellement nombreux qu’il y en avait partout. Sans pitié, ils ouvrirent le feu.
Les gens moururent par centaines. Le sang coula partout, se mêla au repas qu’on préparait et tout devint rouge. Je restais cloué par terre et attendais de recevoir une balle dans la tête. A côté de moi, parent, ami, voisin tombait. D’un coup, les gens blessés ou non, commencèrent à fuir vers l’intérieur de la forêt. Je suivis le mouvement et me lançait dans la forêt. Pas de chance là-bas non plus. Ayant tout prévu, les militaires y étaient. On échappait par hasard, sinon la mort était partout.
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RV au métro Montgomery à partir de 17h15. Le Mémorial du génocide érigé au croisement de trois routes à savoir l’avenue R. Vandendriessche, l’avenue Jules César et la rue Père E. Devroye dans la Commune de Woluwe Saint Pierre (WSP).
Vous tous qui ont survécu et/ou qui ont perdu les vôtres dans les massacres de KIBEHO et/ou en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), nous vous invitons au Mémorial ce mercredi 22/04/2009 entre 17h30 et 18h30 pour commémorer plus de 8000 déplacés de guerre massacrés par l’APR le 22/04/1995 à KIBEHO (Gikongoro, au Sud du Rwanda) et plus de 30.000 réfugiés rwandais massacrés par l’APR le 22/04/1997 sur le chemin de fer de KASESE en République Démocratique du Congo (RDC) ainsi que tous les réfugiés massacrés depuis Bukavu et Goma jusqu’à Mbandaka de 1996 à 1998.
Pour ceux qui auraient perdu le souvenir de ces crimes de génocide, voici les témoignages sur ces massacres de Kibeho et de KASESE en RDC, les victimes qui ont été massacrées dans les seules journées du 22/04/1995 (à Kibeho) et du 22/04/1997 (en RDC) l’ont été comme suit :
1) Le début de l’holocauste sur le chemin de fer de KASESE (22/04/1997 vers 14h) :
Voici un témoignage du rescapé Niwese Maurice dans son livre : « Le peuple rwandais, un pied dans la tombe, récit d’un réfugié étudiant » et édité dans la Collection « Mémoires Africaines » chez l’Harmattan en 2001 ; pages 159 à 162.
« Devant nous s’installèrent ces militaires qui nous conduisaient avec leurs mitrailleuses et les caisses d’obus. Ils tournèrent les canons sur nous. Ils étaient tellement nombreux qu’il y en avait partout. Sans pitié, ils ouvrirent le feu.
Les gens moururent par centaines. Le sang coula partout, se mêla au repas qu’on préparait et tout devint rouge. Je restais cloué par terre et attendais de recevoir une balle dans la tête. A côté de moi, parent, ami, voisin tombait. D’un coup, les gens blessés ou non, commencèrent à fuir vers l’intérieur de la forêt. Je suivis le mouvement et me lançait dans la forêt. Pas de chance là-bas non plus. Ayant tout prévu, les militaires y étaient. On échappait par hasard, sinon la mort était partout.
Ces tueries durèrent trois jours. Les 2ème et 3ème jours, les militaires nous pourchassèrent dans la forêt. Ils examinaient également les cadavres pour achever ceux qui gardaient encore le souffle. Dans la forêt, l’homme attrapé était immédiatement tué. Les femmes, quant à elles, étaient emportées. Une femme rescapée me raconta par après qu’elles étaient sauvagement violées. On les tuait par après.
Les militaires mettaient les canons des fusils dans leurs sexes pour déclencher le feu. Ce témoignage fut confirmé par les cadavres des femmes que nous avons découverts par la suite. Après le troisième jour, des camions commencèrent à transporter des citernes de carburant. On brûla les corps étendus le long du chemin de fer. Cette opération a précédé l’arrivée des humanitaires”.
2) Pour les massacres de KIBEHO, laissons la parole à Mme Claudine VIDAL (sociologue française qui a revisiter archives et rapports de Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) à Paris :
« Au Rwanda, dans le camp de Kibeho, le 22 avril 1995, des soldats de l'Armée patriotique rwandaise (Apr) encerclent quelques 100 000 personnes, regroupées dans un espace restreint. Utilisant armes automatiques, lance-roquettes et grenades, les militaires tirent longuement à plusieurs reprises sur la foule.
Ce massacre, qui fit sans doute autant de morts que les attentats d'Al-Qaida du 11 septembre 2001, eut sur le coup un grand retentissement dans la presse internationale. Cependant, perpétré moins d'une année après le génocide des Rwandais tutsis abandonnés à leur sort par le Conseil de Sécurité de l'Onu, il ne suscita pas de réaction significative de la communauté internationale. Massacre parmi d'autres, dans cette région qui connut et allait encore connaître de nombreux bains de sang, il s'oublia ». (…).
Samedi 22 avril (1995)
Le matin, l'équipe Msf, renforcée par d'autres volontaires de cette organisation travaillant au Rwanda, est prévenue par radio, depuis l'hôpital de Kibeho, qu'il y a eu des tirs de l'Apr (Armée Patriotique Rwandaise) toute la nuit. Leur convoi se rend au camp, est longuement retardé par des barrages, puis, sur la fin de la matinée, atteint l'hôpital, escorté par des Casques bleus.
Plusieurs heures durant, les témoins de Msf seront sur le site de Kibeho qu'ils évacueront avant la nuit (entre 17/18 heures). Impuissants, ils assisteront aux tueries depuis trois endroits : l'hôpital, le camp I (caserne des Zambiens) et le camp II (caserne des Australiens) de la Minuar. Voici un bref résumé de leurs témoignages.
Une pluie diluvienne se met à tomber. Ils commencent à donner des soins aux blessés lorsque, vers 12 heures15, ils entendent des tirs, de plus en plus intenses dans la cour de l'hôpital. Ce sont des soldats de l'Apr qui tirent depuis l'hôpital sur les déplacés. Les volontaires restent bloqués là, à plat ventre, près d'une heure jusqu'à ce que des Casques bleus les évacuent dans la caserne du bataillon zambien de la Minuar. Une partie de l'équipe tente de soigner les blessés transportés par les Casques bleus dans cette caserne. Une autre partie décide de se rendre dans la deuxième caserne de la Minuar, celle des Australiens.
Obligés de finir le trajet à pied, car la route est recouverte de corps empilés sur toute sa largeur, ils marchent sur les cadavres d'hommes, de femmes et d'enfants. Durant le temps qu'ils vont passer dans cet endroit, ils entendent successivement des tirs sporadiques, des rafales courtes, enfin une fusillade intense et continue.
Selon les témoignages de ceux qui sont restés dans la première caserne, les tirs reprennent vers 14 heures 30 et continuent plusieurs heures. Des soldats rwandais, montés sur le mur de ce bâtiment, tirent de là sur la foule, indifférents à la présence des Casques bleus et des gens de Msf. Les Casques bleus (qui ont reçu de leur commandement à Kigali l'ordre de ne pas utiliser leurs armes) disent que l'Apr utilise des mini lance-roquettes (RPG), des grenades et des kalachnikovs.
Les secouristes Msf essaient à plusieurs reprises de sortir avec une escorte de militaires zambiens mais, à chaque fois, ils doivent rebrousser chemin à cause des tirs. " Avant cette longue série de tirs, il y avait encore des centaines de personnes qui étaient rassemblées sur la route de Butare, prêtes à partir.
Quand les tirs ont cessé et qu'on a pu sortir, il n'y avait plus personne debout, tous fauchés. " En fin d'après-midi, les Australiens évacuent les volontaires de leur caserne et récupèrent ceux qui étaient restés bloqués dans la caserne zambienne. Autour du camp de la Minuar, le sol est recouvert de morts et de blessés, de nombreux cadavres sont visibles plus loin sur la colline » (…).
3) Pour le massacre des élèves du Groupe Scolaire de MURAMBA dans la nuit du 27 au 28/04/1997, j’ai annexé le communiqué n°12/1997 daté du 20/05/1997 du CLIIR dans les documents décrivant les massacres que nous allons commémorer au Mémorial le mercredi 22/04/2009.
Voici comment les faits se seraient déroulés d’après certaines autorités rwandaises:
Une bande de personnes armées de fusils s’est introduite dans l’Ecole secondaire d’Economie et de Commerce sise à TETERO après avoir fait une brèche dans la clôture près des dortoirs des élèves. Cette bande se serait divisée en trois (3) groupes:
Le premier groupe aurait attaqué la position militaire tenu par un détachement de l’APR chargé de la sécurité de l’Ecole. Le second groupe a attaqué et tué directement les élèves au dortoir de l’Ecole Normale Primaire sise à RABA (la colline de Raba est située à 800 mètres environ en face de l’Ecole des filles de Tetero).
Le troisième groupe a pris et obligé la Soeur Directrice de l’Ecole de TETERO d’aller leur montrer où logeait Mlle Griet BOSMANS, Directrice de l’Ecole voisine (Ecole Normale Primaire de RABA). Cette dernière a été tuée après avoir donné aux tueurs tout l’argent qu’elle avait, tandis que l’autre Directrice a été relâchée et fut retrouvée le lendemain. Jusqu’au 29 avril 1997, cette Directrice qui s’appelle Soeur Marie de l’Annonciation (de la congrégation des soeurs Benebikira) était encore incapable de raconter ce qui s’était passé.
Voici le témoignage du Lt Abdul RUZIBIZA sur le massacre des élèves de Muramba
et sur l’assassinat de la directrice belge Griet BOSMANS par l’APR :
D’après le témoignage du Lieutenant Abdul RUZIBIZA qui raconte à la page 403 de son livre « Rwanda, l’histoire secrète » (Edit. Panama à Paris octobre 2005), l’assassinat de Mlle Griet BOSMANS par l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR) est décrit dans ces termes :
« La nuit du 27 au 28 avril 1997, Mme Griet Bosmans, originaire de la Belgique et alors directrice de l’école secondaire de Muramba dans la commune de Satinsyi, a péri avec 17 de ses élèves et 4 autres personnes sous les balles des militaires du 9è bataillon qui avaient été envoyés par le lieutenant John CASSIUS et étaient dirigés par le sergent Camille ZUBA, en compagnie de 15 soldats du peloton spécial qui était affecté à la sous-préfecture de Ngororero.
Il y avait là deux compagnies du 9è bataillon, l’une était dirigée par le capitaine Eugène Rukundo et l’autre par le capitaine Christopher Rwibogora. Entre les deux compagnies, il y avait une distance de deux minutes à pied. Il y avait également une troisième compagnie non loin de là, celle du capitaine Steven Rukara.
Aucun de ces militaires n’a bougé pour secourir la directrice et le groupe qui l’accompagnait. La DMI soupçonnait Griet Bosmans de livrer des informations sur les atrocités de l’APR au ministre de l’Intérieur, Seth SENDASHONGA. En outre, la DMI croyait qu’elle mettait des mouvements d’action catholique au courant de ce qui se passait au Rwanda. C’est pourquoi elle a été tuée ».
4) Quant à l’assassinat du journaliste Appolo Hakizimana, voir CLIIR, communiqué n° 11/1997 du 21/05/1997 intitulé: « Rwanda: Assassinat du journaliste Hakizimana Appolo dans la soirée du 27/04/1997 par un «escadron de la mort » à Kigali.
En voici un petit extrait : « Dimanche, le 27 avril 1997 vers 21h, HAKIZIMANA Appolo, et sa cousine rentraient chez eux à MUMENA, secteur Nyamirambo, commune Nyarugenge, Préfecture de la Ville de Kigali (PVK). Tout près de leur domicile, dans un petit restaurant tenu par une dame connu sous le surnom de “Maman KEZA” sont sortis deux personnes portant de longs manteaux et des chapeaux, accompagnés par cette dame, propriétaire du Restaurant. Ils se dirigeaient en sens inverse, vers le journaliste HAKIZIMANA Appolo et sa cousine.
Mama KEZA a aussitôt rebroussé chemin, tandis que les deux individus “non encore identifiés” se sont retournés pour suivre Appolo et sa cousine qu’ils venaient de croiser. Ils ont arrêté HAKIZIMANA Appolo. L’un d’eux lui a immobilisé les bras, tandis que le second a obstrué sa bouche par la main avant de lui tirer deux balles au niveau de l’oreille ».
Pour la SOCIRWA (Société Civile Rwandaise),
MATATA Joseph, Coordinateur du CLIIR
Contacts : CLIIR : 0476.701.569,
COSAR :0488477363,
SAVE-Rwanda :0487624768
Centre de Lutte contre l'Impunitéet l'Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°2271080 BRUXELLES
Tél/Fax: 32.81.60.11.13GSM: 32.476.70.15.69
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Les militaires mettaient les canons des fusils dans leurs sexes pour déclencher le feu. Ce témoignage fut confirmé par les cadavres des femmes que nous avons découverts par la suite. Après le troisième jour, des camions commencèrent à transporter des citernes de carburant. On brûla les corps étendus le long du chemin de fer. Cette opération a précédé l’arrivée des humanitaires”.
2) Pour les massacres de KIBEHO, laissons la parole à Mme Claudine VIDAL (sociologue française qui a revisiter archives et rapports de Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) à Paris :
« Au Rwanda, dans le camp de Kibeho, le 22 avril 1995, des soldats de l'Armée patriotique rwandaise (Apr) encerclent quelques 100 000 personnes, regroupées dans un espace restreint. Utilisant armes automatiques, lance-roquettes et grenades, les militaires tirent longuement à plusieurs reprises sur la foule.
Ce massacre, qui fit sans doute autant de morts que les attentats d'Al-Qaida du 11 septembre 2001, eut sur le coup un grand retentissement dans la presse internationale. Cependant, perpétré moins d'une année après le génocide des Rwandais tutsis abandonnés à leur sort par le Conseil de Sécurité de l'Onu, il ne suscita pas de réaction significative de la communauté internationale. Massacre parmi d'autres, dans cette région qui connut et allait encore connaître de nombreux bains de sang, il s'oublia ». (…).
Samedi 22 avril (1995)
Le matin, l'équipe Msf, renforcée par d'autres volontaires de cette organisation travaillant au Rwanda, est prévenue par radio, depuis l'hôpital de Kibeho, qu'il y a eu des tirs de l'Apr (Armée Patriotique Rwandaise) toute la nuit. Leur convoi se rend au camp, est longuement retardé par des barrages, puis, sur la fin de la matinée, atteint l'hôpital, escorté par des Casques bleus.
Plusieurs heures durant, les témoins de Msf seront sur le site de Kibeho qu'ils évacueront avant la nuit (entre 17/18 heures). Impuissants, ils assisteront aux tueries depuis trois endroits : l'hôpital, le camp I (caserne des Zambiens) et le camp II (caserne des Australiens) de la Minuar. Voici un bref résumé de leurs témoignages.
Une pluie diluvienne se met à tomber. Ils commencent à donner des soins aux blessés lorsque, vers 12 heures15, ils entendent des tirs, de plus en plus intenses dans la cour de l'hôpital. Ce sont des soldats de l'Apr qui tirent depuis l'hôpital sur les déplacés. Les volontaires restent bloqués là, à plat ventre, près d'une heure jusqu'à ce que des Casques bleus les évacuent dans la caserne du bataillon zambien de la Minuar. Une partie de l'équipe tente de soigner les blessés transportés par les Casques bleus dans cette caserne. Une autre partie décide de se rendre dans la deuxième caserne de la Minuar, celle des Australiens.
Obligés de finir le trajet à pied, car la route est recouverte de corps empilés sur toute sa largeur, ils marchent sur les cadavres d'hommes, de femmes et d'enfants. Durant le temps qu'ils vont passer dans cet endroit, ils entendent successivement des tirs sporadiques, des rafales courtes, enfin une fusillade intense et continue.
Selon les témoignages de ceux qui sont restés dans la première caserne, les tirs reprennent vers 14 heures 30 et continuent plusieurs heures. Des soldats rwandais, montés sur le mur de ce bâtiment, tirent de là sur la foule, indifférents à la présence des Casques bleus et des gens de Msf. Les Casques bleus (qui ont reçu de leur commandement à Kigali l'ordre de ne pas utiliser leurs armes) disent que l'Apr utilise des mini lance-roquettes (RPG), des grenades et des kalachnikovs.
Les secouristes Msf essaient à plusieurs reprises de sortir avec une escorte de militaires zambiens mais, à chaque fois, ils doivent rebrousser chemin à cause des tirs. " Avant cette longue série de tirs, il y avait encore des centaines de personnes qui étaient rassemblées sur la route de Butare, prêtes à partir.
Quand les tirs ont cessé et qu'on a pu sortir, il n'y avait plus personne debout, tous fauchés. " En fin d'après-midi, les Australiens évacuent les volontaires de leur caserne et récupèrent ceux qui étaient restés bloqués dans la caserne zambienne. Autour du camp de la Minuar, le sol est recouvert de morts et de blessés, de nombreux cadavres sont visibles plus loin sur la colline » (…).
3) Pour le massacre des élèves du Groupe Scolaire de MURAMBA dans la nuit du 27 au 28/04/1997, j’ai annexé le communiqué n°12/1997 daté du 20/05/1997 du CLIIR dans les documents décrivant les massacres que nous allons commémorer au Mémorial le mercredi 22/04/2009.
Voici comment les faits se seraient déroulés d’après certaines autorités rwandaises:
Une bande de personnes armées de fusils s’est introduite dans l’Ecole secondaire d’Economie et de Commerce sise à TETERO après avoir fait une brèche dans la clôture près des dortoirs des élèves. Cette bande se serait divisée en trois (3) groupes:
Le premier groupe aurait attaqué la position militaire tenu par un détachement de l’APR chargé de la sécurité de l’Ecole. Le second groupe a attaqué et tué directement les élèves au dortoir de l’Ecole Normale Primaire sise à RABA (la colline de Raba est située à 800 mètres environ en face de l’Ecole des filles de Tetero).
Le troisième groupe a pris et obligé la Soeur Directrice de l’Ecole de TETERO d’aller leur montrer où logeait Mlle Griet BOSMANS, Directrice de l’Ecole voisine (Ecole Normale Primaire de RABA). Cette dernière a été tuée après avoir donné aux tueurs tout l’argent qu’elle avait, tandis que l’autre Directrice a été relâchée et fut retrouvée le lendemain. Jusqu’au 29 avril 1997, cette Directrice qui s’appelle Soeur Marie de l’Annonciation (de la congrégation des soeurs Benebikira) était encore incapable de raconter ce qui s’était passé.
Voici le témoignage du Lt Abdul RUZIBIZA sur le massacre des élèves de Muramba
et sur l’assassinat de la directrice belge Griet BOSMANS par l’APR :
D’après le témoignage du Lieutenant Abdul RUZIBIZA qui raconte à la page 403 de son livre « Rwanda, l’histoire secrète » (Edit. Panama à Paris octobre 2005), l’assassinat de Mlle Griet BOSMANS par l’Armée Patriotique Rwandaise (APR) est décrit dans ces termes :
« La nuit du 27 au 28 avril 1997, Mme Griet Bosmans, originaire de la Belgique et alors directrice de l’école secondaire de Muramba dans la commune de Satinsyi, a péri avec 17 de ses élèves et 4 autres personnes sous les balles des militaires du 9è bataillon qui avaient été envoyés par le lieutenant John CASSIUS et étaient dirigés par le sergent Camille ZUBA, en compagnie de 15 soldats du peloton spécial qui était affecté à la sous-préfecture de Ngororero.
Il y avait là deux compagnies du 9è bataillon, l’une était dirigée par le capitaine Eugène Rukundo et l’autre par le capitaine Christopher Rwibogora. Entre les deux compagnies, il y avait une distance de deux minutes à pied. Il y avait également une troisième compagnie non loin de là, celle du capitaine Steven Rukara.
Aucun de ces militaires n’a bougé pour secourir la directrice et le groupe qui l’accompagnait. La DMI soupçonnait Griet Bosmans de livrer des informations sur les atrocités de l’APR au ministre de l’Intérieur, Seth SENDASHONGA. En outre, la DMI croyait qu’elle mettait des mouvements d’action catholique au courant de ce qui se passait au Rwanda. C’est pourquoi elle a été tuée ».
4) Quant à l’assassinat du journaliste Appolo Hakizimana, voir CLIIR, communiqué n° 11/1997 du 21/05/1997 intitulé: « Rwanda: Assassinat du journaliste Hakizimana Appolo dans la soirée du 27/04/1997 par un «escadron de la mort » à Kigali.
En voici un petit extrait : « Dimanche, le 27 avril 1997 vers 21h, HAKIZIMANA Appolo, et sa cousine rentraient chez eux à MUMENA, secteur Nyamirambo, commune Nyarugenge, Préfecture de la Ville de Kigali (PVK). Tout près de leur domicile, dans un petit restaurant tenu par une dame connu sous le surnom de “Maman KEZA” sont sortis deux personnes portant de longs manteaux et des chapeaux, accompagnés par cette dame, propriétaire du Restaurant. Ils se dirigeaient en sens inverse, vers le journaliste HAKIZIMANA Appolo et sa cousine.
Mama KEZA a aussitôt rebroussé chemin, tandis que les deux individus “non encore identifiés” se sont retournés pour suivre Appolo et sa cousine qu’ils venaient de croiser. Ils ont arrêté HAKIZIMANA Appolo. L’un d’eux lui a immobilisé les bras, tandis que le second a obstrué sa bouche par la main avant de lui tirer deux balles au niveau de l’oreille ».
Pour la SOCIRWA (Société Civile Rwandaise),
MATATA Joseph, Coordinateur du CLIIR
Contacts : CLIIR : 0476.701.569,
COSAR :0488477363,
SAVE-Rwanda :0487624768
Centre de Lutte contre l'Impunitéet l'Injustice au Rwanda (CLIIR)
Boulevard Léopold II, n°2271080 BRUXELLES
Tél/Fax: 32.81.60.11.13GSM: 32.476.70.15.69
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Sunday, April 19, 2009
NDLR: Remember: Raila Odinga suggested military intervention in Zimbabwe while Paul Kagame suggested military intervention in Kenya.
Concerning Rwanda :
In a stern warning to the Rwandan dictator Paul Kagame: all options are on the table if he refuses to comply with the Rwandan opposition and international demands to blatantly rig the 2010 elections.
The 2010 polls in Rwanda promise to be different from the 2003 ones. No candidate is officially known but there is little doubt about president Paul Kagame running for another term, as the Constitution allows him to do so.
There is also little doubt about opposition leader Victoire Ingabire’s ambitions. For her, things are yet to go through bureaucratic and administrative procedures that might pose serious problems.
She has first to back to the country she left 15 years ago, and where those she fights politically are the masters of the land. Ingabire seems to have started her European campaign. She is going from one conference to another.
From one lecture to another. International media are dedicating long reports on her, which is rather making her popular at least among the Rwandan diaspora and the Westerners.
But these will not take part in the election! She will have to conquer the Rwandan populations inside Rwanda, a country she describes as a land of anguish and repression.
This video report is about the lecture she held on 15 April 2009 at the University of Leiden in the Netherlands. She was invited by the United Nations Students Association to discuss Rwanda’s history and politics, as well as her presidential ambitions.
Concerning Rwanda :
In a stern warning to the Rwandan dictator Paul Kagame: all options are on the table if he refuses to comply with the Rwandan opposition and international demands to blatantly rig the 2010 elections.
It is time to say it clear !
Victoire's lecture held on 15 April 2009 at the University of Leiden in the Netherlands.
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Watch : Victoire competently answering the questions
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Watch : Victoire competently answering the questions
***
The 2010 polls in Rwanda promise to be different from the 2003 ones. No candidate is officially known but there is little doubt about president Paul Kagame running for another term, as the Constitution allows him to do so.
There is also little doubt about opposition leader Victoire Ingabire’s ambitions. For her, things are yet to go through bureaucratic and administrative procedures that might pose serious problems.
She has first to back to the country she left 15 years ago, and where those she fights politically are the masters of the land. Ingabire seems to have started her European campaign. She is going from one conference to another.
From one lecture to another. International media are dedicating long reports on her, which is rather making her popular at least among the Rwandan diaspora and the Westerners.
But these will not take part in the election! She will have to conquer the Rwandan populations inside Rwanda, a country she describes as a land of anguish and repression.
This video report is about the lecture she held on 15 April 2009 at the University of Leiden in the Netherlands. She was invited by the United Nations Students Association to discuss Rwanda’s history and politics, as well as her presidential ambitions.
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
Saturday, April 18, 2009
Mme Ségolène Royal a présenté des excuses à José Luis Zapatero pour des propos attribués au président de la République Nicolas Sarkozy qui aurait qualifié le chef du gouvernerment espagnol, selon "Libération", d'homme "peut-être pas très intelligent".L'Elysée n'a fait "aucun commentaire".
Mme Segolène Royal, prête à diriger la France en Grand.
***
Tel père, telle fille.
***
Ce n'est p as par hasard que Mme Ségolène Royal est prête mais encore elle est déterminée à diriger la France en Grand. Tel père telle fille. Vous souvenez-vous de son père le Général Florian Royal?
Selon son site Désirs d'avenir, Ségolène Royal "a écrit à José Luis Zapatero pour lui présenter des excuses contre les propos injurieux tenus par Nicolas Sarkozy".
"Elle lui a assuré que ces propos n'engageaient ni la France, ni les Français" et l'a aussi assuré de "toute sa considération" pour ses "réformes courageuses" et son comportement éthique "modèle", poursuit le communiqué mis en ligne samedi sur le site.
Il souligne que la présidente socialiste de la région Poitou-Charentes "estime qu'exercer le mandat de président de la République impose un devoir de maîtrise de son langage et de son comportement afin de ne pas porter atteinte aux intérêts de la France".
Ségolène Royal réagissait aux propos attribués par le quotidien "Libération" à Nicolas Sarkozy à l'occasion d'un déjeuner réunissant des parlementaires de toutes tendances mercredi à l'Elysée. Au cours de ce déjeuner, le président aurait déclaré au sujet de José Luis Zapatero: "Il n'est peut-être pas très intelligent".
Joint par l'Associated Press, l'Elysée a de nouveau démenti samedi ces propos, qualifiés d'"allégations de 'Libération'", et n'a fait "aucun commentaire" sur les excuses présentées par Ségolène Royal.
De son côté, le porte-parole de l'UMP Frédéric Lefebvre a jugé "scandaleuse" l'attitude de "Libération", qui "en colportant une fausse information, contribue à abîmer l'image de notre pays". Quant à Ségolène Royal, il a estimé qu'elle "a vraiment besoin d'une aide psychologique". "Madame Royal, qui a le pardon facile, serait bien inspirée de s'excuser au nom de 'Libération'", déclare également le porte-parole de l'UMP.
"Mme Royal sombre à la fois dans le ridicule et déshonore notre pays. Cette idée de se flageller toutes les semaines sur la scène internationale pour des fautes imaginaires n'a pas de sens", a affirmé pour sa part sur France-2 le secrétaire d'Etat à l'Outre-mer Yves Jégo.
"Elle vient d'inventer, après la 'bravitude', la 'ridiculitude'", a également déclaré Yves Jégo sur France-Info.
La candidate socialiste à la dernière présidentielle avait déjà déclenché la polémique, lors d'une visite au Sénégal, en demandant "pardon" aux Africains le 6 avril pour le discours de Nicolas Sarkozy prononcé en juillet 2007 à Dakar, lors duquel le président français avait déclaré que "l'homme africain n'est pas assez entré dans l'histoire".
***
"Elle lui a assuré que ces propos n'engageaient ni la France, ni les Français" et l'a aussi assuré de "toute sa considération" pour ses "réformes courageuses" et son comportement éthique "modèle", poursuit le communiqué mis en ligne samedi sur le site.
Il souligne que la présidente socialiste de la région Poitou-Charentes "estime qu'exercer le mandat de président de la République impose un devoir de maîtrise de son langage et de son comportement afin de ne pas porter atteinte aux intérêts de la France".
Ségolène Royal réagissait aux propos attribués par le quotidien "Libération" à Nicolas Sarkozy à l'occasion d'un déjeuner réunissant des parlementaires de toutes tendances mercredi à l'Elysée. Au cours de ce déjeuner, le président aurait déclaré au sujet de José Luis Zapatero: "Il n'est peut-être pas très intelligent".
Joint par l'Associated Press, l'Elysée a de nouveau démenti samedi ces propos, qualifiés d'"allégations de 'Libération'", et n'a fait "aucun commentaire" sur les excuses présentées par Ségolène Royal.
De son côté, le porte-parole de l'UMP Frédéric Lefebvre a jugé "scandaleuse" l'attitude de "Libération", qui "en colportant une fausse information, contribue à abîmer l'image de notre pays". Quant à Ségolène Royal, il a estimé qu'elle "a vraiment besoin d'une aide psychologique". "Madame Royal, qui a le pardon facile, serait bien inspirée de s'excuser au nom de 'Libération'", déclare également le porte-parole de l'UMP.
"Mme Royal sombre à la fois dans le ridicule et déshonore notre pays. Cette idée de se flageller toutes les semaines sur la scène internationale pour des fautes imaginaires n'a pas de sens", a affirmé pour sa part sur France-2 le secrétaire d'Etat à l'Outre-mer Yves Jégo.
"Elle vient d'inventer, après la 'bravitude', la 'ridiculitude'", a également déclaré Yves Jégo sur France-Info.
La candidate socialiste à la dernière présidentielle avait déjà déclenché la polémique, lors d'une visite au Sénégal, en demandant "pardon" aux Africains le 6 avril pour le discours de Nicolas Sarkozy prononcé en juillet 2007 à Dakar, lors duquel le président français avait déclaré que "l'homme africain n'est pas assez entré dans l'histoire".
***
The Truth can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed. ==> Wolverine
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